¹ S. Rose, S. Tuppen and L. Drosopoulou, ‘Writing a Big Data History of Music’, Early Music, 43 (2015), pp. 649–60.

² Ibid., pp. 651, 658.

³ Ibid., pp. 651–5 (includes Tables 1–5).

⁴ For a list of the sacred music prints issued in German-speaking lands between 1600 and 1670, see P. Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel in der protestantischen Figuralmusik des mittleren 17. Jahrhunderts, Forum Mitteldeutsche Barockmusik, 5 (Beeskow, 2016), pp. 400–57.

⁵ See the discussion and bibliography on music printers and publishers in D. Schnell, In lucem edidit: Der deutsche Notendruck der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts als Kommunikationsmedium. Dargestellt an den Vorreden (Osnabrück, 2003), pp. 74–90, as well as the study of E. Giselbrecht, ‘Crossing Boundaries: The Printed Dissemination of Italian Sacred Music in German-Speaking Areas (1580–1620)’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010).

⁶ See in particular S. Rose, ‘Music Printing in Leipzig during the Thirty Years’ War’, Notes, 61 (2004), pp. 323–49, and Rose, ‘The Mechanisms of the Music Trade in Central Germany, 1600–40’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 130 (2005), pp. 1–37.

⁷ S. Rose, ‘Protected Publications: The Imperial and Saxon Privileges for Printed Music, 1550–1700’, Early Music History, 37 (2018), pp. 247–313.

⁸ Despite its promising title, the recent volume edited by R. Rasch, The Circulation of Music in Europe 1600–1900: A Collection of Essays and Case Studies (Berlin, 2008), includes no coverage of the circulation of sacred music in seventeenth-century Germany.

⁹ Giselbrecht also adopts such a ‘receiver-focused’ approach; see ‘Crossing Boundaries’, pp. 4–6 et passim.

¹⁰ These volunteer choirs of adult men, which regularly sang with the schoolboys on Sundays and feast days, were known variously as Kantoreien, Adjuvantenchöre, Adstantenchöre, etc.; they often owned collections of music separate from (but complementary to) those of the local church or school. See J. Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik in Sachsen (14.–19. Jahrhundert) (Leipzig, 1907), pp. 249–50.

¹¹ Given the number of young men who received advanced musical training in Latin schools, and the many daughters of patrician families who received private music lessons, it seems likely that at least some of the copies of these sacred titles saw domestic use. Johann Hermann Schein, for example, indicated that the concertos of his Opella nova were performed in Nuremberg ‘both publicly in church, as well as privately at home’; see H. Zirnbauer, Der Notenbestand der reichsstädtisch Nürnbergischen Ratsmusik (Nuremberg, 1959), p. 33. The later sixteenth-century German editions of Italian madrigals and other secular works, such as those edited by Lindner and published in Nuremberg, also suggest a demand for part-music for domestic use, as do prints of seventeenth-century instrumental music.

¹² Only eight inventories of court collections were available for this study; two of these (Butzbach and Güstrow) include fewer than ten volumes, while six (Brandenburg-Ansbach, Darmstadt, Gotha, Langenburg, Rudolstadt and Stuttgart) report twenty to nearly fifty volumes. Of these, only the Stuttgart collection (that of Kapellmeister Basilius Froberger) stands out from the others due to the number of prints of Italian music issued in Frankfurt and Venice.

¹³ A number of inventories also report the titles of music held in manuscript, while others simply report sets of manuscript part-books, and do not reveal their contents. Such manuscript holdings can also alter the complexion of the collection established by the prints, which are the focus of this study.

¹⁴ Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani in Helmstedt: Ein Bestand an Drucken und Handschriften des 17. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, 1998), i, p. 196. Garbe analysed the holdings of over thirty collections from middle Germany.

¹⁵ Eleven of these volumes constituted works of Hammerschmidt and Briegel.

¹⁶ See K. Keller, ‘Kursachsen am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts – Beobachtungen zur regionalen und wirtschaftlichen Structur der sächsischen Städtelandschaft’, in U. Schirmer (ed.), Sachsen im 17. Jahrhundert: Krise, Krieg und Neubeginn, Schriften der Rudolf-Kötzsche-Gesellschaft, 5 (Beucha, 1998), pp. 131–60, at p. 146.

¹⁷ Such a study can only provide an incomplete picture of the overall repertoire owned by Lutheran musical institutions, however, as it does not take into account the manuscript holdings of many of these institutions.

¹⁸ The latter two sections draw upon the results of the author's collation of the music holdings of 167 Lutheran institutions and volunteer choirs (see Appendix 2).

¹⁹ Music prints were purchased in an unbound state and required binding in vellum (Pergament), stiff paper, or both to prepare them for use; various inventories and financial records document such binding costs. These bindings could be quite opulent; the eight partbooks of Valentin Geuck's Novum et insigne opus of 1604 owned by the Erfurt Kaufmannskirche, for example, were bound in ‘white vellum, with gilded coat of arms and letters, coloured on the edge, with green silk bands’; see H. Brück, ‘Das Chorbuch der Kaufmannskirche, der Hauskirche der Erfurter Bach-Familien: Adjuvantenmusik der Barockzeit’, Bach-Jahrbuch 86 (2000), pp. 177–86, at p. 180: ‘Sind acht Bände in 4To in weißem Pergament, mit vergülteten wapen und Buchstaben, bund auffm Schnit, mit grünen Seidenen Bändern.’ On the binding of music see also Schnell, In lucem edidit, pp. 70–1, and Rose, ‘Music Printing in Leipzig’, p. 342.

²⁰ A. Bopp, ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stuttgarter Stiftsmusik’, Württembergische Jahrbücher für Statistik und Landeskunde, 1910, pp. 214–50, at p. 215 (see also Table 2). Vincentius edited the fourth volume of the set, which appeared under the same title as the previous three.

