¹ ‘Josquin at Ferrara: New Documents and Letters’, Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference, New York, 21–25 June 1971, ed. Lowinsky, E. E. (London, 1976), esp. pp. 118–21.Google Scholar The following abbreviations are used in this article: ASM = Archivio di Stato di Modena; ASMt = Archivio di Stato di Mantova; LASP = Libri di Amministrazione dei Singoli Principi; CTPE = Carteggio tra Principi Estensi.

² (a) ‘Willaert, Adrian’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, S., 20 vols. (London, 1980), xx, pp. 421–8Google Scholar; (b) ‘Jean Mouton and Jean Michel: New Evidence on French Music and Musicians in Italy, 1505–1520‘, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 32 (1979), pp. 191–246Google Scholar; (c) ‘Musicisti a Ferrara all'epoca di Ariosto’, L. Ariosto, laa musica, i musicisti, Quaderni della Rivista Italiana di Musicologia 5 (1981), p. 16.Google Scholar

³ Zarlino was born in Chioggia about 1517 and seems to have received his early training there. In 1539 he became a deacon of the Cathedral of Chioggia. His move to Venice took place in 1541, as we know from his later Sopplimenti musicali, 1589, viii, 13, p. 96Google Scholar, and his first relationship to Willaert is attested in the Dimostrationi armoniche, Rag. i, p. 11.Google Scholar

⁴ In the Dimostrationi, p. 8, Zarlino makes Willaert say that Zarlino should set forth his views on music-theoretical matters: ‘Lo dovete fare per ogni modo: perché ancora io non mi ricordo troppo bene queste cose; se bene essendo giovane le udí nel studio di Pariggi; quando mi diedi al studio delle Legge Imperiali.’ (‘You should do so by all means, for I no longer remember these things very well, even though, when I was young, I heard them at the University of Paris, when I applied myself to the study of Imperial law.’) Later, Desiderio, a participant in the dialogue, says (p. 11): ‘Voi siete stato in Pariggi Messer Adriano per quello che havete già detto.’ Adriano: ‘Fui, & incominciai a studiare; ma Iddio ha voluto, che io insegno Musica alla fine.’ (‘You have been in Paris, master Adriano, from what you have said;’ Adriano: ‘I was, and I began to study; but God willed that, in the end, I should teach music.’)

⁵ Istitutioni harmoniche, 1558 edn, part iv, chapter 36, p. 346. In the 1589 edition, the wording differs slightly but the story is exactly the same.

⁶ Lenaerts, R. B., ‘Voor de biographie van Adriaen Willaert’, Hommage à Charles van den Barren: mélanges, ed. Clercx-Lejeune, S. and van der Linden, A. (Antwerp, 1945), pp. 205–15.Google Scholar

⁷ Document 1 was included in my earlier study in Josquin des Prez, but is given here again for the sake of completeness. The other documents published here are previously unknown to scholarship.

⁸ See Lockwood, , ‘Jean Mouton and Jean Michel’, pp. 217–19.Google Scholar The letter from Manfredi published there, dated 9 October 1514, shows varied aspects oflppolito's musical interests – in three-voice chansons ‘which I am sure will please you even if its composer is an Italian’; in recruitment of singers; and in competition with his fellow prelates at Rome.

⁹ See Document 2g for payment to Willaert for clothing for the forthcoming trip to Hungary. Ippolito had been in Hungary also in 1512–13, but not otherwise after 1494.

¹⁰ ‘A me. per esser stato contumace/ di non voler Agria veder ne Buda,/ che si ritoglia il suo sì non mi spiace/ …. come/ che da l'amor e grazia sua mi escluda/ che senza fede e senza amor mi nome’ (lines 127–9, 131–3). For text and translation see Ariosto: Satire e lettere, ed. Segre, C. (Turin, 1976), p. 10Google Scholar; and Wiggins, P., The Satires of Ludovico Ariosto (Athens, Ohio, 1976), pp. 12f.Google Scholar

¹¹ For the citation from Jacques de Meyere, see Lenaerts, R. B., ‘Notes sur Adrian Willaert’, Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome, 15 (1935), pp. 107ff.Google Scholar

