¹ The Midi is often referred to loosely as ‘the south of France’, although it did not become part of the kingdom of France until 1271, as a result of the Treaty of Paris of 1229 at the end of the Albigensian Crusade. In this settlement Count Raimon VII agreed that his county would pass upon his death to his daughter Jeanne, who became the wife of Alphonse of Poitiers, the brother of Louis IX. Raimon died in 1249, and because Jeanne and the king's brother ultimately had no children, when Alphonse died the county of Toulouse, along with most of the rest of Occitania including Provence, reverted to the French crown. See Strayer, J. R., The Albigensian Crusades (Ann Arbor, 1971), pp. 136–74Google Scholar, who suggested the use of the term ‘Occitania’ to refer to the region where the troubadours flourished.

² A brief survey of these historical developments and of the lives of the troubadours who left behind some of their music can be found in Aubrey, E., The Music of the Troubadours (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1996), pp. 1–25Google Scholar.

³ See Spanke, H., ‘Zur Formenkunst des ältesten Troubadours’, Studi medievali, N.S. 7 (1934), pp. 72–84Google Scholar; Chailley, J., ‘Les premiers troubadours et les versus de l'école d'Aquitaine’, Romania, 76 (1955), pp. 212–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘Notes sur les troubadours, les versus et la question arabe’, in Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature romanes à la mémoire d'István Frank (Saarbrücken, 1957), pp. 118–28Google Scholar; Switten, M. L., ‘Modèle et variations: Saint Martial de Limoges et les troubadours’, in Contacts de langues, de civilisations et intertextualité, Actes du IIIème Congrès International de l'Association Internationale d'Études Occitanes, ed. Gouiran, G. (Montpellier, 1992), ii, 679–96Google Scholar; and Arlt, W., ‘Zur Interpretation zweier Lieder: A madre de Deus und Reis glorios’, Basler Jahrbuch für historische Musikpraxis, 1 (1977), pp. 117–30.Google Scholar For the historical, political and social background of the county of Poitou, see Bond, G. A., ed. and trans., The Poetry of William VII, Count of Poitiers, IX Duke of Aquitaine (New York, 1982), pp. xix–lxxiGoogle Scholar.

⁴ See Arlt, W., ‘Musica e testo nel canto francese: dai primi trovatori al mutamento stilistico intorno al 1300’, La Musica nel Tempo di Dante: Ravenna, Comune di Ravenna, Opera di Dante, MusicalRealtà, 12–14 settembre 1986, ed. Pestalozza, L. (Milan, 1988), pp. 175–97 and 306–21Google Scholar, and Switten, M. L., ‘The Voice and the Letter: On Singing in the Vernacular’, Words and Music, Acta, 17, ed. Laird, P. R. (Binghamton, N. Y., 1993), pp. 51–73Google Scholar.

⁵ See Wright, T., ed., Johannis de Garlandia: De triumphis ecclesiae, libro octo; A Latin Poem of the Thirteenth Century (London, 1856), pp. v–viGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Wright, ed., p. 97. See also Smith, C. E., The University of Toulouse in the Middle Ages: Its Origins and Growth to 1500 A.D. (Milwaukee, 1958), pp. 1–55Google Scholar. Jean probably wrote the De triumphis ecclesiae about 1252, although the origins of the section concerning the Albigensian Crusade may have been contemporary with the events themselves; see Dossat, Y., ‘Les premiers maîtres à l'Université de Toulouse: Jean de Garlande, Hélinand’, in Les universités du Languedoc au XIII^e siècle (Toulouse, 1970), p. 188Google Scholar. See also Waite, W. G., ‘Johannes de Garlandia, Poet and Musician’, Speculum, 35 (1960), pp. 179–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who argues that this master of grammar was the same person as the music theorist responsible for the De musica mensurabili.

⁷ The bibliography on this topic is considerable. Recent studies include Arlt, ‘Musica e testo nel canto francese’; Gruber, J., Die Dialektik des Trobar: Untersuchungen zur Struktur und Entwicklung des occitanischen und französischen Minnesangs des 12. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marshall, J. H., ‘Pour l'étude des contrafacta dans la poésie des troubadours’, Romania, 101 (1980), pp. 289–335CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Une versification lyrique popularisante en ancien provençal’, in Actes du premier congrès international de l'Association Internationale d'Études Occitanes, ed. P. T. Ricketts (London, 1987), pp. 35–66; Jung, M.-R., ‘À propos de la poésie lyrique courtoise d'oc et d'oïl’, Studi Francesi e Provenzali 84/85, Romanica Vulgaria Quaderni 8/9 (1986), pp. 5–36Google Scholar; and Venturi, M., ‘Ancora un caso d'intertestualità fra trovieri e trovatori’, Medioevo Romanzo, 13 (1988), pp. 321–29Google Scholar.