²¹ E. Möller, ‘Neue Schütz-Funde in der Ratsschulbibliothek und im Stadtarchiv Zwickau’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 6 (1984), pp. 5–22, at pp. 19–20.

²² H. Walter, Musikgeschichte der Stadt Lüneburg: Vom Ende des 16. bis zum Anfang des 18. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1967), p. 285.

²³ Ephoralarchiv Glauchau, W I a V 1a (Loc. 241), fols. 10^r–16^r.

²⁴ D. Rumpf, Kirchenmusikpflege in Sachsen nach der Reformation bis 1837: Beiträge zur Musikpflege der evangelischen Lateinschule in Saalfeld nach der Reformation bis zur Gründung der Realschule (Hamburg, 2007), pp. 151–5.

²⁵ Staatsarchiv Nürnberg KIVA. Heilsbronn, Tome Nr. 128/3956/, ‘Chorus Musicus-Inventar um 1660’, fol. 202^v; the purchase included prints of Gletle, Rigatti, Hammerschmidt, Pezel, Baudrexel, Horn, Theile, Nicolai, Aschenbrenner, Rosenmüller, Briegel, Kress, Krieger and others.

²⁶ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, pp. 297–301.

²⁷ Ibid., 299: ‘weil die vorigen von den Soldaten zerrissen und verschleppt worden’; see also pp. 236, 246–7 and 299 for music purchases made with Trank- or Biersteuer revenues in other Saxon towns.

²⁸ Ibid., p. 248.

²⁹ Ibid., p. 245.

³⁰ Ibid., p. 246.

³¹ Ibid., p. 299.

³² Ibid., p. 247.

³³ See Bopp, ‘Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stuttgarter Stiftsmusik’, pp. 214–15.

³⁴ See Möller, ‘Neue Schütz-Funde’, pp. 18–20.

³⁵ See Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, 302–3.

³⁶ See Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 26. Most of these documents also record the amount of the honorarium. Around the year 1663, Schütz sent a complete set of his published works to the Wolfenbüttel court; due to the late date of the donation, this copy of the Psalmen Davids has not been collated here. See the list of prints in G. S. Johnston, A Heinrich Schütz Reader: Letters and Documents in Translation (New York, 2013), p. 238.

³⁷ Zirnbauer, Der Notenbestand der reichsstädtisch Nürnbergischen Ratsmusik, p. 34.

³⁸ Möller, ‘Neue Schütz Funde’, p. 19.

³⁹ M. Gondolatsch, ‘Ergänzung des Noteninventars der Peterskirche zu Görlitz’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 16 (1934), pp. 39–41, at p. 39; A. Watty, ‘Neue Quellen zum Werk und zur Biographie von Schütz sowie zur Aufführungspraxis und Rezeption seiner Werke’, Beiträge zur musikalischen Quellenforschung, Veröffentlichungen der Forschungs- und Gedenkstätte. Protokollbände wissenschaftlicher Kolloquien, No. 2 (1991), pp. 40–51, at pp. 43–5; Schütz's donation is dated 24 October 1654.

⁴⁰ Schein is known to have sent his Cymbalum Sionium (1615) to St. Wenzel's in Naumburg, his Fontana D’Israel / Israelsbrünnlein (1623) to Naumburg and Delitzsch, his Opella nova I (1618) to Delitzsch, and his Opella nova II (1626), dedicated to the city council of Nuremberg, to that city and to Delitzsch; see Zirnbauer, Der Notenbestand der reichsstädtisch Nürnbergischen Ratsmusik, pp. 30, 33–4; A. Werner, ‘Zur Musikgeschichte von Delitzsch’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 1 (1918–19), pp. 535–64, at p. 541; Werner, ‘Die alte Musikbibliothek und die Instrumentensammlung an St. Wenzel in Naumburg a. d. S.’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 8 (1926), pp. 390–415, at p. 402.

⁴¹ Werner, ‘Die alte Musikbibliothek … in Naumburg’, 401; A. Werner, Städtische und fürstliche Musikpflege in Zeitz bis zum Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts (Bückeburg and Leipzig, 1922), p. 60; Zirnbauer, Der Notenbestand der reichsstädtisch Nürnbergischen Ratsmusik, p. 29.

⁴² Gondolatsch, ‘Ergänzung des Noteninventars’, 39–40.

⁴³ See Zirnbauer, Der Notenbestand der reichsstädtisch Nürnbergischen Ratsmusik, pp. 29, 33; the records further indicate that Staden scored up some of the works in order to evaluate them.

⁴⁴ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, p. 301.

⁴⁵ See G. Bossert, ‘Die Hofkapelle unter Johann Friedrich 1608–1628’, Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte, ns 20 (1911), pp. 150–208, at p. 199. Thanks to Paul Ranzini for information on currencies in use in Württemberg at this time.

⁴⁶ See W. Junghans, ‘Johann Sebastian Bach als Schüler der Partikularschule zu St. Michaelis in Lüneburg oder Lüneburg eine Pflegstätte kirchlicher Musik’, Programm des Johanneums zu Lüneburg. Ostern 1870 (Lüneburg, 1870), pp. 3–42, at pp. 26–8.

⁴⁷ German territories employed a tripartite division of currency at this time; Saxon currency was divided into Gulden (Floren), Groschen and Denarii; a Gulden contained twenty-one Groschen (while a Reichsthaler contained twenty-four Groschen), and a Groschen contained twelve Denarii (Pfennige or pennies). These divisions are commonly abbreviated in contemporary Saxon documents as fl, gr and d, and such abbreviations are employed here as well. See M. Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland (Leiden, 1936), vol. 2A, pp. 10–11. The price of paper remained relatively stable during the seventeenth century; see ibid., p. 384, and the price of paper in the table of commodity prices below.

⁴⁸ Rose, ‘The Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 6.

⁴⁹ See Rose, ‘Protected Publications’, p. 281; in Rose's view, the print run may have included several hundred copies.