¹² See Zolnay, L., ‘Data on the Musical Life of Buda in the Late Middle Ages‘, Studia Musicologica, 9 (1967). pp. 99–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Though it lacks documentation for its references to Willaert's presence in Hungary, Zolnay's essay shows that this presence ranks as an established fact in Hungarian musical scholarship on the period. This is interesting, in view of the absence of all knowledge of the matter in Willaert scholarship and Western Renaissance musicology altogether until now. It suggests that the study of eastern European source material, primary and secondary, is badly needed by Western scholars. On Stoltzer see The New Grove Dictionary, xviii, p. 170.Google Scholar

¹³ This wedding has been called by a recent scholar ‘the most familiar event in Polish cultural history’; see Lewalski, K. F., ‘Sigismund I of Poland: Renaissance King and Patron’, Studies in the Renaissance, 14 (1967), p. 49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar That Ippolito attended the wedding was explicitly reported by the writer of the anonymous Vita …. Ippolito I (see note 19), pp. 2 If, who writes as if he was an eye-witness and makes clear that Ippolito was accompanied by his entire court, arriving at Cracow on 15 April 1518 and remaining for fifteen days of festivities. Zolnay, , ‘Data on the Musical Life of Buda’, p. 100Google Scholar, gives the wrong date, 1516, for the wedding and says, evidently in error, that Ippolito accompanied Bona to her wedding.

¹⁴ Lenaerts's data came from ASM, Bolletta de' Salariati, 1522–5; and ASM, LASP, Cardinale Ippolito II, Reg. di Amm., Razonero I, 1521–9. Between 1484 and 1521 the registers of the Bolletta de' Salariati contain, in fact, little or no material on salaries of musicians, because in 1484 they were transferred into the military registers (Memoriale del Soldo). This reflects the alteration of the personnel status of the chapel when war broke out between Ferrara and Venice in the early 1480s. This is why the Soldo registers are the chief source of information on musicians at the court during these years, including the period of Josquin and Obrecht (1503–5). Starting in 1522, however, the musicians are once more listed in the Bolletta. See Lockwood, ‘Musicisti a Ferrara all'epoca di Ariosto’, pp.1 If.

¹⁵ See Documents 8–10 for his service with Alfonso, as listed in the Boleta del Soldo (still the military series) for 1520. The only register preserved for 1521 has no musicians. But Adriano's name turns up again in 1522, with the indication of change of record-keeping: ‘Adriano Cantore/ Messo in Camera adì primo de febraio’ (1522), at the usual salary of 9 LM per month.

¹⁶ Adriano's salary remained at the surprisingly low figure of 9 LM per month until he left for Venice in 1527, despite his increasing fame. Compare these musicians' monthly salaries under Alfonso in 1522: Agostino della Viola, 27 LM; Jannes Pezenin, Zoanne Michele and Zoane Grivion, all 18 LM; Antonio dell'Organo and Maistre Jhan, 15 LM; Adrian Willaert, 9 LM; Bressan Cantore, Simon Cantore and Francesco di Lorena cantore, all 7 LM.

¹⁷ See Document 4.

¹⁸ Lowinsky, E., ‘Music in Titian's Bacchanal of the Andrians: Origin and History of the Canon per tonos’, Titian: his World and his Legacy, ed. Rosand, D. (New York, 1982), pp. 191–282.Google Scholar

¹⁹ There is no modern biography of Ippolito I comparable to that of Ippolito ii by Pacifici, a gap partly compensated for by the vivid accounts given by Bacchelli, R., La congiura di don Giulio d'Este (2nd edn, Verona, 1958)Google Scholar; M.Catalano, , Vita di Ludovko Ariosto, 2 vols. (Geneva. 1930–1931)Google Scholar; and Chiappini, L., Gli Estensi (Varese, 1967).Google Scholar An important source, apparently written by a contemporary yet containing the date 1578 within its text, is the anonymous Vita del Cardinale Ippolito I d'Este scritta da un anonimo (Milan, 1834Google Scholar, with annotations by G. Antonelli). The importance of this biography was pointed out by. among others, Andrea Ostoja in a review of Morselli's article on Ippolito's 1487 journey; see Ferrara Viva, 1/ii (1959), pp. 11If.Google Scholar Of considerable value too are the articles on Ippolito i, drawn from his account books in ASM, by Nyary, A., in Szazadok, 1870, 1872, 1874Google Scholar (in Hungarian). Also worth mentioning are Gerevich, T., ‘Ippolito I d'Este, Arcivesrovo di Strigonia’, Cortina (1921), pp. 48–52Google Scholar; and Marcora, C., ‘II Cardinale Ippolito I d'Este, Arcivescovo di Milano’, Memorie Storiche della Diocese di Milano, 5 (1958), pp. 325–520.Google Scholar Badly needed is a special study of Ippolito, against the background of both Ferrarese history and the competitive world of the cardinals of his time; a beginning has been made by D. S. Chambers and by Barbara McClung Hallman.

