1. Liu Zhendong 劉振東, “Handai zhuhouwang, liehou mu de dimian jianzhi: Handai wang hou muzhi yanjiu zhi yi” 漢代諸侯王、列侯墓的地面建制: 漢代王、侯墓制研究之一, Han Tang yu bianjiang kaogu yanjiu, vol. 1 漢唐與邊疆考古研究, 第一輯 (Beijing: Kexue, 1995), 65–75. NB: The full title of the essay after the colon adds in Chinese “Research into the Han Dynastic Kings and Lords,” which seems redundant.

2. Li, Yinde 李銀德, “Xi Han liehou zangzhi yanjiu” 西漢列侯葬制研究, Hunan sheng bowuguan guankan 湖南省博物館館刊 2 (2005), 157–70Google Scholar.

3. For a complete list of contents of the “Statutes on Burial,” see Hubei Province Wenwu kaogu yanjiu suo, “Hubei Yunmeng Shuihudi M77 fajue jianbao” 湖北雲夢睡虎地 M77 發掘簡報, Jiang Han kaogu 江漢考古 2008.4, 31–37, color plate 15 (left), slip nos. 5–9. Editor’s note: On Shuihudi, see also A. F. P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Ch’in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch’in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd century B.C. Discovered in Yun-meng Prefecture, Hu-pei Province, in 1975 (Leiden: Brill, 1985).

4. On these, see Han, Guohe 韓國河 and Zhang, Xiangyu 張翔宇, “Xi’an diqu zhong xiao xing Xi Han mu de fenqi yu niandai yanjiu” 西安地區中小型西漢墓的分期與年代研究, Kaogu xuebao 考古學報 2 (2011), 213–44Google Scholar.

5. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiu yuan 陝西省考古研究院, “Xi’an Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi tianye kaogu fajue shouhuo” 西安鳳栖原西漢家族墓地田野考古發掘收穫, Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 2009.5, 111–12 [hereafter Zhang et al. 2009]. The authors here express thanks to Zhang Zhongli for the help he gave them throughout their research. Zhang led the team of archaeologists working at the Zhang Anshi site during the years 2008 to 2011; later, he was appointed Deputy Head of the archaeologists working on Liu He’s tomb at Nanchang (see below), overseeing another major archaeological find. A helpful resource is Yang, Wuzhan 楊武戰, “Xi Han liehou mudi sheshi chutan” 西漢列侯墓地設施初探, Kaogu 考古 2018.11, 92–99Google Scholar.

6. Liu He became a noble, and his fief began with four thousand households, but was twice reduced, first to three thousand and finally one thousand households. Although his status as deposed emperor was unique in Western Han, many features of his tomb reflect the burial regulations for nobles (see below). Zhang Zhongli (personal communication) reports that due to his transfer and the redirected focus, there are still materials found at Zhang Anshi’s cemetery that await publication, but for now little more can be said.

7. The armor the clay figurines originally wore had rotted away by the time of excavation.

8. Zhongli, Zhang, Yan, Ding, and Yanling, Zhu, “Fengqiyuan Han mu: Xi Han da jiangjun de jiazu muyuan” 鳳栖原漢墓: 西漢大將軍的家族墓園, Zhongguo wenhua yichan 中國文化遺產 6 (2011), 82–91Google Scholar.

9. This information was supplied by one of the excavators, Ding Yan.

10. Changle and Weiyang were also the names of the two greatest palaces in Western Han Chang’an.

11. On citang, one may consult the following sources: Wang Zijin 王子今, “Handai citang de zongfa quanwei yu wenhua weishi” 漢代祠堂的宗法權威與文化位勢, Zhongguo Renmin daxue xuebao 中國人民大學學報 2020.5, 5–162; Michael Nylan, “Constructing Citang in Han,” in Reconsidering Recarving, ed. Cary Y. Liu (Princeton: Princeton University Art Museum, 2008), 196–231; Liu, Zunzhi 劉尊志, “Handai mudi citang yanjiu”, 漢代墓地祠堂研究, ZKaogu xuebao 考古學報 2021.1, 57–82Google Scholar.

12. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiu yuan 陝西省考古研究院, “Xi’an Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi tianye kaogu fajue shouhuo,” 112.