⁵⁰ In 1629, the Paedagogium in Gießen (Hesse-Darmstadt) paid a similar price for one of Bodenschatz's anthologies: ‘6 fl 7 alb 6 1/2 d Caspar Chemlino pro florilegis Bodenschatz Music. Comp. 4. st. vor das Paedagog:’; see K. Steinhäuser, Die Musik an den Hessen-Darmstädtischen Lateinschulen im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert und ihre Beziehungen zum kirchlichen und bürgerlichen Leben (Giessen, 1936), p. 82.

⁵¹ S. Rose, ‘The Composer as Self-Publisher in Seventeenth-Century Germany’, in E. Kjellberg (ed.), The Dissemination of Music in Seventeenth-Century Europe: Celebrating the Düben Collection, Varia Musicologica, 18 (Bern, 2010), pp. 239–60, at p. 251. Rose also gives the costs for printing Samuel Michael's Ander Theil Paduanen in Leipzig in 1630 as 76 fl, 14 gr, 4 d, and points out that ‘it might have cost Schein three-quarters of his notional salary to publish one partbook collection’.

⁵² K. Held, ‘Das Kreuzkantorat zu Dresden: Nach archivalischen Quellen bearbeitet’, Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 10 (1894), pp. 239–410, at p. 298.

⁵³ R. Vollhardt, Bibliographie der Musik-Werke in der Ratsschulbibliothek zu Zwickau (Leipzig, 1896), p. 106.

⁵⁴ W. Braun, ‘Der Kantor Christoph Schultze (1606–1683) und die “Neue Musik” in Delitzsch’, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg. Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe, 10/4 (1961), pp. 1187–1226, at p. 1192.

⁵⁵ W. Schramm, ‘Beiträge zur Musikgeschichte der Stadt Glashütte’, Archiv für Musikforschung, 3 (1938), pp. 29–64.

⁵⁶ D-Dla, Loc. 8687/1, fols. 224^r (dated ‘Trinitatis Anno 1646’) and 304^r (dated 14 May 1651); on the latter roster, the salaries of the other musicians are the same as reported here. Most court musicians received neither a housing allowance nor payment in kind; Bernhard's 1649 contract, for example, indicates that he was to receive 200 fl from the ‘chamber of the exchequer for wages, board, clothing, and all else’; see G. Spagnoli, Letters and Documents of Heinrich Schütz, 1656–1672: An Annotated Translation (Ann Arbor, 1990), p. 161.

⁵⁷ When calculated as a simple percentage of a salary of $80,000, the same print would cost about $240.00 today.

⁵⁸ Nor could a cantor expect to see an improvement in his base salary over time, as these tended to remain stable for many decades. In 1615, Neander received the same salary as Kreuzkantor in Dresden as had each of his predecessors since 1542; see Held, ‘Das Kreuzkantorat zu Dresden’, p. 244. And in Weissenfels, the cantor's salary held steady at 44 fl 4 gr from at least 1679 until 1760; see Werner, Städtische und fürstliche Musikpflege in Weissenfels bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1911), p. 21.

⁵⁹ Garbe discusses the retention of the older motet repertoire of Lasso, Handl and others in the seventeenth century; see Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani in Helmstedt, i, pp. 197–200. Rautenstrauch also cites school statutes from the Saxon towns of Glauchau (1636) and Lößnitz (1646) that direct the cantor to cultivate motets by Lasso, Gallus, Vulpius, Hassler, Demantius and others; see Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, p. 264, nn. 3–4.

⁶⁰ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, p. 236, n. 3.

⁶¹ Möller, ‘Neue Schütz-Funde’, p. 18.

⁶² Inventory of 1647–1724, Evangelische Lutherische Kirchengemeinde in Frankenberg (no shelf number), fol. 268.

⁶³ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, p. 265. Concerted works also remained in demand many years after their publication; the Lüneburg Johanneum, for example, did not purchase the 1619 Polyhymnia caduceatrix of Michael Praetorius until 1654; see Walter, Musikgeschichte der Stadt Lüneburg, p. 285.

⁶⁴ Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani in Helmstedt, i, p. 10.

⁶⁵ Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel, p. 124.

⁶⁶ Gondolatsch, ‘Ergänzung des Noteninventars’, p. 41.

⁶⁷ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, pp. 303, 327.

⁶⁸ Published catalogues listed most of the books available at the Frankfurt and Leipzig fairs; the music titles from these catalogues have been published by A. Göhler, Verzeichnis der in den Frankfurter und Leipziger Messkatalogen der Jahre 1564 bis 1759 angezeigten Musikalien (Leipzig, 1902; repr. Hilversum, 1965), part 2 (hereafter Göhler 2); the Bodenschatz entries appear on pp. 7–8. See also Giselbrecht, ‘Crossing Boundaries’, p. 76.

⁶⁹ See Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, pp. 34–7. Rose also discusses the warehouse inventory list of the publisher Gotthard Vögelin, based in Leipzig and Heidelberg, which in 1625 still held copies of Friedrich Weissensee's 1602 Opus melicum, and the Magnificat octo vocum (1602 or 1622) and Cantiones sacrae (1599 or 1607) of Hieronymus Praetorius; ibid., pp. 6–7.

⁷⁰ See W. Breig, ‘Neue Schütz Funde’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 27 (1970), pp. 59–72, at p. 63.

⁷¹ See A. Watty, ‘Bericht über neue Schütz-Quellen’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 14 (1992), pp. 56–61, at pp. 59–60.

⁷² See Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel, pp. 100–1.

⁷³ M. Schneider, ‘Die Einweihung der Schloßkirche auf dem “Friedenstein” zu Gotha im Jahre 1646’, Sämmelbände der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft, 7 (1905–6), pp. 308–13.

⁷⁴ See E. Möller, ‘Schütziana in Chemnitz, Freiberg und Schneeberg’, Schütz-Jahrbuch, 13 (1991), pp. 56–90, at pp. 69–71.