²⁰ On the arrangements for Ippolito's appointment see Berzeviczy, K., Beatrice d'Aragona (Milan, 1931), pp. 173ff.Google Scholar The previous incumbent as Archbishop of Esztergom had been Giovanni d'Aragona, who died in 1485. Lodovico il Moro asked for the benefice for Ascanio Sforza, but Matthias Corvina had promised it to Beatrice for her nephew Ippolito. probably in compensation for his having named a bastard son as his successor, since Beatrice was childless and no legitimate heir was in sight. The Pope at first refused to name a child to such a post, but Matthias held firm, arguing that he was asking for nothing that had not been granted to other sovereigns. Ascanio was compensated in turn with a Hungarian abbey (see Berzeviczy, p. 178).

²¹ See Picotti, G. B., La giovinezza di Leone X (Milan, 1928), pp. 67–169Google Scholar, for a full picture of Leo's early acquisition of benefices. By 1483 the young Medici heir, aged seven, was Archbishop of Aix and had many other benefices in Tuscany.

²² See the Vita …. Ippolito I, pp. 13f.

²³ See Catalano, , Vita di Ludovico Ariosto, I, pp. 187–92.Google Scholar The account books oflppolito l include a ‘Libro del Pane’ of 1517 (ASM, LASP, Ippolito I, Reg. 804) which lists the dependants of that year as follows: 56 in first listing (including courtiers); 50 more under ‘Piatto' (privileged to sit at table)’, 29 more under ‘Tinello’ (that is, servants' dining area), and a group of seven under the charge of a certain Julio de Grandi. This totals 142 dependants at Ferrara in 1517.

²⁴ ‘e di poeta cavallar me feo’; for Ariosto's service and his fellow musicians see Lockwood, ‘Musicisti a Ferrara all'epoca di Ariosto’.

²⁵ Castiglione's letters, of which vol. I has recently been published for the first time in a reliable text as Baldassare Castiglione: le lettere, ed. Rocca, G. La (Verona, 1978)Google Scholar, show that Castiglione was indeed on a familiar footing with Ippolito. They also show that in 1507–8 Castiglione was embarrassed by a debt to Ippolito that he was unable to repay. Most revealing is a much later letter of 23 June 1520 (no. 417), in which Castiglione refers to the flattering passage in the Cortigiano, apparently in answer to a letter from Ippolito.

²⁶ See Bacchelli, , La congiura di don Giulio d'Este, pp. 341fGoogle Scholar, on the relationship of Ippolito and Alfonso.

²⁷ Vita …. Ippolito I, pp. 25f.

²⁸ ASM, Documenti spettanti a Principi Estensi, B. 387, document 2037–viii. This disposition of his property follows a concession granted by Leo x, giving him the right to dispose of his holdings in his own will (ensuring, in effect, that the papacy would not try to reclaim his posts). See the same fondo, B. 386, for a chronology of Ippolito l's life; also a papal breve (Doc. 2037–iv/5) giving Alfonso I the right to obtain the worldly goods and income of Ippolito I at his death. There cannot be much doubt that Ippolito's death increased Alfonso's wealth considerably.

²⁹ For this celebrated remark, whatever its authenticity, see almost any commentary on Ariosto, including Gardner, E. G., Ariosto: King of Court Poets (London, 1906), p. 123.Google Scholar

³⁰ On the entourage that went with him in 1487 see Morselli, A., ‘Ippolito I e il suo primo viaggio in Ungheria’, Atti e Memorie dell'Accademia di Scienze Lettere ed Arti di Modena, ser. v, 15 (1957), pp. 196–271, esp. pp. 215 and 252 on musicians.Google Scholar The group included Johannes Martini.

³¹ ‘Essendo desideroso d'havere qualche cosa bona de Seraphino prego V. S. Illustrissima che ne voglia fare copiare alcuni delli soi strambotti et qualche altra cosa zentile che'l habia composto novamente et mandarmeli qua.’ ASMt, Archivio Gonzaga, B. 1187. The other letters on music of 1500 are in b. 1188. For an important recent contribution to our understanding of the patronage of Italian secular music at Ferrara at this time, see Prizer, W. F., ‘Isabella d'Este and Lucrezia Borgia as Patrons of Music: the Frottola at Mantua and Ferrara’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 38 (1985), pp. 1–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³² ASM, CTPE, b. 140 has, for example, a letter from don Julio to Ippolito of 5 March 1498 on fra Pietro Cantore (Doc. 1693–hm/3).