13. Zhang Zhongli, Ding Yan, and Zhu Yanling, “Fengqiyuan Han mu: Xi Han da jiangjun de jiazu muyuan,” 90.

14. Zhang Tang held the position of Imperial Counselor 御史大夫 (the second highest-ranking member of the court), from 120–115 b.c.e. This essay uses Michael Loewe’s rendering of titles.

15. Ban Gu 班固 et al., Han shu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 59.2653. All references to this history are to this standard citation text, cited as Han shu.

16. Fan Ye 范曄, Hou Han shu 後漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1965), 35.1193–216. All references to this history are to this standard citation text, cited as Hou Han shu.

17. Zhang Zhongli, Ding Yan, and Zhu Yanling, “Fengqiyuan Han mu: Xi Han da jiangjun de jiazu muyuan,” 90.

18. Ding Yan, “Fengqiyuan Xi Han muyuan damu zhuren shitan” 鳳栖原西漢墓園大墓主人試探, Xibu kaogu 西部考古 9 (2016), 65–70.

19. Han Guohe 韓國河, Qin Han Wei Jin sangzang zhidu yanjiu 秦漢魏晉喪葬制度研究 (Xi’an: Shaanxi Renmin, 1999), 156. Han Guohe divides Han burials into four types, each with its own distinctive tomb arrangement and offerings: (1) emperors and empresses (帝王及王后); (2) Liu-clan kings and princes, nobles, commandery governors, and high-ranking officials at two thousand bushels or above (諸侯王、列侯、郡太守及二千石以上官秩); (3) county prefects and those of comparable status (縣令或相仿等級的); and (4) tombs belonging to small to mid-size landlords and commoners (中小地主及庶民). Compare Liu, Hanxing 劉漢興, “Xi’an Zhang Anshi jiazu mudi chuyi” 西安張安世家族墓地芻議, Beifang minzu kaogu 北方民族考古 7 (2019), 111–21.Google Scholar

20. Zhongli, Zhang, “Haihun hou, Liu He mu yuzhi jilun” 海昏侯劉賀墓逾制幾論, Nanfang wenwu 南方文物 3 (2016), 57–60Google Scholar.

21. Liu Hanxing, “Xi’an Zhang Anshi jiazu mudi chuyi,” 116–17.

22. See Cai Yong, Du duan, ed. Zhang Yuanji 張元濟, (Sibu congkan ed.) (Shanghai: Shangwu, 1936), 15. The term tonghou is used repeatedly in Han shu. This information also appears in Ying Shao’s commentary cited in Han shu, 1B.56.

23. The Chinese reads: 藩國大者，跨州兼郡，連城數十，宮室百官，同制京師.

24. Hu Bin 胡斌 compares Zhang Anzhi’s family cemetery to the nineteen other noble tombs that date to Western Han, to distinguish the special characteristics of nobles’ tombs, and hierarchies among them. Hu pays particular attention to the local, regional, and chronological variations. See his “Cong Xi Han Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi lai kan Xi Han liehou muzang de jige wenti” 從西漢鳳栖原西漢家族墓地來看西漢列侯墓葬的幾個問題, M.A. thesis (Xi’an: Xibei daxue, 2012).

25. Zhang Zhongli, Ding Yan, and Zhu Yanling, “Fengqiyuan Han mu: Xi Han da jiangjun de jiazu muyuan,” 85–86.

26. Hou Han shu, 22B.3152 (“Li yi zhi, xia” 禮儀志下).

27. Lu Zhaoyin 盧兆蔭, “Shilun Liang Han de yuyi” 試論兩漢的玉衣, Kaogu 考古 1981.1, 65–66; “Zailun Liang Han de yuyi” 再論兩漢的玉衣, Wenwu 文物 1989.10, 60–67.

28. On this, see Shaanxi Provincial Wenguan hui, Museum, and Xianyang City Museum, Yangjiawan Han tombs excavation unit 陝西省文管會、博物館、咸陽市博物館、楊家灣漢墓發掘小組, “Xianyang Yangjiawan fajue jianbao” 咸陽楊家灣漢墓發掘簡報, Wenwu 1977:10, 10–16, plus black-and-white plates (pp. 17–21) and color plate 4 (n.p.).

