¹ Vitry’s historiography maintained a virtually continuous tradition, starting in the fourteenth century, encouraged by the followers of Petrarch and others. For the early period see Bent, M. and Wathey, A., ‘Vitry, Philippe de’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London, 2001), xxvi, pp. 804–5Google Scholar and bibliography. For the antiquarians, see, for example, F. Blanchard, Les généalogies des maîtres des requêtes ordinaires de l’hôtel du roi (Paris, 1670), p. 71; Pierre Janvier’s ‘Les fastes et annales des évéques de Meaux’, 1684, in Meaux, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 79; le Boef, Abbé, ‘Recherches sur les plus anciennes traductions en langue françoise’, Mémoires de littérature tirés des registres de l’Académie royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 28 (1741–3), pp. 311–402Google Scholar, at p. 384; Marchand, P., Dictionaire historique, ou Memoires critiques et litteraires, concernant la vie et les ouvrages de divers personnages distingués, particulièrement dans la République des lettres (The Hague, 1759), ii, pp. 305–8Google Scholar. The modern tradition begins with P. Tarbé, Les oeuvres de Philippe de Vitry (Reims, 1850).

² Coville, A., ‘Philippe de Vitri: Notes biographiques’, Romania, 59 (1933), pp. 520–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 531, 538.

³ For example Zayaruznaya, A., The Monstrous New Art: Divided Forms in the Late Medieval Motet (New York and Cambridge, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Plumley, Y., The Art of Grafted Song: Citation and Allusion in the Age of Machaut (New York and Oxford, 2013CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Butterfield, A., The Familiar Enemy: Chaucer, Language, and Nation in the Hundred Years War (Oxford, 2013Google Scholar).

⁴ See C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica medii aevi (Munich, 1913), i, p. 334, and Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, pp. 538 ff. He was succeeded by Jean Royer, Cantor of Rouen Cathedral, provided to Meaux on 6 September 1361. Renaud Chauvel, another royal servant with Bourbon connections, was promoted to the see of Châlon-sur-Saône on the same day (Eubel, i, p. 152; J. Madignier, Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae 15: Diocèse de Châlon-sur-Saône (Turnhout, 2016), pp. 130–2).

⁵ See Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, pp. 529–30; AN, U 2013, fols. 382^v–383, restraining actions against him until the quindena of Easter (9 May); see Appendix, no. 1 below. For the earlier mission, which Vitry undertook with Guillaume Durand, canon of Paris, relating to the French king’s interest in a case affecting two of Clement VI’s kinsmen, Guillaume Roger, Comte de Beaufort, and Guillaume Roger, Vicomte de Turenne, see Clément VI, 1342–1352: Lettres closes, patentes et curiales se rapportant à la France, ed. E. Déprez, Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, sér. 3/3 (Paris, 1959), iii, p. 111 (no. 4638).

⁶ On the day of Vitry’s promotion petitions for his canonries at Beauvais, Soissons and St Omer, and semi-prebend at Notre Dame, Paris, were received respectively for Joffrido Marcel, Denis Boudard, Jean Braque and Jean des Essarts (ASV, RS 22, fols. 211^v, 216^v); his canonry at Meaux was also granted to Marcel (ASV, RA 111, fols. 194^v–195; RV 199, fol. 121^r–v). Graces for benefices in Vitry’s gift were granted respectively to Bohic on 3 January, Stephanus de Channoti on 5 January, and Simon Oleari on 28 March (RA 112, fols. 239, 294 and 357). Vitry acted as Bohic’s executor for a canonry at Angers in June 1342 (RA 57, fols. 380^v–381).

⁷ BAV, MS Borgh. 125, fol. 107. The royal mandate is in AN, PP109, p. 350; Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 5261, fol. 110. For Bonnet see AN JJ, fol. 358^v, Monpellier, January 1351, and for the clerical tenth ASV, RV 203, fol. 145^r, and RV 211, fol. 169^r.

⁸ Letters conservatory appointing panels for Vitry are RA 120A, fol. 544^v (25 October 1352; 24 September in the copy in RV 213, fol. 254^r) and RA 123, fol. 102 (3 June 1353); for those appointing Vitry see RA 113, fol. 108 (7 February 1351) and RA 119, fol. 32^r (13 November 1351). Le Coq also renewed Vitry’s appointment five years later: RA 133, fol. 155^v (26 April 1356). For the episcopal estate see also P. Parfouru, Compte du temporel de l’évêché de Meaux (1425–1426) (Paris, 1900).

⁹ Vitry was styled ‘maitre’ / ‘magister’, reflecting a legal role, in French royal documents from 1328 onwards (AN, KK 2, fol. 191^v; J. Viard, ‘Gages des officiers royaux vers 1329’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 51 (1890), pp. 238–67; KK 5, fols. 228, 234; J. Viard, Les journaux du Trésor de Philippe VI de Valois, suivis de l’Ordinarium thesauri de 1338–1339 (Paris, 1899), pp. 879, 904, 926 (nos. 5338, 5339, 5604, 5901).