⁷⁵ See M. Frandsen, Worship Culture in a Lutheran Court Chapel: Sacred Music, Chorales, and Liturgical Practices at the Dresden Court, ca. 1650–80, JSCM Instrumenta, 5 (created January 2019), https://sscm-jscm.org/instrumenta/instrumenta-volumes/instrumenta-volume-5/.

⁷⁶ See D. Stauff, ‘Schütz's Saul, Saul, was verfolgst du mich? and the Politics of the Thirty Years War’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 69 (2016), pp. 355–408, at p. 356.

⁷⁷ See the discussion below.

⁷⁸ The geographic distribution of prints issued in Frankfurt and Innsbruck suggests that while Stein's publications were available in most regions of Germany, those from Innsbruck reached fewer Lutheran areas; none, for example, appear in Saxon or Thuringian inventories.

⁷⁹ Arnold's Psalmi vespertini (Bamberg, 1663), for example, appears in seven inventories stemming from Bavaria, Silesia, Franconia, Braunschweig-Lüneburg and Saxony.

⁸⁰ Such cross-confessional interest also extended to the polyphony of the Reformed tradition; the two collections of Sweelinck's motets on the Genevan psalms, Sechs-stimmige Psalmen and Vier-Stimmige Psalmen (Berlin, 1616 and 1618), underlaid with the German texts of Lobwasser, appear in the inventories of eight and two Lutheran institutions respectively.

⁸¹ Reliquiae sacrorum concentuum Giovan Gabrielis, J. Leon Hasleri (Nuremberg, 1615).

⁸² See Appendix 1.

⁸³ The school in Pirna (Saxony) owned the fourth edition of the Cento concerti ecclesiastici a 1. 2. 3. 4. voci (Venice, 1605), while the Lyceum in Saalfeld (Thuringia) possessed four of Viadana's Venetian imprints, including his Cento concerti ecclesiastici [I], 8th edn (1612), Cento concerti ecclesiastici … Libro secondo, 2nd edn [1st edn 1609] (1612), and Il Terzo Libro di Concerti Ecclesiastici (both the 1609 and 1611 editions); see O. Kade, ‘Die Musikalien der Stadtkirche zu Pirna’, Serapeum, 18 (1857), pp. 312–28, at p. 326, and Rumpf, Kirchenmusik in Sachsen, p. 288.

⁸⁴ Heilsbronn: Staatsarchiv Nürnberg KIVA. Heilsbronn, Tome Nr. 128/3956/. – Chorus Musicus-Inventar um 1660, fols. 198^r–v, 199^r; music of Asola, Balbi, Bruschi, Capilupi, Bizzaro Accademico Capriccioso, Casentini, Cifra, Cima and Padovani.

⁸⁵ D-B, Mus. ms. theor. kat. 163, ‘Verzeichnuß der in der Bibliothek der S. Magdalenen Kirche in Breslau vorhandenen Musikalien’ (unfoliated).

⁸⁶ See the inventories of the Peterskirche and Barfüsserkirche in Frankfurt, St. Anna in Augsburg, Stuttgart Kapellmeister Basilius Froberger, St Mary's in Lübeck, the school in Rothenburg ob der Tauber, and the Nuremberg civic musicians.

⁸⁷ The Weimar court, however, did own three Venetian prints published between 1656 and 1660, but these may have been purchased in the city by an emissary who also acquired manuscript works of Rosenmüller at that time; see Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel, p. 53.

⁸⁸ Archiv der Marienstiftskirche Lich, Nr. 423. Many thanks to Gerhard Aumüller for his assistance in acquiring this inventory, which dates from c. 1635. Altogether it includes sixty-four sacred imprints as well as twelve Venetian madrigal books, all published between 1600 and 1631. Most entries indicate the name of the composer, title, place of publication and number of pieces in each volume, and give this information in such formulations as ‘Hieronymus Jacobus [Girolamo Giacobbi] vnnd hatt Motecta 5. 6. 7. 8. & 10. voc. num 22. Venetÿs’. (Many thanks to Jeffrey Kurtzman for help in identifying some of these composers and titles.) In addition to the Venetian sacred prints listed below, the collection also included motets of Orfeo Vecchi (Antwerp), six volumes of motets by Lasso (Munich and Nuremberg), sacred concertos of Viadana and Finetti (Frankfurt), and twelve tablature volumes with unspecified content.

⁸⁹ 89 See Göhler 2, passim; Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 11; Giselbrecht, ‘Crossing Boundaries’, pp. 34–47; and Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel, pp. 29–31.

⁹⁰ See Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 12, and Giselbrecht, ‘Crossing Boundaries’, p. 41.

⁹¹ See R. Schaal, Die Kataloge des Augsburger Musikalien-Händlers Kaspar Flurschütz, 1613–1628, Quellenkataloge zur Musikgeschichte, 7 (Wilhelmshaven, 1974), and Schaal, ‘Georg Willers Augsburger Musikalien-Lagerkatalog von 1622’, Die Musikforschung, 16 (1963), pp. 127–39; see also Schnell, In lucem edidit, pp. 91–4; Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, pp. 12–13; Giselbrecht, ‘Crossing Boundaries’, pp. 38–45; and Wollny, Studien zur Stilwandel, p. 27.

⁹² See Schnell, In lucem edidit, p. 123, and Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 13.

⁹³ Schnell, In lucem edidit, p. 122, as cited in Rudolf Wustmann, Musikgeschichte Leipzigs, i: Bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1926; repr. Leipzig, Berlin, 1974), p. 113: ‘etzliche frembde canzones und andere musicalische Sachen, die er von Venedig über Augspurg bestellet lassen’.

⁹⁴ Bossert, ‘Die Hofkapelle Johann Friedrich’, p. 199; Bossert also points out here that Stuttgart book dealers delivered music from the Frankfurt book fair to the Württemberg court early in the seventeenth century.

⁹⁵ Schnell also discusses Italian music found in collections but not in book-fair catalogues; see In lucem edidit, pp. 121–3.