29. See “Xianyang Yangjiawan fajue jianbao” 咸陽楊家灣漢墓發掘簡報, compiled by the Shaanxi Provincial Wenguan hui, Shaanxi Provincial Museum, et al. 陝西省文管會、博物館等, Wenwu 文物 1977.10, 10–16.

30. However, side pits for the imperial tombs have been opened, as at Yangling, and some contain offerings of real chariots and horses.

31. Gao Chongwen 高崇文, “Western Han zhuhouwang mu chema xunzang zhidu tantao” 西漢諸侯王墓車馬殉葬制度探討, Wenwu 文物 1992.2, 37–43.

32. See Han shu, 10.302; Yuandi ordered this in the last year of his reign. Gao Chongwen notes this and makes this edict the basis for ending burials of real horses and chariots.

33. Gao Chongwen, “Western Han zhuhouwang mu chema xunzang zhidu tantao,” 39.

34. Liu Zhendong 劉振東, ”Zhongguo gudai lingmu zhong de wai cang guo” 中國古代陵墓中的外藏槨, Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 1999.4, 75–84.

35. Gao Chongwen, “Western Han zhuhouwang mu chema xunzang zhidu tantao,” 41.

36. Zhou Bo helped to put Wendi on the throne, and Zhang Anshi, Xuandi.

37. The clay figurines were dressed in real silk, after the figurines were painted. With the wooden figurines, the clothes were sculpted and then painted. Notably, the clay figurines in Zhou Bo’s tomb had “clothes” that were sculpted, but were not painted or clothed in miniature silk robes.

38. These figurines recall those at Yangling.

39. Cao, Long 曹龍, “Xi Han diling peizang zhidu chutan” 西漢帝陵陪葬制度初探, Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 2012.5, 82–85Google Scholar.

40. The Chamber of Rest was analogized to the main audience hall in the palace, and another site, the bian dian 便殿, as a hall where feasts might be held. Han shu, 73.3116 (biography of Wei Xuancheng) states this plainly.

41. Han shu, 68.2948.

42. Han shu, 81.3350.

43. Zhang Zhongli, Ding Yan, and Zhu Yanling, “Fengqiyuan Han mu: Xi Han da jiangjun de jiazu muyuan,” 87. For a Western publication that explains these architectural details, see Nancy S. Steinhardt, Traditional Chinese Architecture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), based on Liang Sicheng’s many publications.

44. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiu yuan 陝西省考古研究院, “Xi’an Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi tianye kaogu fajue shouhuo,” 112. The width (north–south) is three bays wide, and the length (east–west) is five bays.

45. Based on the arrangement of the tomb of Haihun hou, Liu He, in Jiangxi, Liu Rui 劉瑞 believes that in front of the grave there should be the shrine and Chamber of Rest, and so the site that has been found must be a Chamber of Rest, rather than a shrine. We believe that the two tombs may not be comparable, even though both belong to nobles (hou 侯), and so theoretically are of equal status. After all, Liu He was a deposed emperor. We moreover believe that it seems problematic to reconstruct a Western Han funerary regulation based on an entry in the post-Han Cao-Wei text titled Huanglan 皇覽, which contains an entry on a shrine dedicated to Confucius. The Han shu biography of Zhang Anshi clearly states that they erected a grave mound and shrine, suggesting some proximity between the two. With no other comparable sites in the family cemetery, we suspect this site is a shrine or worship hall. See Liu Rui, “Haihun hou Liu He mu muyuan zhidu chutan” 海昏侯劉賀墓墓園制度初探, Nanfang wenwu 南方文物 2016.3, 54.

46. Han shu, 93.3734 (biography of Dong Xian, an imperial favorite). The phrase zhongying 冢塋 refers to the entire mortuary complex enclosed by perimeter walls. Interestingly, both Huo Guang and Dong Xian were given a ticou style of burial (where cedar logs form interlocking structures), usually reserved for kings and princes of the Liu clan. In theory, a jiaodao (prohibited walkway) was an imperial prerogative, judging from Shi ji, 6.274. Certainly, one foreign leader concluded that, when he returned home to build his own version of the jiandao, as in Han shu, 96.3916 (said of the King of Qiuci [Kucha] 龜茲).

47. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiu yuan 陝西省考古研究院, “Xi’an Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi tianye kaogu fajue shouhuo,” 112.

48. He Ruyue speculates, in the absence of evidence, that this perhaps results from the conformation of the land.

49. Hu Bin, “Cong Xi Han Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi lai kan Xi Han liehou muzang de jige wenti,” 44.

50. As noted in Michael Nylan and Griet Vankeerberghen, ed., Chang’an 26 BCE: An Augustan Age in China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2015), 33, 132, 141–42, 149n32, the same term “accompanying burials” (a modern term) can now refer to a couple being interred together (which we do not see in connection with imperial mortuary complexes) and tomb occupants being interred in sites nearby after their natural deaths. Michael Loewe has written repeatedly on imperial funerals and once on the disposition of the mausoleum towns.

51. Cao Long 曹龍, “Xi Han diling peizang zhidu chutan” 西漢帝陵陪葬制度初探, M.A. thesis 碩士論文 (Xibei daxue, 2009), 36.

52. Sima Qian 司馬遷 et al., Shi ji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959), 18.938. Corroborating evidence comes from Han shu, 97B.4003. Also, one chapter devoted to excessive luxury in Wang Fu’s 王符 (78–163) Qianfu lun 潛夫論 says, “At the time of Mingdi (r. 25–57), the Noble of Zongyang 樅陽, Sang Min 桑民, was tried for having built a tomb mound that “transgressed the rituals,” and for that he had his beard and head shaved [as a mutilating punishment]. Wang Fu, Qian fu lun (Fu chi 浮侈 pian) (Kaifeng: Henan daxue, 2008), 150.

53. Zhouli zhushu 周禮注疏, commentary by Zheng Xuan, in Shisan jing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元 (preface dated 1815), reprint (Beijing: Zhongshu photographic reprint, n.d.), 22.786B. Editor’s note: there is a vast literature on the Zhouli, and many scholars in Eastern Han denounced it as a “late Zhanguo forgery,” possibly because of its association with Liu Xin, who supported Wang Mang. See William Boltz, “Chou li,” in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China, 1993), 24–32.

54. Liu Rui thinks that Zheng Xuan’s citation of the Han Statutes is perhaps a revision of the “Statutes on Burial” found at Shuihudi, where the “four” is a mistranscription of “three.” See Liu Rui, “Haihun hou Liu He mu muyuan zhidu chutan,” 53. Liu Rui likewise considers the possibility that the Han precedents changed (see below).

55. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiu yuan 陝西省考古研究院, “Xi’an Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi tianye kaogu fajue shouhuo” 西安鳳栖原西漢家族墓地田野考古發掘收穫, Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 2009.5, 111.

56. He Jiejun 何介鈞, Mawangdui Hanmu 馬王堆漢墓 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2004), 7; Anhui sheng Wenwu gongzuodui, deng 安徽省文物工作隊等, “Fuyang Shuanggudui Xi Han Ruyin hou mu fajue jianbao” 阜陽雙古堆西漢汝陰侯墓發掘簡報，Wenwu 文物 1978.8, 12.

57. Han shu, 54.2449.

58. Liu Rui, “Haihun hou Liu He mu muyuan zhidu chutan,” 53.

59. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiu yuan 陝西省考古研究院, “Xi’an Fengqiyuan Xi Han jiazu mudi tianye kaogu fajue shouhuo,” 111.

60. See Liu Rui, “Haihun hou Liu He mu muyuan zhidu chutan,” 54.

61. Liu Hanxing, “Xi’an Zhang Anshi jiazu mudi chuyi,” 118. Also, Xu, Weimin, “Liu He mu yu Zhang Anshi mu de bijiao yanjiu” 劉賀墓與張安世墓的比較研究, Qin Han yanjiu 秦漢研究 12 (2007), 14Google Scholar.