³³ ASM, Guardaroba, Mem. d (1516), fol. 43^v and fol. 106. More on Afranio is found in Catalano, Vita di Ludovico Ariosto, i, passim. The inventory of 1520 is from ASM, LASP, Reg. 816, fol. 125.

³⁴ Belfiore was one of the most elaborate of the various palaces built by the Este family as retreats or hunting lodges. For an extended description of its rooms and fresco cycles, all of which have disappeared, see Arienti, G. Sabadino degli, ‘De triumphis religionis’, ed. Gundersheimer, W., Art and Life at the Court of Ercole 1 d'Este (Geneva, 1972), pp. 22–4 and 67–71.Google Scholar

³⁵ These examples partly elaborate Paolo Cortese's references in 1510 (De cardinalatu) to be a ‘cubiculum musicae’ in an ideal palace. See Pirrotta, N., ‘Rom’, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Blume, F., 16 vols. (Kassel, 1949–1979), xi, col. 702.Google Scholar Pirrotta later expressed some doubts on this point in Journal of the American Musicological Society, 19 (1966), p. 156Google Scholar, but I believe there is a basis for the assumption that music was performed both in banquet rooms and in the more private quarters represented by the music room.

³⁶ ASM. CTPE. b. 136/10.

³⁷ See Brown, H. M., ‘A Cook's Tour of Ferrara in 1529’, Rivista Italiana di Muskologia, 10 (1975), pp. 216–41Google Scholar, where it is noted that Afranio played for one of the courses in the great banquet described by Messisbugo.

³⁸ See Mosti, in Solerti, A., ‘La vita Ferrarese nella prima metà del secolo XVI’, Atti e Memorie delta R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Provincie di Romagna, ser. iii. 10 (1891–1892), p. 182.Google Scholar

³⁹ ASM, CTPE, b. 138/10.

⁴⁰ Willaert's Mass is found in Rome, Cappella Sistina, MS 16, which dates from the period of Leo x. Interestingly enough, the same codex contains Fevin's setting, along with three other works by Fevin. It also contains the Josquin motet Benedicta es, which was also used as a model by a number of composers, including Hesdin; this work is attributed to Willaert in one source but is probably not by him: the long-time Ferrarese copyist Jean Michel deserves credence so far as Willaert's works are concerned, and he ascribes it to Hesdin in Modena, Biblioteca Estense, MS a n. 1,2.

⁴¹ See Lockwood, , ‘A View of the Early Sixteenth-century Parody Mass’, Queens College Twenty-fifth Anniversary Festschrift (1937–1962), ed. Mell, A. (New York, 1964), pp. 53–78.Google Scholar See also Lockwood, , ‘On “Parody” as Term and Concept in 16th-century Music’, Aspects of Medieval and Renaissance Music: a Birthday Offering to Gustave Reese, ed. LaRue, J. (New York, 1966), pp. 560–75.Google Scholar

⁴² See The New Grove Dictionary, xx, p. 426Google Scholar, for these motets.

⁴³ Private communication.

⁴⁴ Lowinsky, E., ‘Adrian Willaert's Chromatic Duo Re-examined’, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 18/i (1956), pp. 1–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁵ ‘La Courone et fleur des chansons a troys: a Mirror of the French Chanson in Italy in the years between Ottaviano Petrucci and Antonio Gardane’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 26 (1973), pp. 1–68.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Published in Lowinsky, , ed., Josquin des Prez, p. 119.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ This is certainly Josquin Doro, in Ippolito's service until 1520, then a papal singer; see Lowinsky, , ed., Josquin des Prez, p. 120Google Scholar and notes 54 and 55.

⁴⁸ It is clear from its contents, though not its heading, that this register belonged to Ippolito and not Alfonso.

⁴⁹ If this is the young Cristóbal de Morales, unlikely as that may seem, it would be the earliest known date for him in Italy, and for his career altogether.

⁵⁰ On Coglia, see Lockwood, , ‘Josquin at Ferrara’, pp. 110ff.Google Scholar