⁸ In addition to the works cited in the previous note, see Gennrich, F., Die Kontrafaktur im Liedschaffen des Mittelalters, Summa Musicae Medii Aevi 12 (Langen bei Frankfurt, 1965)Google Scholar; idem, Der musikalische Nachlass der Troubadours, Summa Musicae Medii Aevi 3 and 4 (Darmstadt, 1958–1960), i, pp. 277–88, and ii, pp. 126–34; idem, ‘Internationale mittelalterliche Melodien’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 11 (1928–1929), pp. 259–96 and 321–48; and Räkel, H.-H., Die musikalische Erscheinungsform der Trouvèrepoesie (Berne, 1977)Google Scholar.

⁹ Even within the Occitan repertoire a contrafactum is not always clearcut, and scholars do not always agree on whether the poetic structure has been imitated or not. F. Gennrich's edition of troubadour melodies (Der musikalische Nachlass) includes sixteen ‘Erschlossene Melodien’ that he postulated as contrafacta, but J. H. Marshall has called into question seven of them (‘Pour l'étude’, 328–35).

¹⁰ They include the following, using the numbers assigned in the standard indices of Occitan and French song, respectively Pillet, A. and Carstens, H., Bibliographie der Troubadours (Halle, 1933Google Scholar; henceforth ‘PC’) and Spanke, H., G. Raynauds Bibliographie des altfranzösischen Liedes (Leiden, 1955; henceforth ‘RS’)Google Scholar: PC 70,7 (Bernart de Ventadorn canso) = RS 1057 (anonymous single stanza); PC 70,43 (Bernart de Ventadorn canso) = RS 1934 (anonymous chanson de femme), RS 365 (anonymous jeu parti) and RS 349 (chanson by the ‘Chancelier de Paris’, a French adaptation of Philippe the Chancellor's Quisquis cordis et oculi); PC 167,22 (Gaucelm Faidit planh) = RS 381 (Alart de Chans serventois); PC 366,26 (Peirol canso) = RS 41 (Hue de Saint Quentin pastourelle); PC 392,9 (Raimbaut de Vaqueiras estampida; see discussion below) = RS 1506 (anonymous chanson); PC 404,4 (Raimon Jordan canso) = RS 333 (Roi de Navarre jeu parti; see Marshall, ‘Pour l'étude’, 314–16), RS 1459 (anonymous Marian song) and RS 388 (Guillaume le Vinier Marian song); and PC 461,148 (anonymous pastorela with a hybrid Franco-Occitan text; see Marshall, ‘Pour l'étude’, 304–9) = RS 7 (anonymous religious song) and RS 922 (Jaque de Hesdin chanson contre les femmes). One Occitan song with an extant melody survives also in a French translation with the same melody: PC 372,3 (Pistoleta sirventes) = RS 641.

¹¹ Manuscript sigla used here are: Ba = Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Lit. 115; Cl = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, nouv. acq. fr. 13521 (the manuscript ‘la Clayette’); CTr = Cambridge, Trinity College, 0.2.1; F = Florence, Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, PI. 29.1; G = Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, S.P.4 (olim R71 sup.); Hu = Burgos, Monasterio de Las Huelgas, unnumbered codex; I = Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce 308; LoA = London, British Library, Egerton 2615; LoB = London, British Library, Egerton 274; M = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 844 (the ‘manuscript du roi’, also known as troubadour ms. W); Mo = Montpellier, Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, Section de Médecine, H. 196; R = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 22543; StV = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. lat. 15139; T = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 12615 (the ‘chansonnier Noailles’); U = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 20050 (the ‘chansonnier St. Germain-des-Prés’, also known as troubadour ms. X); W₂ = Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Helmstad. 1099.

¹² One explanation for this relative paucity of written troubadour melodies may be that most of them were not performed more than once or twice and were not remembered and eventually recorded. So while we can be sure that French composers revered and emulated troubadour poetry, we cannot be certain that the southern melodies enjoyed widespread homage. See Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 26–65Google Scholar.

¹³ See Aubrey, E., ‘Literacy, Orality, and the Preservation of French and Occitan Medieval Courtly Songs’, in Actas del XV Congreso de la Sociedad Internacional de Musicología, ‘Culturas musicales mediterráneo y sus ramificaciones’, Madrid/3–10/IV/1992, ed. de Musicología, Sociedad Española, Revista de Musicología, 16/4 (1993 [1996]), pp. 2355–66Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Trouvère manuscripts M and U; see Raupach, M. and Raupach, M., Französierte Trobadorlyrik: Zur Überlieferung provenzalischer Lieder in französischen Handschrifien, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 171 (Tübingen, 1979), pp. 62–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 34–43Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See Bec, P., La lyrique française au moyen âge (XII^e–XIII^e siècles): contribution à une typologie des genres poétiques médiévaux, i (Paris, 1977), pp. 50–2Google Scholar.

¹⁶ For detailed studies of these popular genres, see P. Bec, La lyrique française, and Marshall, ‘Une versification lyrique popularisante’.

¹⁷ See Bec, , La lyrique française, i, p. 51Google Scholar and passim. This, along with other dissemination features, suggests that northern melodies had an identity as music independent of their texts, whereas troubadour melodies had a closer link with their poems. See Aubrey, ‘Literacy, Orality’, pp. 2360–4.