¹⁰ For Vitry’s service with successive dukes of Bourbon, see Wathey, A., ‘European Culture and Musical Politics at the Court of Cyprus’, in Günther, U. and Finscher, L. (eds.), The Cypriot-French Repertory of the Manuscript Torino J.II.9 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1995), pp. 33–54Google Scholar. Vitry acted as executor for papal letters conferring benefices on Cardinal Guy de Boulogne’s clerk Egidius de Maudétour in 1344 and his chaplain and chamberlain Durand Cornuti in 1345 (ASV, RA 79, fols. 324^v–325^v, 487), and in the same capacity for Guy’s conferral of a benefice on Jean de Saint-Aubin in 1343 (RA 71, fol. 186^r–v); the Cardinal or his clerks were involved in exchanges of benefices by Vitry in 1346, 1347 and 1350 (Berlière, U., Suppliques de Clément VI (1342–1352): Textes et analyses, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, 1 (Brussels and Rome, 1906), pp. 245–6Google Scholar (971); ASV, RS 15, fol. 173^v; RS 22, fol. 139^v).

¹¹ Contrary to Cazelles, R., Société politique, noblesse et couronne sous Jean le Bon et Charles V, Mémoires et Documents Publiés par la Société de l’École des Chartes, 28 (Paris, 1982), p. 401Google Scholar, which credits Vitry with three attendances at the Conseil in 1361. Cazelles’s analyses of attendance at Jean’s Conseil were based on mentions of its members in the extra sigillum clauses of letters in the registers of the French royal chancery, now AN, JJ 80–95, and elsewhere (ibid., pp. 108–16). While it is possible that further such letters were known to Cazelles, those in these registers postdate 9 June 1361, the date of Vitry’s death, and thus clearly refer to his successor, Jean Royer (cf. JJ 89, fol. 341^v (no. 713), September 1361, citing ‘l’esleu de Meaux’, September 1361; JJ 93, fols. 56^v–57^v (no. 138), citing a letter of October 1361; JJ 91, fols. 97^v–98^v (no. 199), December 1361; two further such letters in AN, Z^1B 56, fol. 47, 28 October 1361, and fol. 49, 23 November 1361, also postdate Vitry’s death).

¹² For what follows, see Barralis, C., ‘Un espace urbain qui témoigne de l’évolution de la place des pouvoirs ecclésiastiques en ville: Meaux du XIIe au XVe siècle’, Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire, 86 (2008), pp. 309–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ de La Selle, X., Le service des âmes à la cour: Confesseurs et aumôniers des rois de France du XIIIe au XVe siècle, Mémoires et Documents de l’École des Chartes, 43 (Paris, 1995), p. 136Google Scholar.

¹⁴ For Jean Royer’s role see Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 467, 480; Barralis, ‘Un espace’, p. 314.

¹⁵ For the Parlement see Langlois, M., ‘[Série] X: Parlement de Paris’, Guide des recherches dans les fonds judiciaires de l’Ancien Régime (Paris, 1958), pp. 65–160Google Scholar bis. The card indexes described in Favier, J., Les Archives Nationales: État des inventaires, 5 vols. (Paris, 1985–6), ii, pp. 212–13Google Scholar facilitated the discovery of these cases. For Vitry as an officer of the Parlement, see Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, p. 524; Labat-Poussin, B., Langlois, M. and Lanhers, Y., Actes du parlement de Paris. Parlement criminel. Règne de Philippe VI de Valois. Inventaire analytique des registres X 2A 2 à 5 (Paris, 1987), pp. 372, 379Google Scholar.

¹⁶ JJ 98, fol. 192.

¹⁷ For example in the case in 1354 against Thibaut Perrichon (AN, X^2A 6, fols. 186^v–187), Appendix, no. 6 below, quoted with omissions in Génestal, R., ‘Le procès sur l’état de clerc aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles’, École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences religieuses. Rapport sommaire sur les conférences de l’exercice 1908–1909 et le programme des conférences pour l’exercice 1909–1910 (1908), pp. 1–39Google Scholar, at p. 15.

¹⁸ For example, on 11 December 1353; see X^1C 7, no. 193, Appendix, no. 4.

¹⁹ AN, X^1A 16, fol. 329; this case is also noted by Pierre Janvier, in his account of Vitry’s episcopate, in BM Meaux MS 79, p. 638.

²⁰ AN, X^1A 15, fols. 214^v–215.

²¹ Appendix, no. 3, and AN, X^1A 15, fol. 245^r–v.