⁹⁶ ‘Crossing Boundaries’, pp. 195, n. 693, 209–10, 218.

⁹⁷ See the discussion in Giselbrecht, ‘Crossing Boundaries’, pp. 202–33; Stein's confessional affiliation is discussed on pp. 228–9. These inventories, however, suggest that Stein's overall sales to Lutherans would not have sustained his enterprise; his primary intended market was probably that formed by the Catholic Latin schools in western and south-western Germany that had been both reinvigorated and newly established by the Jesuits after c. 1560; see Klaus Wolfgang Niemöller, Untersuchungen zu Musikpflege und Musikunterricht an den deutschen Lateinschulen vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis um 1600 (Regensburg, 1969).

⁹⁸ Sacred concertos by Aichinger and Loth appear in very few Lutheran inventories.

⁹⁹ The reprints of 1620 and 1626 bear the title Opera omnia sacrorum concertuum. In 1609–10, Stein first issued Viadana's 1602 collection, as well as his second and third sets of concertos (Venice, 1607 and 1609), in three volumes.

¹⁰⁰ While the texts of the majority of Viadana's concertos posed no theological problems for Lutherans, the relatively few Marian or hagiographical texts in the collection could easily be rendered acceptable through textual emendations, such as those seen in the copy of Stein's 1613 opera omnia edition once owned in the Saxon town of Delitzsch (now London, British Library, D.212.c).

¹⁰¹ Colditz, Görlitz, Grimma (Fürstenschule), Leisnig, Lommatzsch and Waldenburg.

¹⁰² The group includes institutions in north Germany (Hamburg), Silesia (Breslau), Baden-Württemberg (Stuttgart), Hesse (Darmstadt, Heilsbronn, Frankfurt/Main), Saxony (Görlitz, Grimma) and Thuringia (Erfurt).

¹⁰³ Italian music does appear in the manuscript collections assembled by number of courts and prestigious Latin schools, however.

¹⁰⁴ See J. Roche, ‘“Aus den berühmsten italiänischen Autoribus”: Dissemination North of the Alps of the Early Baroque Italian Sacred Repertory through Published Anthologies and Reprints’, in S. Leopold and J. Steinhauer (eds.), Claudio Monteverdi und die Folgen: Bericht über das Internationale Symposium Detmold 1993 (Kassel, 1998), pp. 13–28, esp. at pp. 15–21.

¹⁰⁵ Most of the Phalèse volumes in the collection feature music by Flemish or Dutch composers, including van Steelant, de Verlit, Vermeeren, Benedictus a Sancto Josepho and Bart, issued between 1651 and 1674; see K. J. Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude: Organist in Lübeck, 2nd edn (Rochester, NY, 2007), 492–3. The only other known inventory to report an Antwerp print is that of St Elisabeth's Church in Breslau, which owned the Cantiones sacrae, octonis vocibus of Peter Philips, published by Pierre Phalèse in Antwerp in 1613.

¹⁰⁶ Copies of motets by Della Porta form or formed part of manuscript collections in Ansbach, Gottorf, Grimma, Löbau, Lüneburg, Rudolstadt and Weißenfels, as well as that of the Stockholm court (Düben collection); most of these stem from his first two motet collections (1645 and 1648), both of which were reprinted in Antwerp in 1650. For the Stockholm concordances, see M. Schildt, ‘Concordances between MSS in the Düben Collection and Printed Collections & Anthologies’ (2014), in L. Berglund, K. Hedell, E. Kjellberg, M. Schildt and K. J. Snyder (eds.), The Düben Collection Database Catalogue, http://www2.musik.uu.se/duben/Concordances.pdf.

¹⁰⁷ On Geertsom's publishing activity see Roche, ‘Aus den berühmsten italiänischen Autoribus’, p. 21.

¹⁰⁸ Edited by ‘Spiridion’ (Johann Nenning).

¹⁰⁹ It must also be said that the data derived from these inventories can only provide us with a partial picture of the music in circulation at any given time. This is particularly true in the latter half of the century, when the number of prints dwindled and manuscript transmission became increasingly important. Thus the survey presented below, which focuses only on the potential market share enjoyed by composers as reflected in the number of known copies of their printed music, cannot suggest the overall complexion of the repertoire at any given time, or the number of years that particular collections remained in the performed repertoire. But as shown both above and below, dated records of acquisition (of prints and/or manuscript copies) and binding can still suggest whether the music of a particular composer continued to enjoy cultivation long after its first appearance in bookshops.

¹¹⁰ At least 225 Latin schools existed in Saxony during this period, for example, but only sixty-five inventories have emerged from these institutions, and twenty-eight of these include ten or fewer titles; thus for practical purposes, extensive inventories are available for only sixteen per cent of the institutions in this region. (The number represents those Saxon municipalities discussed in Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik.) Inventories apparently do not survive from many major courts, among them Dresden and Wolfenbüttel, or from schools and churches in many cities, including Gotha, Jena, Kiel, Königsberg, Magdeburg, Meissen, Nuremberg, Osnabrück, Rostock and Schulpforta.

¹¹¹ See Appendix 2, Bibliography of Sources, which is organised by region.

¹¹² See the date ranges for inventories and extant collections in Appendix 2.

¹¹³ For a general discussion of this issue, see Schnell, In lucem edidit, 77–80.

¹¹⁴ In the preface to his Angst der Hellen (Jena, 1623), an anthology of settings of Ps. 116, Burckhard Großmann bemoaned the fact that the war had reduced to ‘an old quartet’ ensembles that could formerly perform works for two to four choirs on a weekly basis; see P. Veit, ‘Musik und Frömmigkeit im Zeichen des Dreissigjährigen Krieges’, in H. Medick, B. von Krusenstjern and P. Veit (eds.), Zwischen Alltag und Katastrophe: Der Dreissigjährige Krieg aus der Nähe (Göttingen, 1999), pp. 507–29, at p. 508. In 1636, Schütz explained his decision to publish small-scale sacred concertos without obbligato instruments by noting that music had ‘been thrown into great decline and in some places utterly devastated through the continual, dangerous events of the war’; see Johnston, A Heinrich Schütz Reader, p. 106.