¹⁸ Bec, , La lyrique française, i, p. 27 and passimGoogle Scholar. Bec argues that these interferences were brought about chiefly through the medium of ‘jongleuresque’ performance, and that their occurrence mainly in the north is evidence of the greater affinity of French musicians with popular types, in contrast to the closer ties of southern composers with the ‘grand chant courtois’, which was invented by the troubadours.

¹⁹ See, for example, Gennrich, , Der musikalische Nachlass, i, pp. 125–6 and 265–76, and ii, pp. 125–6.Google Scholar

²⁰ Tenor = M37, motetus = no. 467 and triplum = no. 468 in Ludwig, F., Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, 2nd edn, ed. Dittmer, L. A. (Brooklyn, 1964), ii, pp. 60–1Google Scholar; see also Gennrich, F., Bibliographie der ältesten französischen und lateinischen Motetten, Summa Musicae Medii Aevi 2 (Darmstadt, 1957), pp. 43–4Google Scholar.

²¹ Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat has since been assigned its own PC number, 461,240a.

²² See Frank, I., ‘Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat’, Romania, 75 (1954), pp. 101–2Google Scholar.

²³ Mölk, U. and Wolfzettel, F., Répertoire métrique de la poésie lyrique française des origines à 1350 (Munich, 1972)Google Scholar; Linker, R. W., A Bibliography of Old French Lyrics (University, Miss., 1979), no. 265–1070Google Scholar.

²⁴ Everist, M. recently called the motet ‘a parody of Provençal music and verse structures’, in ‘The Rondeau Motet: Paris and Artois in the Thirteenth Century’, Music and Letters, 69 (1988), p. 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, a discussion reproduced in his French Motets in the Thirteenth Century: Music, Poetry and Genre (Cambridge, 1994), p. 106Google Scholar.

²⁵ Gennrich, F., Rondeaux, Virelais und Balladen aus dem Ende des XII., dem XIII. und dem ersten Drittel des XIV. Jahrhunderts (Dresden, 1921), i, p. 42–4Google Scholar, classifies the motetus as a rondeau but says that the form is ‘nicht ganz streng’ (43).

²⁶ See Frank, , ‘Tuit cil’, pp. 101–4Google Scholar.

²⁷ See Rokseth, Y., Polyphonies du XIII^e; siècles (Paris, 1935–1939), iv, p. 178Google Scholar.

²⁸ Triplum no. 469 and motetus no. 470 in Ludwig, , Repertorium, ii, p. 60–1Google Scholar; see also Gennrich, , Bibliographie, p. 44Google Scholar.

²⁹ See Frank, , ‘Tuit cil’, pp. 105–6Google Scholar.

³⁰ The poem is edited by Vilamo-Pentti, E., La court de Paradis (Helsinki, 1953)Google Scholar. The refrains are listed in van den Boogaard, N. H. J., Rondeaux et refrains du XII^e siècle au début du XIV^e (Paris, 1969), pp. 328–9Google Scholar; the refrain is no. 1822 in van den Boogaard's index, and the full rondeau text is no. 110 in his catalogue and edition of rondeaux. Gennrich, F., Rondeaux, Virelais und Balladen, iii (Göttingen, 1927), pp. 222–5 (see also pp. 42–4)Google Scholar, provides transcriptions of the refrain melodies; Tout cil qui sont enamoraz is on fol. 334 of Paris fr. 25532. The refrain in La court de Paradis is given in diplomatic facsimile in Beck, J., Die Melodien der Troubadours und Trouvères (Strassburg, 1908), p. 62Google Scholar.

³¹ Frank, , ‘Tuit cil’, pp. 103–4Google Scholar.

³² See also Gennrich, F., Das altfranzösische Rondeau und Virelai im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert, Band III der Rondeaux. Virelais und Balladen, Summa Musicae Medii Aevi 10 (Langen bei Frankfurt, 1963), pp. 103–4Google Scholar.

³³ Frank, , ‘Tuit cil’ p. 104Google Scholar.

³⁴ Tischler, H., in his edition of Mo, ‘corrects’ the melody of verse 4 of Li jalous to conform to the reading of Post partumGoogle Scholar. See his The Montpellier Codex, Recent Researches in the Music of the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance 2 (Madison, 1978), i, p. lviii, and ii, p. 188Google Scholar.

³⁵ Frank, , ‘Tuit cil’, pp. 103–4Google Scholar.

³⁶ The refrain melody as it appears in the manuscript Paris fr. 25532 lacks this upbeat in the first phrase, whose neumes are written L-21i-L-L-B-L-B-31i. The second phrase is also not consistently modal, with neumes Bp-21i-B-31i-L-21i-B-L.

³⁷ The two motets appear to have been written by the same scribe in Mo. See Wolinski, M. E., ‘The Compilation of the Montpellier Codex’, Early Music History, 11 (1992), pp. 266–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar and passim. She dates the compilation of the first seven fascicles of the manuscript to the 1260s or 1270s.

³⁸ See Bec, , La lyrique française, i, pp. 228–33;Google ScholarChambers, F. M., An Introduction to Old Provençal Versification (Philadelphia, 1985), pp. 228–9;Google Scholar and Everist, ‘The Rondeau Motet’, pp. 18–19.