²² See JJ 89, fol. 75 (no. 161) (Appendix, no. 11), a royal confirmation in October 1357 of a notarized agreement of 28 September; JJ 102, fol. 40 (and JJ 100, fol. 265^r–v) ‘Guillaume sen fouy et sen ala en un jardin au quel il fu pris par la justice de la dicte ville de Neufmoustiers et depuis pour ce quil estoit lors clerc fu renvoiez a la court du dit evesque et la fu mis en prison ou il demoura lespace de vint et deux sepmaines es fers sans gesir en lit et bien vint et huit sepmaines en autre prison sans fers en lostel du dit evesque sans ce que aucune personne [des] amis du mort ne autres en feissent aucun pourchas contra lui, et pour ce le dit evesque qui ot pitie et compassion du dit Guillaume veaut quil avoit souffert la prison longuement et quil estoit povres homs le delivra, depuis le quel tamps il sest et bien et loyalment portez sans aucun reproche.’

²³ AN, X^2A 6, fols. 331^r–v, 325^v, 385.

²⁴ AN, X^1A 16, fols. 414^v–415 (Appendix, no. 9).

²⁵ Toussaints-Du Plessis, Dom, Histoire de l’Église de Meaux, 2 vols. (Paris, 1731), ii, pp. 230–2Google Scholar, and Barralis, ‘Un espace urbain’, pp. 317–18; the document also appears in BM Meaux, MS 79, pp. 612–18, in French, copied from the cartulary of the Hospital. For the monument, see Charon, P. and Asselineau, L.-M., ‘Sépultures, pierres tombales et inscriptions dans la cathédrale Saint-Étienne de Meaux’, La Cathédrale Saint-Étienne de Meaux (Meaux, 2014), pp. 327–61Google Scholar, at pp. 334–5.

²⁶ ADSM, G 40, p. 89, an eighteenth-century inventory of the Cathedral archive, summarising a lost original: ‘Charte de M^re Philippe Eveque de Meaux et M^res du Chapitre contenant l’union de la chapellenie de Montgodefroy en la paroisse de Maisoncelle de la collation dudit seigneur Eveque de la chapellenie de Vinirel en latin de Vinirello paroisse de Jouy le Chatel en la nomination du chapitre aux grand vicariate de l’eglise de Meaux qui sont au nombre de seize, dont huit apartiennent aux Eveques et les huit autres avec audit chapitre, se reservant lesdits seigneurs Eveques et Chapitre la nomination et approbation des desservans desdits chapellenies en les dits parroisses. du mois doctobre 1356.’ For the Armentières agreement, concluded ‘apud Germigniacum in domo nostro episcopali’, see BN, MS Lat. 18355, fol. 89^v (printed with omissions in Toussaints-Du Plessis, Histoire, ii, p. 228–9).

²⁷ RV 213, fol. 326^r–v; 4 June 1354. For the licence to acquire land to the value of 40 l.p. in rent, see AN, JJ 82, fol. 102^v (no. 155) and ADSM, G 40, p. 539.

²⁸ On 1 August 1351 Vitry provided three of his servants, Robin de Orliaco, Nicholas de Ysore and Jean de Decemlibraris, to léproseries near Meaux, at Gandelu, Courtory and Dammartin-en-Goële respectively (ASV, RV 209, fol. 143^r–v, RV 211, fol. 200^r–v). He also acted as executor for grant of possession by Egidius Albornoz, created Cardinal in December 1350, of a canonry in Paris in March 1351 (RA 112, fols. 58^r, 58^v–59^r). For the two accounts, relating to payment of the 30^th in 1351–2 and in 1352–3, see ASV, Instr. Misc. 1893; Longnon, A., Recueil des historiens de la France: Pouillés de la province de Sens (Paris, 1904), pp. 457–71Google Scholar.

²⁹ Gorochov, N., Le collège de Navarre de sa fondation 1305 au début du XVe siècle 1418, Études d’histoire médiévale, 1 (Paris, 1997), pp. 20Google Scholar, 209–302. For the Théologale see Toussaints-Du Plessis, Histoire de l’Église de Meaux, ii, p. 229.

³⁰ AN, X^1A 13, fol. 259^r–v.

³¹ Toussaints-Du Plessis, Histoire de l’Église de Meaux, ii, pp. 225–7; C. Barralis, Gouverner l’Église à la fin du Moyen Âge: Évêques et évêché de Meaux (1197–1510), Ph.D. thesis, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (Paris, 2004), i, p. 384–5.