62. Liu Rui, “Haihun hou Liu He mu muyuan zhidu chutan,” 51–56. The large-scale mortuary complexes of Yangling measure from 4,000 to 13,000 square meters. In every case, the tomb occupants are nobles, princes, and commandery governors. Among these, some nobles’ tombs exceed 10,000 square meters in size. The tomb of Zhou Bo 周勃 at Yangjiawan 楊家灣 is an 16 meters in height, which greatly exceeds the size stipulated in the “Statutes on Burial.” Thus, even during the comparatively early reigns of Wendi and Jingdi, the courts may not have complied with the “Statutes on Burial.” Many special grants by the emperor were determined by the circumstances and may not necessarily have conformed strictly to the regulations. Editor’s Note: If Hou Xudong 侯旭東 (Tsinghua University) is correct, then the close association between some imperial favorites and the emperors would have prompted excessive burials. But neither in Zhou’s case nor in Zhang Anshi’s is this likely the correct explanation. For Hou’s theory on “intimate ministers” (jinchen 近臣), see his book Chong: renxing junchen guanxi yu Xi Han lishi de zhankai 寵: 任性君臣關係與西漢歷史的展開 (Beijing: Beijing daxue, 2018).

63. Editor’s note: Zhang Zhongli assumes this “preference” was “exclusive,” but that is based on old scholarship about Wudi’s reign, which many have since queried. Lavish burials were disliked by many people who cannot possibly be construed as “Confucians” (i.e., ethical followers of Confucius) or as in a rival camp. He Ruyue concurs.

64. Zhang Zhongli, “Haihun hou, Liu He mu yuzhi jilun,” 60.

65. Generally speaking, the funeral mounds of the Western and Eastern Han emperors were mostly called ling 陵 “mounds” or “mountain” (shan 山 or shanling 山陵), whereas the vassal kings’ tombs were “king’s mounds” (wangling 王陵), and the tombs of nobles, fen 墳 or zhong 塚.

66. But see below. In a few cases, smaller burial sites and clustered near the important peizang burial sites, perhaps by special grants at later times.

67. Han shu, 28B.1642.

68. I.e., east of the Guanzhong Basin.

69. Liu Qingzhu 劉慶柱 and Li Yufang 李毓芳, Xi Han shiyi diling 西漢十一帝陵, ed. Zhongguo shehui kexue yuan Kaogu yanjiu suo 中國社會科學院考古研究所編 (Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin, 1987), 210. For Liu Rui’s similar idea see his “Qin Han diling de nei, zhong, wai, sanchong lingyuan zhidu chutan” 秦西漢帝陵的內、中、外三重陵園制度初探, Zhongguo wenwu bao 中國文物報 18 (2007), 1–3.

70. Each imperial tomb complex has a mudao 墓道, or tomb passageway, in the middle of the cemetery complex. Four surface roads leading out of the complex in the cardinal directions converge upon the tomb, making it serve as the crossing point. These four roads are called “spirit roads” (shen dao 神道). Because each “spirit road” diverges to travel directly to one of the four so-called gates on the exterior perimeter walls surrounding the cemetery, where one gate is centered in each of the four walls, the roads are called the Sima men dao 司馬門道 or Sima dao 司馬道. The analogy is to the palace, which has its own Major Gate. On imperial tombs, see Xi Han diling zuantan diaocha baogao 西漢帝陵鑽探調查報告 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2010).

71. Liu Qingzhu and Li Yufang, Xi Han shiyi diling, 210.

72. Liu Qingzhu and Li Yufang, Xi Han shiyi diling, 102–8.

73. Wang Chong, Lunheng, cited in Huang Hui 黃暉, Lunheng jiaoshi 論衡校釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2018), 23.846.

74. Cao Long, “Xi Han diling peizang zhidu chutan,” 34.

75. Gao Tingfa 高廷法, Xianning xian zhi 咸寧縣誌, “Ling mu zhi” 陵墓志 (Record on Burial Sites) (Xi’an, 1819 西安府 print), 14.4a. [This “Ling mu zhi” entry is cited below as Xianning xian zhi.] The four-character phrase 壘壘皆是 used by Gao cites today’s Zuozhuan, Lord Wen, Year 12.

76. Han Duling lingyuan yizhi 漢杜陵陵園遺址, ed. Institute of Archaeology, Social Sciences Academy 中國社會科學院考古研究所 (Beijing: Kexue, 1993), 98.