³⁹ See Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 184–94Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Only in manuscript M. See Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 123–6Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Bec, , La lyrique française, i, p. 229Google Scholar.

⁴² Frank, , ‘Tuit cil’, pp. 106–7Google Scholar.

⁴³ Including a clausula a2 (StV fol. 292^v), a conductus-motet a2 (two versions: StV fol. 258 and LoB fol. 45), the same conductus-motet with a third voice (five versions: W₂ fol. 123, LoA fol. 91, F fol. 396^v, Hu fol. 90^v, and CTr fol. 230^v ), a double motet with a triplum on a French text Quant froidure (Ba fol. 4), and a triple motet with a quadruplum on another French text De la vierge Katerina (Cl fol. 377). See Ludwig, , Repertorium, ii, pp. 78–81Google Scholar. The plainchant source is either M65, the Alleluia V. Corpus beate virginis, or O40, the responsory Virgo flagellatur V. Sponsus amat; see Payne, T., ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony: Philip the Chancellor's Contribution to the Music of the Notre Dame School’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1991), ii, p.410Google Scholar. See ibid., iv, p. 814 for a summary of the complex of polyphonic works based upon this chant.

⁴⁴ See Philippe's biography in Payne, ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony’, i, pp. 34–99, which includes a clarification of the persistent confusion of the chancellor with Philippe de Grève, who continues to be cited erroneously by various scholars as the author of this text. See ibid., pp. 410–11 for a discussion of the medieval attribution to Philippe of the Agmina milicie text (motetus no. 532 in Ludwig, Repertorium, ii, pp. 78–81).

⁴⁵ Motetus no. 537 in Ludwig, , Repertorium, ii, pp. 78–81Google Scholar. See also Gennrich, , Bibliographie, pp. 51–2Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Stenzl, J., Die vierzig Clausulae der Handschrift Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, latin 15139 (Saint Victor – Clausulae), Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ser. ii, vol. 22 (Berne and Stuttgart, 1970)Google Scholar; Thurston, E., ed., The Music in the St Victor Manuscript Paris lat. 15139: Polyphony of the Thirteenth Century (Toronto, 1959), p. 3Google Scholar; Reaney, G., ed., Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music, 11th- Early 14th Century, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, B.iv.1 (Munich-Duisburg, 1966), p. 420Google Scholar; Ludwig, , Repertorium, i/1, pp. 139–40Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Sanders, E., ‘The Question of Perotin's Oeuvre and Dates’, Festschrift für Walter Wiora zum 30. Dezember 1966, ed. Finscher, L. and Mahling, C.-H. (Kassel, 1967), p. 247Google Scholar. See also Wright, C., Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame de Paris 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 299 n. 136Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Payne, ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony’, ii, pp. 546–50. The complex musical setting and dissemination profile of the motet prompted Payne to suggest that this is a ‘later piece’, falling in a period between about 1215 and 1236.

⁴⁹ Ibid., pp. 410 n. 2 and 548–9.

⁵⁰ Ibid., pp. 474, 487–9, 529–30, 532. The three-voice ‘conductus-motet’ is transcribed in iv, pp. 818–20.

⁵¹ Billy, D., ‘Une imitation indirecte de L'altrier cuidai aber druda: le motet Quant froidure trait a fin/Encontre la saison d'esté’, Neophilologus, 74 (1990), pp. 536–44Google Scholar. Billy goes on to suggest that Agmina milicie in its turn was the model for the French text Quant froidure of the quadruplum in the motet a4 in W2 and Cl and a3 in Ba. See also Beck, , Die Melodien, pp. 65–8Google Scholar.

⁵² Pillet-Carstens, , Bibliographie, p. 430Google Scholar.

⁵³ Taylor, R. A., ‘“Laltrier cuidai aber druda”’ (PC 461,146): Edition and Study of a Hybrid-Language Parody Lyric', in Studia Occitanica: In Memoriam Paul Remy, ed. Keller, H.-E. (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1986), ii, pp. 190–1Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Taylor, ‘ “L'altrier cuidai aber druda” ’ p. 193. Billy, D., ‘L'altrier cuidai aber druda, pièce lyrique en langue mixte’, Revue des Langues Romanes, 91 (1987), pp. 109–20Google Scholar, does not believe that Taylor has made the case adequately, although he acknowledges that the text is in a hybrid language. He argues that the author could have been ‘an Occitan author with a good knowledge of French vocabulary, particularly non-literary’ (p. 110). Beck, J. and Beck, L., in the introduction to their facsimile edition of M, Le Manuscrit du Roi, fonds français no. 844 de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Philadelphia, 1938), ii, pp. 101 and 104–5Google Scholar, attribute the song to the early-twelfth-century troubadour Marcabru (fl. 1129–49) on the basis of the style of its text and melody, an assertion that would place the composition of the vernacular song several decades before its appearance in a motet. This unlikely attribution has not been accepted by any scholar of Occitan literature, although Tischler, H. repeats it in his The Style and Evolution of the Farliest Motets (to circa 1270) (Henryville, Pa., 1985), iii, no. 34Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ See Payne, , ‘Poetry, Politics, and Polyphony’, ii, pp. 352–6, and v, pp. 919–30Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Tenor = M24, motetus = no. 318 and triplum = no. 319 in Ludwig, , Repertorium, ii, pp. 40–3Google Scholar; Gennrich, , Bibliographie, pp. 29–30Google Scholar. For a study of this motet complex see Baltzer, R., ‘The Polyphonic Progeny of an Et gaudebit: Assessing Family Relations in the Thirteenth-Century Motet’, in Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Pesce, D. (Oxford, 1997), pp. 17–27Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ As Tischler points out (The Earliest Motets, iii, p. 97), it appears that a new hand entered the second pair of verses.