³² For Vaucemain, elevated to the bishopric of Chartres in 1349, see A. Guillois, Recherches sur les maîtres des requêtes de l’hôtel des origines à 1350 (Paris, 1909), p. 253. Denis le Grand was appointed Bishop of Senlis on 23 December 1349 and vacated this role at his death in March 1352 (Eubel, Hierarchia, i, p. 45; BAV, Borgh. 125, fols. 92^v–93 gives 28 January 1350 as the date of his servitium); see also V. Tabbagh, Fasti Ecclesiae Gallicanae 11: Diocèse de Sens (Turnhout, 2011), p. 234, where Senlis is confused with Fréjus. Denis was provided to an expectative canonry at Angers in 1329 with the support of Philip, king of Navarre and count of Evreux, and held a portion of the church of the BVM at Carentan, in the diocese of Coutances in 1332 (Jean XXII: Lettres Communes analysées d’après les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, ed. Mollat, G. et al., 16 vols. (Paris, 1904–46), viii, p. 234 (no. 45382)Google Scholar; A. Longnon, Recueil des historiens de la France: Pouillés de la province de Rouen (Paris, 1903), pp. 328–9. He held canonries at Sens and Coutances (re-granted to others on 9 January 1350; ASV, RS 21, fols. 119, 120^v), and the Treasurership of the Collegiate Church of St Frambald, Senlis, which by tradition was held by a royal chaplain and in which he was succeeded by Gace de la Buigne. Errors in the eighteenth-century edition of Gallia Christiana have been perpetuated in the modern period (including in New Grove); based mainly on a misunderstanding of the dates of his tenure as bishop, these include claims that he was the king’s confessor (for a complete list see La Selle, Le service des âmes à la cour, p. 326) and that his bishopric was granted on the personal recommendation of Jean II as king. In July 1350 he resolved a dispute between the Senlis chapter and his predecessor, Pierre de Cros; the delay in his rendering homage for his see of Senlis at the metropolitan cathedral of Reims was the subject of a letter from Jean II in October 1351 (Appendix, no. 2) and payment to Reims for his chappe was made by his executors after a reminder in June 1353 (Senlis, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS Afforty 18, pp. 437, 452, 488).

³³ ASV, RA 113, fol. 108 (7 February 1351).

³⁴ See Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 151–6.

³⁵ See Appendix, no. 7; Wathey, ‘European Culture at the Court of Cyprus’, pp. 43–4; Barralis, Gouverner l’Église, p. 129, and more generally pp. 126–34 on what follows. The letter (AN, JJ 82, fols. 220^v–221 (no. 324)) attracted attention subsequently and was cited in Carpentier’s edition of Du Cange’s Glossarium (Glossarium novum ad scriptores medii aevi, cum Latinos tum Gallicos, seu Supplementum ad auctiorem Glossarii Cangiani editionem, ed. P. Carpentier (Paris, 1766), i, p. 809, ii, p. 1130, iii, p. 980). For a concurrent dispute between the Chapter of Meaux and d’Oignon, see ADSM, G 43, p. 56. Jean d’Oignon and his wife also sold lands to Jean Rose for his hospital at Meaux (G 114, no. 1, 3 June 1351).

³⁶ Appendix no. 10.

³⁷ He was issued on 29 February with supplies by the papal chamberlain and paid the tax on his bishopric in person (‘manualiter’) in an unusual mix of Piedmont and Avignon currencies (ASV, IE 199, fol. 59^v; Hoberg, H., Die Einnahmen der apostolischen Kammer unter Innozenz VI, 2 vols., Vatikanische Quellen zur Geschichte der Päpstlichen Hof- und Finanzverwaltung 1316–1378, 7 (Paderborn, 1955), i, p. 160Google Scholar). Reginald, the new Abbot of St Faron, paid his servitium in Avignon on 15 February (BAV, MS Borgh. 125, fol. 172^r).

³⁸ Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 229–41; J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War, ii:Trial by Fire (London 1999), pp. 195–249.

³⁹ Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 233–41.

⁴⁰ AN, JJ 84, fols. 354^v–355 (no. 707); Appendix, no. 8. For discussions of this incident see Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, pp. 539–41; Samaran, C., ‘Pierre Bersuire’, Histoire litteraire de la France, 39 (Paris, 1962), pp. 259–450Google Scholar, at p. 290; Jones, F. J., ‘Petrarch, Philippe de Vitry, and a Possible Identification of the Mother of Petrarch’s Children’, Italianistica, 18 (1989), pp. 81–107Google Scholar, and Barralis, Gouverner l’Église, i, pp. 127–30, and transcription, ii, pp. 736–8.

⁴¹ Barralis, Gouverner l’Église, i, p. 128.

⁴² ASV, RA 135, fol. 257^r.

⁴³ For Oudart Levrier and Hugues de la Roche, see Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 256, 392.

⁴⁴ Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 259–69, 276–7, and on Vitry pp. 260–1; Sumption, Trial by Fire, pp. 278–81, 292.

⁴⁵ See Valois, N., ‘Notes sur l’histoire de la révolution parisienne de 1358: La revanche des frères Braque’, Mémoires de la Société de l’Histoire de Paris, 10 (1883), pp. 100–26Google Scholar, at p. 104 and n.