¹¹⁵ According to Rose, ‘[d]ocumented print runs for German partbook editions in the early seventeenth century range from 400 to 1000 copies’; see ‘Protected Publications’, p. 281, n. 683. Rose also discusses Hammerschmidt's application for a printing privilege in 1662, for his Kirchen- und Tafel Music, in which the composer asserted ‘that his expenses exceeded 600 florins’. Rose points out that the print included nine partbooks and 680 pages, and that the ‘sum of 600 florins would be equivalent to the retail cost of approximately 600 partbook editions, and implies a print run somewhere between that number and one thousand copies’; see ibid., pp. 281–2. In her discussion of the issue, Schnell posits a typical print run of 1,000 copies; see In lucem edidit, pp. 45–7.

¹¹⁶ The inventories examined here fall into two large groups, those that seem to be reasonably complete, and those that probably reflect only a fraction of the volumes once owned by the institutions. The former group includes eighty-six inventories (or 51.5%), all of which report fifteen or more titles, while the latter group comprises eighty-one inventories (or 48.5%), all of which report fewer than fifteen titles, and often fewer than five. Evidence suggests that some of the inventories that report only fifteen to twenty titles, however, are reasonably complete, and thus they have been incorporated into the first group. In the table given in Appendix 1, the number of copies from smaller collections (which often report only the music of one composer) is reported separately and marked with an asterisk, so as not to skew the totals for some composers.

¹¹⁷ Schnell provides an extensive overview of the book (and music) publishing and distribution system at this time; see In lucem edidit, pp. 63–111. On the central role of Leipzig in the distribution network, see Rose, ‘Music Printing in Leipzig’, p. 324.

¹¹⁸ Descriptions of volumes of Michael Praetorius's Musae Sioniae I–IX (1605–11) may serve as examples: ‘Musae Sioniae i. e. Deutsche Psalmes dieses ganze jahr’ (St. Gotthard, Brandenburg); ‘Musae Sioniae Michael: Praetor: Germā:’ (St. Johannis, Lüneburg); ‘4 theil teutschen Kirchen lieder ab 8 et 12’ (Schweinfurt); ‘M. Praetorij deutsche lieder, â 4’ (Weimar court).

¹¹⁹ Peter Wollny has suggested that the large-scale, Gabrielian polychoral works published by Michael Praetorius after 1607 were intended primarily for court musical ensembles, and that the polychoral style did not gain ground in cities until the 1620s, with the appearance of works of Hassler, Staden, Herbst and Scheidt; see Studien zur Stilwandel, p. 26. These collated inventory holdings, however, document the ownership of Praetorius's collections by choirs in many towns and cities; in addition, of the court inventories available, only that of Rudolstadt includes any of the relevant volumes by Praetorius.

¹²⁰ In the preface to his Syntagma musicum II (1619), Praetorius spoke of his willingness to send gratis copies of Musae Sioniae vols. 6–9 and various of his Latin works to those who desired them; this may suggest that these volumes suffered from more limited availability, which may in turn relate to the lower totals seen for them; see Rose, ‘The Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 29. The inventories also report a number of copies from this series for which the volume cannot be determined.

¹²¹ They did, however, appear regularly in the book-fair catalogues; see Göhler 2, pp. 27–9.

¹²² Bodenschatz's anthology and its successor volume of 1621 include works by many later sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Italian and German composers.

¹²³ For discussions of the self-publishing activities of Schütz, Schein and others mentioned here, see Schnell, In lucem edidit, pp. 41, 50–1, 101–4 and 108–9, and Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, pp. 14–24, ‘The Composer as Self-Publisher’, pp. 243–57 and ‘Music Printing in Leipzig’, pp. 339–40.

¹²⁴ Vulpius's first volume was reprinted twice during this decade, and the second once, with a third printing in the early 1620s.

¹²⁵ ‘Fernere Instruction vnd Anleitung zu dieser Invention wirst du in Ludovici Viadana Concerten, Opera omnia, inscribiret, befinden.’

¹²⁶ Most of the copies owned by Lutheran institutions seem to date from 1620 and 1626.

¹²⁷ Both Arno Forchert and Peter Wollny have used publication data to suggest that German Lutherans took up the new genre only slowly or with reluctance, but their assertions do not square with the statistics derived from the inventories studied here; see A. Forchert, ‘Überlegungen zum Einfluß Italiens auf die deutsche Musik um 1600: Voraussetzungen und Bedingungen’, in W. Steude (ed.), Aneignung durch Verwandlung: Aufsätze zur deutschen Musik und Architektur des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Laaber, 1998), pp. 135–47, and Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel, pp. 26–7, 313.

¹²⁸ In his 1617 application to the elector of Saxony for a printing privilege, Schein castigated book dealers for their ‘pure malice and self-interest, because they could not get my music to publish, so it was possible for them only to suppress and impede it. In particular, when people sought and desired my music from them, they with disregard for Christian love and conscience completely denied it, as if they were never able to get my music. It hence followed that the greater part of my music lay unsold’ (as translated in Rose, ‘Protected Publications’, p. 308). Rose also points out that Schein left a considerable inventory of music prints behind at his death, which were purchased by Jacob Schuster, a bookseller in Leipzig; see ibid., p. 286. Evidence of this suppression by booksellers, however, cannot easily be detected in the data from the known inventories, for these suggest that Schein enjoyed the same degree of market success as a number of his contemporaries, and managed to distribute his prints over a wide area. These sources, however, account for only a small percentage of the copies that were probably available for purchase.

¹²⁹ Altogether the three volumes include 685 sacred concertos for two to four voices by Italian and German composers.