⁵⁸ See Ludwig, , Repertorium, i, p. 151Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Taylor, ‘ “L'altrier cuidai aber druda” ’, p. 200 n. 23.

⁶⁰ Linker, Bibliography, no. 265–36, and Mölk and Wolfzettel, Répertoire.

⁶¹ Tenor = O16 and motetus = no. 674 in Ludwig, , Repertorium, ii, pp. 98–9;Google Scholar see also Gennrich, , Bibliographie, p. 67Google Scholar.

⁶² Stronski, S., Le troubadour Folquet de Marseille: étude critique précédée d'une étude biographique et littéraire (Cracow, 1910), pp. 15–17Google Scholar.

⁶³ Bec, , La lyrique française, i, p. 42Google Scholar, points out that the exordium in an Occitan canso is generally specific to the content of the complete poem, whereas in northern popular types an exordium can be more general and hence more mobile from one song to another.

⁶⁴ Huot, S., ‘Polyphonic Poetry: The Old French Motet and Its Literary Context’, French Forum, 14 (1989), pp. 261–78Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Anderson, G. A., in ‘Motets of the Thirteenth-Century Manuscript La Clayette: The Repertory and Its Historical Significance’, Musica Disciplina, 27 (1973), p. 20Google Scholar, suggested that Folquet's canso was a ‘reduction’ from a hypothetical two-part ‘Provençal motet’, ‘which is possibly a contrafactum setting of a French motet’, which then led to the ‘French/Provençal bilingual motet in La Clayette and Mo 5’. But Stronski proposed on the strength of historical implications in Folquet's song that it was composed between 1180 and 1185 (Folquet de Marseille, pp. 12–13), which appears to rule out the priority of a motet.

⁶⁶ Jean de Garlande had known Folquet in Toulouse, and he mentions the late bishop in his poem about the Ålbigensian crusade, De triumphis Ecclesiae (ed. Wright, , p. 92)Google Scholar, a work that he composed around the middle of the thirteenth century, long after his return to Paris (see above, n. 6). See Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 13–14Google Scholar. Folquet was a hero not only to the French but also to the Italians, who often favoured him with top billing in their chansonniers of troubadour songs; he earned a place in Canto IX of Dante's Paradiso.

⁶⁷ Ed. and trans. Martin-Chabot, E. and adapted by H. Gougaud, Chanson de la Croisade Albigeoise ([Paris], 1989)Google Scholar. The two parts of this epic poem appear to have been the work of two different authors. The first 2,749 verses, covering approximately the first three years of the crusade, were composed by a cleric named Guilhem de Tudela (a town in Navarre), who was sympathetic to the French and the cause for which Bishop Foulque served his church; he praises Foulque and Simon de Montfort, the military leader of the French forces. The second part of the epic, which recounts events through the death of Simon de Montfort, takes the point of view of the besieged toulousains, and it seems likely that this anonymous poet was a native of Toulouse, the city that became the spiritual and political center of the Albigeois heresy. The only surviving manuscript of the epic dates from about 1275, nearly fifty years after the final events that it relates.

⁶⁸ Guébin, P. and Lyon, E., eds., Petri Vallium Sarnaii Monachi, Hystoria Albigensis, 3 vols. (Paris, 1926–1939)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Guébin, and Lyon, , Petri Vallium, i, pp. xl–lviiiGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ The French translation is edited in Guébin, and Lyon, , Petri Vallium, i, pp. 1–190Google Scholar, after the copy of Cl made by La Curne de Sainte-Palaye (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Moreau 1715–1719, and Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, MS 6361) before the rediscovery of the medieval manuscript in 1952.

⁷¹ See Solente, S., ‘Le grand recueil La Clayette à la Bibliothèque Nationale’, Scriptorium, 7 (1953), pp. 226–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Rosenthal, A., ‘Le manuscrit de La Clayette retrouvé’, Annales Musicologiques, 1 (1953), pp. 105–30Google Scholar. Facs. ed. Dittmer, L., Paris 13521 & 11411: Facsimile, Introduction, Index and Transcriptions from the Manuscripts Paris, Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. Fr. 13521 (La Clayette) and Lat. 11411, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts 4 (Brooklyn, 1959)Google Scholar.