⁴⁶ AN, JJ 89, fol. 69^v (no. 150), letters of Charles, September 1357, incorporating the letters of absolution, the receipt for Bernart’s payment of the fine on 18 June, and the original appointment of the Réformateurs Généraux on 8 March 1357; AN, AB^XIX 3960, no. 65, a warrant from the Trésoriers du Roy absolving Regnault Lymage, receiver general of fines imposed by the Réformateurs Généraux, of this sum. A further remission, to Thomas Landouzies, on 17 August 1357 is AB^XIX 3960, no. 66. For Sissone, see JJ 89, fol. 135 (no. 319), Royaumont, August 1357, printed in Waquet, H., Le bailliage de Vermandois aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles: Étude d’histoire administrative, Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes-Études: Section des Sciences historiques et philosophiques, 213 (Paris, 1919), pp. 229–32Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ The original is lost but is summarised in an eighteenth-century inventory of the episcopal archive now ADSM, G 25, p. 302: ‘Le 27 Mars 1357. Arret rendu par les reformateurs generaux de France portant que “Jean Doignon tiegne deux fiefs mouvant en fief et tenus dudit Eveque a cause de l’eglise de Meaux, c’est assavoir l’un seant en la ville de Charny et l’autre a Trilport. Et environ six ans a eu la nouvelleté que ledit evesque vint a l’Eveschié eut selon la coustume et usage du pays fait appeller ledit Jehan Doignon son homme a venir entrer en sa foi et homage pour cause desdits deux fiefs . . . liquel . . . ne vint, ni n’envoia aucun qui comparut pour li . . . Disans et pronuncions par nostre arret et par droit que les troubles et empeshemens mis en deux fiefs dessusdits seront estés et mis au neant au proufit dudit Evesque et de son Eglise de Meaux . . . et disons que dores enavant ledit Evesque de Meaux pourra user de son droit.”’

⁴⁸ X^1A 14, fols. 460–464^v. For a further instance of the Réformateurs opening old cases, see Philippe Pachel, ‘La Règle du jeu’, http://parlementdeparis.hypotheses.org/tag/coups-et-blessures?lang=pt_PT, 13 March 2015, citing X^1A 14, fol. 275 (7 September 1359).

⁴⁹ X^1A 14, fol. 462^v, ‘Nichilominus dicti Le Choucheteur et Godart proposuerant in consilio hoc quod sibi placuerat veritate non recitata prout lati[u]s constat per finem in eorum et absque de predicti interfuisset Episcopus Meldensis aut alius de reformatoribus predictis qui ad hoc necessarii erant. Et possibile est quod in alii consuluerant prout stenola secundum ea que proponebantur quia certum erat prosa predicta fuissent eis exposita tamquam consiliariis specialiter tunc sine inquirendo veritatem de dictis factis per dictum Eduardum propositis consuluissent dictam sermonem eo quo fuerat pronunciata, sed dicti Le Caucheteur et Godart ad colorandum factum suum iverunt ad domum dicti Episcopi in vigilia festi tunc Pentecostes bene tarde nullaque consultatione habita cum eodem Episcopo aut alio ibidem inter quasdam pronunciaverant dictam sentenciam contra dictum Eduardum . . .’.

⁵⁰ For the following, see also Barralis, Gouverner l’Église, i, pp. 133–4.

⁵¹ Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, p. 542.

⁵² Appendix, no. 10.

⁵³ JJ 95, fol. 4^r–v; Barralis, ‘Un espace’, p. 315. S. Luce, Histoire de Bertrand Du Guesclin et de son époque: La jeunesse de Bertrand (1320–1364) (Paris, 1876) states that Vitry was in the Château at Meaux with Jeanne de Bourbon, but offers no evidence for this. Machaut’s Tu gregem / Plange (M 22), incorporating advice to Charles, can be dated in the spring of 1358; L. Earp, Guillaume de Machaut: A Guide to Research (New York and London, 1995) p. 39.

⁵⁴ Ordonnances des roys de France de la troisième race, ed. Secouse, D. et al., 21 vols. (Paris, 1723–1849), iii, pp. 327–8Google Scholar. In the letter Vitry is described as a councillor to the duke and his father.

⁵⁵ Hoberg, Die Einnahmen, i. 160; Ordonnances, iv, p. 361 (in which, however, Vitry was not described as councillor), and Barralis, ‘Un espace’, p. 314. See iv, p. 408 for a similar letter of 25 November 1361 in favour of his successor.

⁵⁶ Cf. Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, p. 542, suggesting that Vitry was not aligned to the Dauphin’s cause, ‘soit par préférence personnelle, soit par faiblesse de vieillard’; Cazelles, Société politique, p. 365, repeated in Barralis, Gouverner l’Église, i, p. 134.

⁵⁷ ASV, IE 199, fol. 123: 26 August 1360, ‘eodem die domino Philipo Episcopo Melden’ de xx saumatis bladi, de x grossis doliis seu botis et viij parvis doliis vini ac mille quintalis lignorum combustabilium’.

⁵⁸ For the negotiations see le Patourel, J., ‘The Treaty of Brétigny, 1360’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 10 (1960), 19–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sumption, Trial by Fire, pp. 445–54; K. Plöger, England and the Avignon Popes: The Practice of Diplomacy in Late Medieval Europe (Oxford, 2005), p. 41.

