This article places the recent literature on archaeological manifestations of the Xia in context, describes and analyzes the published data for the Erlitou typesite in some detail, and examines broader issues implicit in the debate on this contentious topic. The positivism that animates so much recent literature is linked to the Anyang excavations and the promise of scientific archaeology more generally. Particular attention is given to certain of the data from the Erlitou site—its layout, architectural features, burials, and prestige craft products (ritual bronze vessels and jades)—because these have figured prominently in most discussion of the nature and identity of the site and its eponymous culture. Broader issues are addressed, albeit more briefly, as a series of nested concepts: culture and subculture, periodization, cultural succession, developmental stage, ethnicity, and dynasty. Until the formal report of the Erlitou typesite reaches print, this article proposes a “minimal” definition of the current archaeological data, one that does not assume the historicity of the Xia.

Three related but independent propositions are put forward and investigated: (1) a revised version of a theory of the Old Chinese rhymes based on the assumption that there were only two rhyme vowels, ∕ə∕ and ∕a∕, and eighteen final consonants, namely, labials -p, -m, dentals -t, -n, -l, -s, velars -k, -ŋ, -ɤ, palatals, -kj, -ŋj, -j, labiovelars -kw, -ŋw, -w, and palatolabiovelars -kɥ, -ŋɥ, -ɥ (as found in the modern Fuzhou dialect); (2) a revised version of a theory that the ten Heavenly Stems and twelve Earthly Branches originated as phonograms naming acrophonically the initial consonants of the Chinese language at the time of their invention, the consonants being the same as those reconstructed finally, with the addition of the fricatives x-, xj-, xw-, xɥ-;(3) a hypothesis to explain the calendrical use of these signs on the assumption that the Stems were chosen, as far as possible, from signs with the same initial consonants as the numerals from one to ten, while the remaining twelve signs were treated as a supplementary series of twelve.

This study of yi in the Shijing tries mostly and firstly, even at the expense of smooth translation and poetic diction, to give a consistent linguistic-philological solution to the usages of this particle. Starting with a short survey of opinions proposed by Chinese, Japanese and Western scholars on yz's specific function, the author eliminates such proposals as: exclamatory final, marker of time (point of time, perfect, future), various meanings equal or quasi-identical with other particles in classical or modern Chinese, and proposes in turn a basically imperalive sense. Depending on context, its role shifts to “marker” of predictive or assertive sense, and of subordinate concessive or conditional clauses; and has special usages, as in interrogative and rhetorical phrases. Comparisons of previous translations (those of Karlgren and Waley, both of whom try to stay free from traditional readings based; Couvreur, who is faithful to the letter of Zhu Xi's commentary; Legge, who eclectically uses various Chinese commentaries; and Kobayashi and Takata, as earlier and modern Japanese views) have led the author to offer new explanations on concrete topics of the odes, but mostly new translations of certain words and new readings for certain graphs, which are argued in some detail.

The Heguanzi, an eclectic, composite work arguably of the late Warring States to Han period, has long been associated with a school of thought known as Huang-Lao. Unfortunately, little was known about the school until the recent Mawangdui discovery of four ancient treatises commonly referred to as the Silk Manuscripts of Huang-Lao (Huang-Lao Boshu). This article examines the relation between the Heguanzi and Huang-Lao thought as represented in the Silk Manuscripts. The author argues that many of the chapters of the Heguanzi display key features of Huang-Lao thought, most notably a commitment to foundational naturalism and natural law that is first articulated in mature form in the Silk Manuscripts.

When several versions of a text display variations, it is necessary, for a correct understanding of the text, to determine which variant best reflects the original. These variations can be categorized into graphic, lexical, vacant, and transpositional variations.

The graphic variants display different graphs but represent a single word which is the proximate or most likely original. The variation is not significant since the word is known.

To handle the other types of variation, one powerful method is to discover the transmission lineage for three or more versions of the text and detect alterations that were made in later versions. When the lineage method does not determine the proximate original, each variation must be approached independently. For lexical variation, the lectio difficilior is more often the proximate original than the lectio faciliior. A taboo character that was later avoided may also represent the proximate original, or the proximate original may be disguised as a dialectal word. For vacant variations, trends toward adding, deleting or altering certain words in a version of the text help to determine the proximate original. When transpositional variation creates differences in the meaning of the text and the lineage method is not of help, judgment must be applied through a careful examination of the context.These methods provide systematic solutions to textual problems that would otherwise require independent analysis.

“The Biographies of the Reasonable Officials” (“Hsun-li lieh-chuan”), chapter 117 of the Shih chi (Records of the Grand Historian) by Ssu-tna Ch'ien (145–c. 85 B.C.), has been deemed a forgery by a number of scholars including Ts'ui Shih (1852–1924). The objections raised by these scholars are reexamined in this paper along with the texts of “The Reasonable Officials” and its companion, “The Biographies of the Harsh Officials” (“K'u-li lieh-chuan”). The narrative structure and historical accuracy of “The Reasonable Officials” are contrasted with those of “The Harsh Officials” to reveal still more flaws in the former. But the basic concept that a chapter in the Shih chi flawed by such errors must be from the hand of a forger is challenged, since time constraints on Ssu-ma Ch'ien would have been greater than those on later imitators and it is likely that without such constraints the obvious problems in this chapter would have been avoided. Finally, an alternative solution to the integral problems in “The Reasonable Officials” is suggested: namely, that the text is based closely on previously compiled materials on reasonable officials taken from the Han imperial archives. This hypothesis, while it cannot be irrefutably substantiated, would resolve almost all of the questions scholars have traditionally raised concerning “The Reasonable Officials,”