⁷² A. Angremy, ‘Les oeuvres poétiques de Pierre de Beauvais’ (Position de Thèses, École Nationale des Chartes, 1962). I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the kindness of Mme Angremy of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, who graciously allowed me to read her thesis. See also her ‘La Mappemonde de Pierre de Beauvais’, Romania, 104 (1983), pp. 316–50 and 357–498CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷³ Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 15703. See Guébin, and Lyon, , Petri Vallium, i, pp. lxvi–lxvii and 188–90Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Standard studies include Appel, C., ‘Vom Descort’, Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, 11 (1887), pp. 212–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jeanroy, A., Brandin, L. and Aubry, P., eds., Lais et descorts français du XIII^e siècle: texte et musique (Paris, 1901)Google Scholar; Maillard, J., Evolution et esthétique du lai lyrique des origines à la fin du XlVème siècle (Paris, 1963)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Problèmes musicaux et littéraires du descort’, Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature romanes à la mémoire d'István Frank (Saarbrücken, 1957), pp. 388–409; idem, ‘Structures mélodiques complexes au Moyen Age’, Mélanges de langue et de littérature médiévales offerts à Pierre Le Gentil, ed. Dufournet, J. and Poirion, D. (Paris, 1973), pp. 523–39Google Scholar; Baum, R., ‘Les troubadours et les lais’, Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, 85 (1969), pp. 1–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Le descort ou l'anti-chanson’, Mélanges de philologie romane dédiés à la mémoire de Jean Boutière, ed. I.-M. Cluzel and F. Pirot (Liège, 1971), i, pp.75–98; Köhler, E., ‘Deliberations on a Theory of the Genre of the Old Provençal Descort’, Italian Literature, Roots and Branches: Essays in Honor of Thomas Goddard Bergin, ed. Rimanelli, G. and Atchity, K. J. (New Haven, 1976), pp. 1–13Google Scholar; Bec, , La lyrique française, i, pp. 189–213Google Scholar; Marshall, J. H., ‘The Descort of Albertet and Its Old French Imitations’, Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, 95 (1979), pp. 290–306CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The Isostrophic descort in the Poetry of the Troubadours’, Romance Philology, 35 (1981), pp. 130–57; Billy, D., ‘Le descort occitan: réexamen critique du corpus’, Revue des Langues Romanes, 87 (1983), pp. 1–28Google Scholar; idem, ‘Lai et descort: la théorie des genres comme volonté et comme représentation’, Actes du premier congrès international de l'Association Internationale d'Études Occitanes, ed. P.T. Ricketts (London, 1987), pp. 95–117; idem, ‘Pour une structure sémasiologique de ‘lai’: fondements et conséquences’, Actes du XVIII^e Congrès international de linguistique et de philologie romanes, Université de Trèves 1986, ed. D. Kremer (Tübingen, 1988), vi, pp. 161–75.

⁷⁵ See Maillard, J., Evolution et esthétique, p. 70Google Scholar; Bec, , La lyrique française, i, p. 195Google Scholar; and Billy, , ‘Lai et descort’, pp. 95–7Google Scholar. Frank, I., Répertoire métrique de la poésie des troubadours (Paris, 1966), i, pp. 183–95, graphs thirty Occitan works which he believed to be either descorts or laisGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁶ E.g. Bec, , La lyrique française, i, pp. 199–206Google Scholar, who calls the French lai a ‘sous-produit’ of the Occitan descort; see ibid., pp. 17–43 and passim for Bec's classic discussion of the notion of ‘interférences registrales’ among medieval lyric genres. See also Baum, ‘Les troubadours et les lais’ and ‘Le descort ou l'anti-chanson’, who asserts that there are no ‘authentic’ Occitan lais. For a contrary view see Maillard, , Evolution et esthétique, pp. 127–8Google Scholar; Marshall, ‘The Descort of Albertet’; and Billy, ‘Lai et descort’.

⁷⁷ See ‘Lai et descort’, p. 98 and passim.

⁷⁸ See also Köhler, ‘Deliberations’, and Billy, , ‘Lai et descort’ (p. 101)Google Scholar, both of whom point out that despite this common assumption about structure not all works designated lai or descort in fact have this form, and that most descorts have a tornada, which occurs only in an isostrophic structure.

⁷⁹ Mainly lais: see Baum, ‘Les troubadours et les lais’, and Köhler, ‘Deliberations’.

⁸⁰ See Aubrey, E., ‘Issues in the Musical Analysis of the Troubadour Descorts and Lais’, The Cultural Milieu of the Troubadours and Trouvères, Musicological Studies 62/1, ed. van Deusen, N. (Ottawa, 1994), p. 68Google Scholar. Some information in note 1 in that article was lost in the transition from proofs to print; the correct citations are given in n. 74 above.

⁸¹ Qui la ve en ditz also has a tornada. Billy, , ‘Le descort occitan’ (p. 6)Google Scholar, points out that Qui la ve en ditz is defined as a descort only by virtue of its inclusion among other self-designated descorts in two troubadour manuscripts, both of which are Italian codices of the fourteenth century and neither of which contains music (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 12474, and New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M819).