⁵⁹ Cazelles, Société politique, p. 401. He was accompanied by Hugh of Geneva.

⁶⁰ Including 26 August, the day on which Vitry received supplies; ASV, IE 199, fols. 164–168^v.

⁶¹ Vitry was in Avignon in July/August 1350; October 1350–May1351; February–March 1356 and August 1360. For Guy de Boulogne at Avignon during these periods see: ASV, IE 207, fols. 154, 166^v, 171^r–v, 173 (various issues of provisions, June 1350–May 1351); IE 199, fol. 153^v (January 1356); fol. 165^r–v (August 1360). Messengers were sent to Guy de Boulogne in Avignon by the King of Navarre in January 1356 and March 1357 (Pamplona, Archivo Real y General de Navarra, Reg. 79, fol. 88^v, and Reg. 83, fols. 90^v–91^v). See also K. M. Setton, ‘Archbishop Pierre d’Ameil in Naples and the Affair of Aimon III of Geneva (1363–1364)’, Speculum, 28 (1953), pp. 643–91, at pp. 647–48.

⁶² Sauval, H., Histoire et recherches des l’antiquités de la ville de Paris, 3 vols. (Paris, 1724), iii, p. 269Google Scholar, ‘L’Hotel de l’Evêque de Meaux près l’Hotel St Pol & devant l’Eglise St Paul’; Bove, B., ‘Typologie spatiale des hôtels aristocratiques à Paris (1300, 1400)’, in Noizet, H., Bove, B. and Costa, L. (eds.), Paris de parcelles en pixels: Analyse géomatique de l’espace parisien médiéval et moderne (Saint Denis, 2013), pp. 257–91Google Scholar, at pp. 265, 274, 286, and http://alpage.huma-num.fr/en/archives; Michaëlsson, K., Le livre de la taille de Paris l’an 1297, Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 3 (Göteborg, 1962), p. 178Google Scholar. See also Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, p. 540, and Barralis, Gouverner l’Église, i, p. 128, who notes that the bishops of Meaux occupied this site by the time of Guillaume de Dormans, Bishop of Meaux 1378–90.

⁶³ See AN, LL 75, fol. 81: ‘Episcopo Meldenensis pro domo sua ante granchiam nostram Sancti Pauli, vij lb’; fol. 39^v : ‘Tunc intrandum est in vico Sancti Pauli et secuntur iiii^or camerule nostre proprie . . . Ad oppositum dictarum camerularum est domus qui quondam fuit domini abbatis Fossensis, nunc est episcopi Meldensis pro illa vij lb.’; fol. 71^r–v: ‘Episcopo Meldensis pro quodam virgulto qui est retro parvas domusculas quod sequitur abutant et aparuerit in vico sancti pauli immediate post cuneum vici Sancti Pauli eundo ad manum dexteram usque ad domum magnum dicti episcopi, j d. Tunc sequitur magni domus dicti episcopi et pro illa nichil ad presens’; also, fol. 84, recording sums received by the Prior of St-Éloi: ‘Item sus la meson Jean dit Quinzemars seant delez la fausse poterne Saint Pol tenant a la meson Marie la Henaude et a la meson Pierre et Nicholas de Cunes et par derriere au iardins de la meson levesque de Miaux, l s. parisis’. For LL 75, see Weiss, V., Cens et rentes à Paris au Moyen Age: Documents et méthodes de gestion domaniale, 2 vols. (Paris, 2009), i, p. 634Google Scholar. For the tailles, see AN, KK 283, fols. 120^v, 208 and 283. For Jean le Pastre, see AN, S 3473, dossier 11; the location of this smaller dwelling may explain why the map in Bove, ‘Typologie spatiale’, p. 265 places the bishop’s Hôtel in the southern part of the street. For the censive of St-Éloi, see also B. Bove, Y. Brault and A. Ruault, ‘Spatialisation des censives urbaines au XIIIe siècle, avec essai de restitution médiévale’, in Noizet, Bove and Costa (eds.), Paris de parcelles en pixels, pp. 167–95, esp. pp. 184–9.

⁶⁴ V. Weiss, La demeure médiévale à Paris: Répertoire sélectif des principaux hôtels (Paris; Archives Nationales, 2012), p. 107; the Hotel de Montmorency was occupied by Regnault de Thumery by 1429.

⁶⁵ Parfouru, Compte du temporel, p. 46.

⁶⁶ O. Morel, La grande chancellerie royale et l’expédition des lettres royaux de l’avènement de Philippe de Valois à la fin du XIV^e siècle (1328–1400) (Paris, 1900), pp. 101 ff.

⁶⁷ AN, S 3472 dossier 6, no. 6, an agreement of 3 July 1450 between the bishop of Meaux and the churchwardens of the parish of St-Pol, concerning ‘un partie et porcion dune place vyde estant des apparentances de lostel dudit prieure de Saint Eloy assis en la Rue Saint Pol a Paris joingnant de la dicte eglise’, running ‘depuis la Cymetiere de la dicte eglise Saint Pol en venant par derriere icelle eglise tout au long dicelle place jusques a la Rue Saint Pol de la largeur de quatorze piez hors euvre’ and obligating the parishioners and churchwardens to make good any parts of the Prior’s residence affected by these works.