¹³⁰ In the preface to Symphoniae sacrae II (Dresden, 1647), Schütz refers to the 1629 volume, and says ‘copies of some of it found their way to Germany and into the hands of musicians there’; see Johnston, A Heinrich Schütz Reader, p. 147.

¹³¹ For the Heilsbronn copy, see D. Bloch, ‘Kirchen-, Schul- und Stadtmusik in Neustadt an der Aisch bis zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Erlangen, 1956), p. 57, n. 208; for the Wolfenbüttel copy, see Rose, ‘Mechanics of Music Trade’, p. 44; for the possible Darmstadt copy, see W. Nagel, ‘Zur Geschichte der Musik am Hofe von Darmstadt’, Monatshefte für Musik-Geschichte, 32 (1900), pp. 1–16, 21–36, 41–57, 59–74, 79–89, at p. 36. RISM currently reports six copies: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung; Berlin, Universität der Künste Berlin; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek; Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek; Oxford, Christ Church; and Wrocław, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka.

¹³² See Göhler 2, p. 78.

¹³³ A fact also documented in Rose etal., ‘Writing a Big Data History of Music’, p. 651 (Table 1).

¹³⁴ In addition to the known copies discussed here and below, twenty-eight inventories include one or more prints of Hammerschmidt that cannot be identified with certainty.

¹³⁵ He did, however, self-publish his Kirchen- und Tafelmusik of 1662, and applied for a printing privilege from the Elector of Saxony; see Rose, ‘Protected Publications’, pp. 280–2, 312–13.

¹³⁶ Population 8,481 (1550), 21,969 (1699); see Keller, ‘Kursachsen am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts’, p. 159.

¹³⁷ Musicalische Andachten I–IV were published and printed by Georg Beuther in Freiberg, who also issued the reprints; Beuther also printed the fifth instalment of that series, which was published by Samuel Scheibe in Leipzig. Some of the titles published by Berg in Dresden were printed there by Wolfgang Seyffert, or occasionally by Beuther in Freiberg or Zacharias Schneider in Zittau. Hammerschmidt self-published only his 1662 Kirchen- und Tafel-Music, which was printed in Zittau by Johann Caspar Dehn. (The copies in Scandinavian and eastern European libraries are discussed in n. 146 below.)

¹³⁸ In Peter Wollny’s view, Rosenmüller's two sets of Kernsprüche (1648, 1652–3) represented the most successful music prints in Germany after the Florilegium portense volumes of Bodenschatz (Studien zur Stilwandel, p. 204), but these records suggest that the prize should go to one of Hammerschmidt's volumes, either part II or IV of the Musicalische Andachten (1641 or 1646) or the first volume of Musicalische Gespräche (1655).

¹³⁹ Stephen Rose points to ‘the Italianate … vocal and string writing’ in Schütz's collection as well as in those of Rosenmüller, and argues that such music ‘demanded performing skills and stylistic awareness found mainly in professionals’; see ‘The Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, pp. 22–3. The distribution of these volumes among Latin schools, however, suggests that those students also possessed such skills.

¹⁴⁰ See Rose, ‘Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 19.

¹⁴¹ Kronen Krönlein, Oder Musicalischer Vorläuffer, Auff geistliche Concert- Madrigal- Dialog- Melod- Symphon- Motetische Manier, etc. Mit 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. und 8. Stimmen, sampt einem General Bass (Freiberg, 1648).

¹⁴² The comparison is still imprecise, as one generally cannot account for copies purchased after the year of publication.

¹⁴³ Reprints and known later acquisitions omitted. Asterisks denote copies in small collections (those with fourteen or fewer items); ‘possible copies’ are defined above.

¹⁴⁴ Some of Ahle's arias, however, do appear in the manuscript collections of Latin schools; see W. Steude, Die Musiksammelhandschriften des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts in der Sächsischen Landesbibliothek zu Dresden (Wilhelmshaven, 1974), pp. 124, 147–9, 151, 170, 173, 177.

¹⁴⁵ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, p. 267, n. 6.

¹⁴⁶ Both inventories and current RISM holdings testify to the circulation of German prints of sacred music in Scandinavia. In 1659, the library of St Mary’s Church in Helsingør, Denmark, included a number of such prints; see Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, pp. 489–91. During the same period, the Oslo cathedral school owned volumes of music by Ahle, Briegel, Hammerschmidt (four titles), Profe (ed.), Rosenmüller, Selich, Steinmann and Zeutschner; see E. Bjerke, ‘Oslo katedralskoles bibliotek og musikksamling i det syttende århundre’, Studia Musicologica Norvegica, 31 (2005), pp. 568–84, at p. 579. Much of the same repertoire can also be found in Sweden; see the RISM holdings of S-Uu (the Stockholm court collection, now at the University of Uppsala), S-V (Västerås, Stadsbibliotek), and S-VX (Växjö, Stadsbibliotek). The conduit for these prints may have been one or more dealers in Hamburg; Schnell points out that the printer-publisher Michael Hering, who issued both books and music in Hamburg from 1607 to 1633, sent his own prints and those of other publishers to Sweden (In lucem edidit, p. 83); Hamburg publishers may have continued this practice later in the century.