⁸² J. H. Marshall, ‘Une versification lyrique popularisant’, p. 38, and idem, ‘The Transmission of the Lyric Lais in Old French Chansonnier T’, in The Editor and the Text, ed. P. E. Bennett and G. A. Runnalls (Edinburgh, 1990), p. 21. See also his review of M. and Raupach, M., Französierte Trobadorlyrik, in Romance Philology, 36 (1982), p. 88.Google Scholar

⁸³ Billy, D., ‘Lai et descort’, p. 98Google Scholar. Bec calls the ‘Lai Nonpar’ and the ‘Lai Markiol’ ‘lais occitans d'origine française’ (La lyrique française, i, p. 199).

⁸⁴ Ludwig, , Repertorium, i/l, p. 257Google Scholar; Anderson, G. A., ‘Notre Dame and Related Conductus: Catalogue Raisonné’, Miscellanea Musicologica, Adelaide Studies in Musicology, 6 (1972), pp. 119–200, no. K62Google Scholar; Falck, R., The Notre Dame Conductus: A Study of the Repertory, Musicological Studies 33 (Henryville, Pa., 1981), p. 254, no. 375Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Linker, Bibliography, no. 265–712. It is also listed as RS 192.

⁸⁶ See Spanke, H., ‘Sequenz und Lai’, Studi Medievali, n.s. 11 (1938), pp. 54–6Google Scholar; Gennrich, F., ‘Zwei altfranzösische Lais’, Studi Medievali, n.s. 15 (1942), pp. 33–9Google Scholar; Husmann, H., ‘Die musikalische Behandlung der Versarten im Troubadourgesang der Notre-Dame-Zeit’, Acta Musicologica, 25 (1953), pp. 7–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁷ Diplomatic facsimiles of these melodies are given in Aubrey, ‘Issues’, pp. 84–8.

⁸⁸ See Shepard, W. P. and Chambers, F. M., eds, The Poems of Aimeric de Peguilhan (Evanston, IL, 1950), pp. 212–16Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Aubrey, ‘Issues’, pp. 76–7. Cf. Marshall, ‘The Isostrophic Descort’, pp. 148–51, and Maillard, J., ‘Descort, que me veux-tu?…’, Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale, 25 (1982), pp. 221–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁰ For an edition of the extant estampies, including the fourteenth-century Italian istanpitte in London, British Library, Add. 29987, see McGee, T. J., Medieval Instrumental Dances (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1989)Google Scholar; a study of various theoretical references is found in Hibberd, L., ‘Estampie and Stantipes’, Speculum, 19 (1944), pp. 222–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Aubrey, E., The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 121–2 and 126Google Scholar. For discussion of the poetry see Billy, D., ‘Les empreintes métriques de la musique dans l'estampie lyrique’, Romania, 108 (1987), pp. 207–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹¹ Greimas, A. J., Dictionnaire de l'ancien français: le Moyen Âge (Paris, 1995), p. 247.Google Scholar See Bec, , La lyrique française, i, pp. 243–4Google Scholar. For a survey of the occurrences of the cognate forms of the word in all languages, see Schima, C., ‘Estampie’, Handwörterbuch der musikalischen Terminologie, Ordner II: E-L, ed. Eggebrecht, H. H. (Stuttgart, 1993)Google Scholar, and idem, Die Estampie: Untersuchungen anhand der überlieferten Denkmäler und zeitgenössischen Erwähnungen: Nebst einer Edition aller Musikbeispiele und Texte zur Estampie, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1995).

⁹² See Calin, W. C., ‘On the Chronology of Gautier d'Arras’, Modern Language Quarterly, 20 (1959), pp. 181–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹³ Ed. de Lage, G. Raynaud, Gautier d'Arras, Éracle (Paris, 1976), p. 106, lines 3433–5Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ This attraction ultimately leads, not unexpectedly, to an extramarital courtship between Athanaïs and Pariadès.

⁹⁵ Raynaud de Lage, ed., p. 107, lines 3467–9, and p. 109, lines 3516–17 (emphasis added).

⁹⁶ Cf. Schima, ‘Estampie’, p. 8.

⁹⁷ Scheler, A., ed., Les dits et contes de Baudoin de Condé et de son fils Jean de Condé (Brussels, 1866–1867), iii, p. 20Google Scholar, lines 641–3. Cited in Tobler–Lommatzsch, Altfranzösisches Wörterbuch: Adolf Toblers nachgelassene Materialien bearbeitet, ed. Lommatzsch, E. (Berlin, 1952), iii, pp. 1349–50Google Scholar. See Hibberd, , ‘Estampie and Stantipes’, pp. 228–9Google Scholar, and Bec, , La lyrique française, i, pp. 241–2Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ See Raynouard, F.-J.-M., Lexique romane, ou dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours (Paris, 1836–1845) iii, pp. 200–1Google Scholar, and Levy, E., Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch (Leipzig, 1894–1924), iii, pp. 299Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Ed. Pirot, F., Recherches sur les connaissances littéraires des troubadours occitans et catalans des XII^e et XIII^e siècles: les ‘sirvente-ensenhamens’ de Guerau de Cabrera, Guiraut de Calanson et Bertrand de Paris (Barcelona, 1972), p. 566Google Scholar, lines 37–42 (emphasis added).

¹⁰⁰ Linskill, J., ed. and trans., The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (The Hague, 1964), pp. 183–90Google Scholar (emphasis added).