77. Han shu, 59.2657, also n. 1. Ban Gu speaks of Duling, but he means Du county, as Duling did not exist prior to being built as Xuandi’s mausoleum town. As Zhang Anshi served three successive courts, Zhang was given a residential plot first in Maoling 茂陵 (under Wudi), then in Pingling 平陵 (under Zhaodi), and finally in Duling (under Xuandi).

78. Han shu, 8.253 (Annals of Xuandi).

79. Han shu, 59.2653.

80. Han shu, 10.317 (Annals of Chengdi). For details on these gradations, see Luke Habberstad, Forming the Early Chinese Court: Rituals, Spaces, Roles (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2017), esp. chap. 4.

81. Han shu, 78.3271 (said of Xiao Wangzhi 蕭望之, a high-ranking minister under Xuandi who was enfeoffed as guannei hou, before being slandered). His tomb site is close to Duling, north of it by some 8.4 li. See Minzhu, Sun 孫民柱, “Xi’an Jiaoda xiaoyuan, Xi Han bihua mu jiqi muzhuren kaozheng” 西安交大校園西漢壁畫墓及其墓主人考證， Xi’an Jiaotong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 西安交通大學學報 2/44 (1998), 83–87Google Scholar.

82. Wang Xianqian, Han shu buzhu 漢書補注, 1900; photographic rpt. (Beijing: Shumu wenxian, 1995), 59.11a (Western pagination 1202).

83. Yang Shuda 楊樹達, Handai hunsang lisu kao 漢代婚喪禮俗考 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2001, orig. pubd 1934), 101.

84. Yue shi 樂史 (compiled between 930–1007), cited in Taiping huanyu ji 太平寰宇記, rpt. (rpt. 1916), 25.12.

85. Gao Tingfa, Xianning xian zhi, 14.5b.

86. Liu Qingzhu and Li Yufang, Xi Han shiyi diling, 101.

87. Unfortunately, the standard histories tell us remarkably little about the female peizang mu.

88. Han shu, 68.2963 (biography of Jin Midi’s son 金日磾).

89. Gao Wen 高文, Han bei jishi 漢碑集釋 (Kaifeng: Henan daxue, 1997), 433.

90. Hou Han shu, 54.1775 (biography of Yang Bing 楊秉, son of Zhen).

91. Cao Long, “Xi Han diling peizang zhidu chutan,” 36.

92. Yuan Hong 袁宏, Hou Han ji 後漢紀, in Liang Hanji, vol. 2 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2017), 13.258. An anonymous reader of this article agues that imperial conferral, as an imperial fiat, could not be disobeyed, and so it is inappropriate to use the term “choice”; in this context, however, both the authors and the editor believe that high-ranking ministers were thought to have earned the privilege to refuse the honor of an “accompanying burial,” with the emperor deferring to the minister’s wishes. In that respect, as in others, the “accompanying burials” differ from the burials of those of servile status.

93. Han shu, 73.3115 (biography of Wei Xian 韋賢).

94. Editor’s note: Loewe changed his “Superintendent” to “Commissioner” for the ministers, when he advised Griet Vankeerberghen and me for Chang’an 26 BCE. His reasoning: “Superintendent” these days sounds more like a low-ranking official than a minister.

95. Zhang Tang’s tomb, excavated in 2002 (April–October), is located 3 kilometers south of present-day Du city. See “Xi’an shi Chang’an qu Xibei zhengfa xueyuan, Xi Han Zhang Tang mu fajue jianbao” 西安市長安區西北政法學院西漢張湯墓發掘簡報, Wenwu 文物 2004.6, 22–28. Zhang Xiangyu 張翔宇 considers that the tomb occupant is not Han Wudi’s Imperial Counselor Zhang Tang, but someone who had the same family and personal names. To date, he has not given sufficient reasons for his views. See Zhang’s “Xi Han ‘Zhang Tang’ mu xiangguan wenti tantao” 西漢 “張湯” 墓相關問題探討, Liaoning shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 遼寧師範大學學報 (社會科學版） 35 (2012.3), 422–26.

96. Cao Long, “Xi Han diling peizang zhidu chutan,” 33.

97. Cao Long, “Xi Han diling peizang zhidu chutan,” 33.

98. Han shu, 59.2648–50.