¹⁴⁷ A 1651 inventory from the church of the Allerheiligsten Dreifaltigkeit in Bratislava includes prints of Scheidt and Walliser; see R. Rybarič (ed.), Samuel Capricornus: Opus musicum (1655) II, Stará hudba na Slovensku (Alte Musik in der Slowakei, 2) (Bratislava, 1979), unpaginated front material. And a 1718 inventory from the New Lutheran Church in Bratislava lists prints of Speer, Löhner, Eisenhuet, Kress, Horn, Capricornus, Zeutschner, Hammerschmidt (his 1656 Geistliche Gespräche über die Evangelia), Strauß, and most likely Profe (listed as ‘Gedruckte Concerten Leipzig 1642 8. Stück’); see J. Kalinayová-Bartová, ‘Italian Musical Inspirations in Daniel Speer's Philomela angelica cantionum sacrarum Collection’, in J. Kalinayová-Bartová and P. Zajícek (eds.), Daniel Speer, Philomela angelica cantionum sacrarum (1688), Musicalia Istropolitana, 7/1 (Bratislava, 2016), pp. ix–xlii, at p. xl. See also the discussion of the earlier collection of the church of St. Aegidien in Bártfa (Upper Hungary, now Slovakia) in O. Gombosi, ‘Die Musikalien der Pfarrkirche zu St. Aegidi in Bartfa: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Musik in Oberungarn’, in W. Lott, H. Osthoff and W. Wolffheim (eds.), Festschrift für Johannes Wolf zu seinem sechigsten Geburtstag (Berlin, 1929), pp. 38–47, at pp. 38–40.

¹⁴⁸ This differs from the view expressed by several scholars that the market for music was local or regional; see Schnell (In lucem edidit, pp. 38, 82–5, 97–8, 101–4); Giselbrecht (‘Crossing Boundaries’, pp. 68–9, 226, 241); and Rose (‘Protected Publications’, pp. 267–8).

¹⁴⁹ See Göhler 2, pp. 27–9. A number of Franck's early prints also appear in the 1617 inventory list of Johann Rosa, a bookseller from Leipzig; see Rose, ‘The Mechanisms of the Music Trade’, p. 35 (Appendix 1).

¹⁵⁰ Franck's titles with the highest numbers of known copies are included in the table in Appendix.

¹⁵¹ Zirnbauer, Der Notenbestand der reichsstädtisch Nürnbergischen Ratsmusik, p. 14: ‘bedürffte diese sein Franckens composition, alß eines alten berümbten Meister, der inner 24 Jarn mancherley vnterschiedliche opera inn truckh kommen laßen, vnnd im gantzen Teütschland bekant were, keiner sonderbaren censur’.

¹⁵² The poet Johann Rist honored Hammerschmidt with this epithet in his Neue musikalische Katechismus Andachten (Lüneburg, 1656), p. 35: ‘so das dieses unsers Teütschen Orpheus, des Kunstreichesten H. Hammerschmidts in Ewigkeit nicht wird vergessen werden’.

¹⁵³ See Walter, Musikgeschichte der Stadt Lüneburg, p. 290.

¹⁵⁴ Steinhäuser, Die Musik an den Hessen-Darmstädtischen Lateinschulen, p. 83.

¹⁵⁵ S. Voss, Die Musikaliensammlung im Pfarrarchiv Udestedt: Untersuchungen zur Musikgeschichte Thüringens im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Schneverdingen, 2006), p. 39.

¹⁵⁶ A note in the inventory of that year indicates that the praeceptor had taken the volume home in order to use it with the students; see A. Traub, ‘Ein Musikalien-Inventar des 17. Jahrhunderts aus Langenburg’, Musik in Baden-Württemberg: Jahrbuch, 1 (1994), pp. 143–77, at p. 150.

¹⁵⁷ Bloch, ‘Kirchen-, Schul- und Stadtmusik in Neustadt an der Aisch’, p. 67.

¹⁵⁸ E. Praetorius, ‘Mitteilungen aus norddeutschen Archiven über Kantoren, Organisten, Orgelbauer und Stadtmusiker älterer Zeit bis ungefähr 1800’, Sammelbände der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft, 7 (1905–6), pp. 204–52, at p. 237; the cantor also purchased music of Schütz in seven partbooks at this time.

¹⁵⁹ Rautenstrauch, Luther und die Pflege der kirchlichen Musik, p. 268.

¹⁶⁰ Inventory of 1647–1724, Evangelische Lutherische Kirchengemeinde in Frankenberg (no shelf number), fol. 269.

¹⁶¹ In the words of satirist Johann Beer (d. 1700), Hammerschmidt's works ‘have maintained the music in nearly all the village churches up to the present day’ (‘welcher die music fast in allen Dorf-Kirchen usque in hunc diem, erhalten’); see Musicalische Discurse (Nuremberg, 1719), p. 72; also quoted in S. Rose, ‘Music, Print, and Presentation in Saxony During the Seventeenth Century’, German History, 23/1 (2009), pp. 1–19, at p. 17.

¹⁶² See the comments of Johann Kuhnau (1700) in S. Rose, The Musician in Literature in the Age of Bach (Cambridge, 2011), pp. 142, 147; Martin Fuhrmann (1706) in Snyder, Dieterich Buxtehude, p. 150; Friedrich Erhardt Niedt, Musikalischer Handleitung III, ed. J. Mattheson (Hamburg, 1717), p. 34; and Gottfried Ephraim Scheibel (1721) in H.-J. Schulze, ‘The Parody Process in Bach's Music: An Old Problem Reconsidered’, Bach, 20 (1989), pp. 7–21, at p. 8. See also the earlier comments (c. 1680) of Beer in Musicalische Discurse, p. 70.

¹⁶³ The town had 1673 inhabitants in 1550, and 1630 in 1699; Keller, ‘Kursachsen am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts’, p. 159.

¹⁶⁴ E. Sehling, Die evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des XVI. Jahrhunderts, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1902), p. 106.

¹⁶⁵ This situation is now being remedied by the publication of his complete works by Kamprad in Altenburg, under the general editorship of M. Heinemann, K. Kremtz and S. Rössel.

¹⁶⁶ A number of the sacred madrigals in the fifth volume of Musicalische Andachten (1652), for example, inhabit the same sound-world as those of Schein's Israelsbrünnlein published nearly thirty years earlier.

¹⁶⁷ See the account in his Psalmodia Christiana (Bremen, 1665), p. 306.

¹⁶⁸ On this topic see also Garbe, Das Musikalienrepertoire von St. Stephani in Helmstedt, vol. 1, p. 196.