⁶⁸ For which see Samaran, ‘Pierre Bersuire’, p. 299. Bersuire’s surviving acts as prior are few but include the establishment of several butchers’ shops nearby in 1358, perhaps in anticipation of the court’s arrival.

⁶⁹ Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’, p. 540; Samaran, ‘Pierre Bersuire’, p. 290.

⁷⁰ Coville, ‘Philippe de Vitri’; Pannier, L., ‘Notice biographique sur le Bénédictin Pierre Bersuire, premier traducteur français de Tite Live’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 33 (1872), 325–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Samaran, ‘Pierre Bersuire’, p. 299. This house too was by the city walls, but the connection implied by Coville with Vitry’s house prope muros has no geographic foundation.

⁷¹ Weiss, La demeure medievale, pp. 10–11; see also Guyon, Catherine, Les écoliers du Christ: L’ordre canonial du Val des Ecoliers 1201–1539, CERCOR Travaux et Recherches, 10 (Saint-Étienne, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁷² For which see Plumley, The Art of Grafted Song, ch. 5; Wilkins, N., ‘Music in the Fourteenth-Century “Miracles de Nostre Dame”’, Musica Disciplina, 28 (1978), pp. 39–75Google Scholar.

⁷³ On MS Lat. 3343, see Pognon, E., ‘Ballades mythologiques de Jean de le Mote, Philippe de Vitry, Jean Campion’, Humanisme et Renaissance, 5 (1938), pp. 385–417Google Scholar; Pognon, ‘Du nouveau sur Philippe de Vitri et ses amis’, Humanisme et Renaissance, 6 (1939), pp. 47–55Google Scholar; Ouy, G., ‘Jean Lebègue (1368–1457), auteur, copiste et bibliophile’, in Croenen, G. and Ainsworth, P. (eds.), Patrons, Authors and Workshops: Books and Book Production in Paris around 1400 (Louvain, Paris and Dudley, Mass., 2006), pp. 143–72Google Scholar, at p. 168, and most recently Plumley, The Art of Grafted Song, pp. 257–75; Zayaruznaya, The Monstrous New Art, pp. 131–41; and Butterfield, The Familiar Enemy, pp. 114–30. The library catalogue is BN, MS nouv. acq. lat. 99 (formerly Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, MS 1223). The manuscript is also discussed below.

⁷⁴ See Jean XXII: Lettres Communes, xii, p. 66 (no. 59152), xii, p. 29 (no. 61697); Berlière, Suppliques de Clément VI, pp. 321, 532 (nos. 1222, 2042); ASV, RA 114, fols. 342^v–343^r, 348^r; U. Berlière, Les collectories pontificales dans les anciens diocèses de Cambrai, Thérouanne et Tournai au XIVe siècle, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, 10 (Rome, 1929), pp. 263, 270, 281, 289, 308.

⁷⁵ See Troyes, AD Aube, G 2278, fol. 7, ed. Chalandon, A., Les bibliothèques des ecclésiastiques de Troyes du xive au xvie siècle, Documents, Études et Répertoires publiés par l’Institut de Recherche d’Histoire des Textes, 68 (Paris, 2001), p. 106Google Scholar. He may also be identifiable with the Adam de Vitry, alias Hussoni, granted dispensation for birth out of wedlock in 1350–1, who was a clerk of the diocese of Châlons (if so, perhaps, strengthening the case for identifying Philippe with Vitry-en-Perthois rather than Vitry-en-Artois); see ASV, RA 113, fol. 24.

⁷⁶ Benoit XII (1334–1342): Lettres Communes, analysées d’après les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, ed. Vidal, J.-M., Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2 bis (1902–11), i, p. 285Google Scholar (no. 3130); Berlière, Suppliques de Clément VI, p. 532 (no. 2042), and ASV, RA 114, fols. 342^v–343^r.

⁷⁷ Berlière, Suppliques de Clément VI, p. 9 (no. 39); La Selle, Le service des âmes à la cour, pp. 218–19. He may possibly be the Pierre de Vitry who held property in the rue de la Tâcherie in Paris, in the censive of Pierre, Duke of Bourbon in 1344; AN, S 94A, nos. 17–20.

⁷⁸ For Jean as royal clerk, paid on various dates between 29 December 1336 and 8 May 1342, see AN, KK 5, fols. 207^v–408 passim; as clerk of Queen Jeanne, AN, X^1C 3^B and ASV, RS21, fol. 72^v, and of Jean, Duke of Normandy, BN, Clairambault MS 833, p. 1164. He was granted a canonry at Chartres on 7 November 1349 (RS 21, fol. 72^v), was a canon of Troyes by 1352/3 (BN, Lat, 9099, fol. 17; Longnon, Pouillés de la province de Sens, p. 274), and had died by 2 September 1361, when a number of items were bought from his executors (Troyes, AD Aube, 6 G 752, fol. 8).