¹⁰¹ Shephard, and Chambers, , Aimeric de Peguilhan, pp. 167–8Google Scholar.

¹⁰² See Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, p. 137Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Christopher Page has called the tune of Kalenda Maia a ‘Low Style’ or popular melody, suggesting that registral interference occurs also between the melody and the ‘High Style’ text. See Voices and Instruments of the Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 447–9.Google Scholar I offer below a different analysis of the musical style of Kalenda maia.

¹⁰⁴ Ed. Boutière, J. and Schutz, A. H., Biographies des troubadours: textes provençaux des XIII^e et XIV^e siècles (Paris, 1973), pp. 465–6Google Scholar (emphasis added). See Aubrey, E., ‘References to Music in Old Occitan Literature’, Acta Musicologica, 61 (1989), p. 128CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Two of the four manuscripts that transmit the text of Kalenda maia are late thirteenthcentury sources from Languedoc, manuscript R and Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 856. The other two date from the early fourteenth century, one produced in Catalonia (Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, no. 146), the other in Italy (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, f. fr. 12474). Only R transmits its melody.

¹⁰⁶ See Peraino, J., ‘New Music, Notions of Genre, and the “Manuscrit du Roi” circa 1300’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1995), pp. 95ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ The number of Occitan estampidas is disputed, ranging from five to seven. The list includes Kalenda maia, La dousa paria (PC 427,3) by the early-fourteenth-century troubadour Rostanh Berenguier, four songs grouped under the rubric ‘estempidas’ in the early-fourteenth-century manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, ms. 146 (all anonymous but today generally attributed to Cerveri di Girona, fl. 1259–85: they are PC 434a, 19; 434a,50; 434a,59;and 434a,69) and one other song by Cerveri (PC 434a,51), included by some scholars because its structure consists partly of verse pairing. The song of Rostanh is not designated an estampida in the sources or by self-reference and is not universally accepted as one; see Billy, ‘Les empreintes métriques’, p. 209.

¹⁰⁸ See Cummins, P. W., ‘Le problème de la musique et de la poésie dans l'estampie’, Romania, 103 (1982), pp. 259–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Billy, ‘Les empreintes métriques’. See also McGee, T. J., ‘Medieval Dances: Matching the Repertory with Grocheio's Descriptions’, Journal of Musicology, 7 (1989), pp. 498–517CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Marshall, , ‘The Isostrophic Descort’, p. 157Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Johannes de Grocheio uses the word puncta to refer to the sections or ‘stanzas’ of such instrumental works. See Rohloff, E., Die Quellenhandschriften zum Musiktraktat des Johannes de Grocheio (Leipzig, 1972), p. 136Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Cf. Linskill, , ed., Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, p. 189Google Scholar.

¹¹² See Cummins, ‘Le problème de la musique’, and Billy, ‘Les empreintes métriques’. Several treatises mention the estampie and the estampida as genres, including the Doctrina de compondre dictats (c. 1290), and the treatise on music by Johannes de Grocheio. Both treatises, as is well known, present problems in reconciling their descriptions of structure with surviving examples (see McGee, ‘Medieval Dances’). The Doctrina calls for a refrain, an element not found in any of the extant Occitan texts, and it does not mention Kalenda maia: all of which suggests that the author was describing the French estampie rather than an indigenous Occitan genre. In order to make Raimbaut's song conform to later theoretical descriptions of the genre, McGee, (Medieval Instrumental Dances, pp. 50–1)Google Scholar creates a refrain for all of the stanzas of Kalenda maia out of the last two verses of the first stanza. This seems to be neither necessary nor desirable.

¹¹³ Page, , Voices and Instruments, pp. 47–9Google Scholar. In his Examples 9 and 10 (p. 48) Page gives the entire Kalenda maia melody but only half of the estampie (the first two puncta), thus obscuring the difference in length between the two.

¹¹⁴ See Aubrey, , The Music of the Troubadours, pp. 184–94 and 202–3Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ The vidas and razos of the troubadours are often derived directly from the texts of the poems themselves and do not necessarily have any external claim to veracity. For a study of their credibility see Poe, E. W., ‘Toward a Balanced View of the Vidas and Razos’, Romanistische Zeitschrift für Literaturgeschichte, 11 (1987), pp. 18–28Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ PC 70,16; 70,36; 364,7; 366,26; 406,7; 406,21; and RS 653. See Aubrey, , Music of the Troubadours, pp. 146–74Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ The paired-verse melody of Kalenda maia was used also for an anonymous French chanson, Souvent souspire (RS 1506), which does not refer to itself as an estampie. There is no way to tell which of these two poems – the Occitan or the French – is earlier. The rhyme scheme of Souvent souspire is less intricate than that of Kalenda maia, though, which might suggest that the text of this anonymous chanson was an imitation of Raimbaut's song. For discussion of the chronological relationship between these two works, see Gennrich, F., ‘Grundsätzliches zur Rhythmik der mittelalterlichen Monodie’, Die Musikforschung, 7 (1954), pp. 155–7Google Scholar; and Husmann, H., ‘Kalenda maya’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 10 (1953), pp. 275–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.