⁷⁹ Viard, J. and Vallée, A., Registres du Trésor des chartes III: Règne de Philippe de Valois, inventaire analytique, 3 vols. (Paris, 1979–84), iii, p. 88Google Scholar (no. 6692).

⁸⁰ See Wathey, A., ‘More on a Friend of Philippe de Vitry: Johannes Rufi de Cruce alias Jean de Savoie’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, 28 (2019), pp. 29–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The heading to Ulixea fulgens in Lat. 3343, which ascribes the work to Jean de Savoie and gives its date as 1350, cannot be earlier than 1361, since it notes Jean Campion’s subsequent appointment as scholasticus at St Donatian, Bruges, which he took up in September that year; Tihon, C., Lettres de Grégoire XI (1371–1378): Textes et analyses, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, 25 (Brussels and Rome, 1964), iii, p. 476Google Scholar, n. 3.

⁸¹ Berlière, Suppliques de Clément VI, pp. 9, 332–3 and n. 1, 532 (nos. 39, 1255, 1864, 2042), and, for Renaud Chauvel, Dean of St Donatian and promoted to a bishopric on the same day as Vitry, p. 485 (no. 1864); Berlière, U., Suppliques d’Innocent VI (1352–1362): Textes et analyses, Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, 5 (Brussels and Rome, 1911), p. 226Google Scholar.

⁸² See Appendix, no. 2.

⁸³ See H. Jassemin, La Chambre des comptes de Paris au XVe siècle, précédé d’une étude sur ses origines (Paris, 1933), pp. 347–8; Sauval, Histoire, iii, pp. 344, 415, 420, 425, 431, 438, 440 and 446.

⁸⁴ See R. Rouse and M. Rouse, ‘The Goldsmith and the Peacocks: Jean de le Mote in the Household of Simon de Lille, 1340’, Viator, 28 (1997), pp. 281–304. To this account can be added: (i) the record of his payment by William de Norwell, Keeper of the Wardrobe, in 1340–1, in the enrolled wardrobe account for this year (London, National Archives, E 361/2, m. 38d), with a note that it is accounted for in the Exannual Roll, where it appears after debts for 1348–9 (E 363/1, m. 22); (ii) an issue of robes for winter 1344–5 by the Great Wardrobe to ‘Johanni de le Mote dictatore menestral’ (E 101/390/8, fol. 12^v); (iii) a note of a debt of 6 s. to Jean de Le Mote in 1347 for robes at an unspecified time during the Treasurership of Walter Wetwang (11 April 1344–23 November 1347), still owing after Wetwang’s death in November 1347 (E 101/391/9, fol. 8); several surrounding entries refer to the campaign at Sluys, in October 1344. In 1347 Eustace de Sancto Petro was granted houses in Calais abutting the inn ‘late of Michael Quadeplume and John de la Mote’ in the street leading from the great door of St Mary’s church to the north (CPR 1345–1348, p. 561).

⁸⁵ Zayaruznaya, A., ‘New Voices for Vitry’, Early Music, 46 (2018), pp. 375–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹ Jacques Audelicourt, dean of Langres; Guy de Saint-Sépulcre; Jean de la Ferté, dean of Troyes; Philippe de Troismons, professor of law at the University of Orléans in 1337, subsequently royal councillor, and receiver of the subsidy in Normandy in 1360 (see Cazelles, Soiété politique, p. 267; Guillois, Recherches, pp. 251–2).

² Magister Jean de Chambon; commissaire in the Baillage of Orléans in 1345; Viard and Vallée,Registres du Trésor des chartes III: Règne de Philippe de Valois, ii, p. 410, no. 5876.

³ Pierre, archbishop of Rouen; Guillaume, archbishop of Sens; Regnaud, bishop of Châlons; Robert le Coq, bishop of Laon; the abbot of Cluny; Jean de Sathonay, abbot of Ferrières; Guillaume Flote; Gaucher de Châtillon; Flamingo de Canyaco [Flamand de Cagny ?}; Simon de Bucy and Jacques La Vache.

⁴ On Levrier and de la Roche, see Cazelles, Société politique, pp. 392, 256.

⁵ The fief of Essarts at Charny, about 7 km west of Meaux.

⁶ The day in Parlement assigned to the Bailli of Vermandois.

⁷ 7 February 1357.

⁸ The account mentions Hanequin Thierry and Hanequin Lallement, on whom see Viard, ‘L’hotel de Philippe VI de Valois’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 55 (1894), p. 484Google Scholar, n. 1.

^* tam pro se quam pro aliis omnibus personis predictis pro quibus predicta eundem militem tangunt seu tangere possunt Reginaldi de Acyaco domini de Tyrciaco militis et Johannis de Calvomonte armigeri