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LUMINOSITY, SPIRIT, AND THE ROLE OF CLAPPER-BELLS IN THE FORMATION OF A CHINESE METALLURGICAL TRADITION
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 March 2024
Abstract
This article explores the manner in which the Eurasian metallurgical tradition was transformed into an indigenous tradition on the Chinese Central Plains. It argues that the association of luminosity with the divine has a cognitive foundation, which accounts for the use translucent stones and shiny metals, including copper, bronze, silver, and gold as mediums for religious artifacts throughout the world. In China, this association was the primary impetus for the development of an indigenous metallurgy based on a piece-mold and coring technology. Although the technology ultimately concentrated on the production of ritual vessels, it was first developed at Yanshi Erlitou 偃師二里頭 for the production of clapper-bells (ling 鈴), which had similar round hollow bodies.
We further explore the history of clapper-bells, arguing that they were a development of a Central Plains tradition dating back to the Yangshao 仰韶 period (5000–3000 b.c.e.). We argue that their religious significance at Erlitou lay in the previously unheard sound produced when the two luminous substances, jade and bronze, struck against one another. Thus, religious interlocutors at Erlitou used them to contact the ancestral spirits. Later, in the Yinxu 殷墟 period of the Shang Dynasty (ca. 1300–1050 b.c.e.), bronze clapper-bells were worn by dogs buried in tombs. We propose that their role there was a development of the earlier one; that is, they were used to contact the occupant's ancestral spirits as he was guided by the dog in the underworld.
摘要
本文探討了歐亞冶金傳統轉變為中國本土傳統的方式。文章認為“閃亮”與神聖性的關聯有其認知基礎，世界各地都使用透亮的石頭和有光澤的金屬（包括紅銅、青銅、銀和金）來製作宗教器物。在中國，這種關聯是促進以塊範法和懸芯技術為基礎的中國本土冶金術發展的主要動力。儘管該技術最終集中於生產以容器為代表的青銅禮器，但它最早在偃師二里頭出現時卻用於製作銅鈴。銅鈴與容器相似，都有著圓形的空腔。
我們進一步探討了早期鈴的歷史，認為它們有著中原本土的淵源，最早可以追溯到仰韶時期（西元前 5000–3000 年）的陶鈴。我們認為銅鈴在二里頭文化中的宗教意義源于玉石和青銅這兩種“閃亮”的物質，以及相互撞擊時產生的從未出現過的新聲響。二里頭的巫（宗教人員）用銅鈴溝通祖先的靈魂。後來，商代殷墟時期（約西元前 1300–1050 年），墓葬中的狗常見佩戴銅鈴的情況。我們認為這是銅鈴早期功能的發展與延續，即墓主人于死後世界中在狗的引導下通過銅鈴溝通祖先。
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References
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16 See Li Liu and Xingcan Chen, The Archaeology of China: From the Late Paleolithic to the Early Bronze Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 222.
17 Jessica Rawson, “Shimao and Erlitou: New Perspectives on the Origins of the Bronze Industry in Central China,” Antiquity 91 (2017), 1–5 at 4. See, however, the metallurgical analysis in Chen Kunlong 陳坤龍, Yang Fan 楊帆, Mei Jianjun 梅建軍, Shao Anding 邵安定, Shao Jing 邵晶, and Di Nan 邸楠, “Shaanxi Shenmushi Shimao yizhi chutu tongqi de kexue fenxi ji xiangguan wenti” 陝西神木市石峁遺址出土銅器的科學分析及相關問題, Kaogu 2022.7, 58–70. This article demonstrates that many of the metal articles found at Shimao were imported, so this is also possibly true for the toothed huan.
18 Shao Jing, “Shimao yizhi yu Taosi yizhi de bijiao yanjiu,” 69.
19 Guojia wenwuju 國家文物局, ed., 2001 Zhongguo zhongyao kaogu faxian 中國重要考古發現 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2002), 24–27; Gao Jiangtao 高江濤 and He Nu 何弩, “Taosi yizhi chutu tongqi chutan” 陶寺遺址出土銅器初探, Nanfang wenwu 2014.1, 91–95; Li Jaang, Zhouyong Sun, Jiang Shao, and Min Li, “When Peripheries were Centres: A Preliminary Study of the Shimao-centered Polity in the Loess Highland, China,” Antiquity 92 (2018), 1008–22. Rawson, “Shimao and Erlitou.” Rawson relates this form to the Karasuk Culture (1400–1200) but that culture is too late to have influenced the sites discussed herein.
20 Sun, Zhouyong, et al., “The First Neolithic Urban Center on China’s North Loess Plateau.”
21 Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Erlitou gongzuodui 中國科學院考古研究所二里頭工作队, “Yanshi Erlitou yizhi xin faxian de tongqi he yuqi” 偃師二里頭遺址新發現的銅器和玉器, Kaogu 1976.4, 259–63 at 261, fig. 5. This disk is sometimes described as a mirror. However, similar disks, which are undecorated, are often convex and may have holes at the rim suggesting they were attached to something else. See Chen Guoliang 陳國梁, “Erlitou wenhua tongqi yanjiu” 二里頭文化銅器研究, in Zhongguo zaoqi qingtong wenhua: Erlitou wenhua zhuanti yanjiu 中國早期青銅文化——二里頭文化專題研究, ed. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo 中國社會科學院考古研究所 (Beijing: Kexue, 2008), 142, fig. 7.
22 Louisa G. Fitzgerald-Huber, “Qijia and Erlitou: The Question of Contacts With Distant Cultures,” Early China 20 (1995), 17–67. For further examples of the cross pattern, see Huang Mingchong 黃銘崇 (Hwang Ming-Chorng), “Maixiang zhongqi shidai: zhutong jishu de shuru yu zhongguo qingtong jishu de xingcheng” 邁向重器時代——鑄銅技術的輸入與中國青銅技術的形成, Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊, 85.4 (2014), 622.
23 Liu Xuetang 劉學堂, “Qijia tongqi xicheng dongjie” 齊家銅器西承東接, Sichou zhi lu 2015.13, 37–44. The attribution to Qijia culture is by Liu Xuetang of Xinjiang University; the artifact was not scientifically excavated.
24 Zhou Ya 周亞, “Shanghai bowuguan cang xiangqian lüsongshi shiziwen fangyue guancha” 上海博物館藏鑲嵌綠松石十字紋方鉞觀察, in Erlitou yizhi yu Erlitou wenhua yanjiu 二里頭遺址與二里頭文化研究, ed. Du Jinpeng 杜金鵬 and Xu Hong 許宏 (Beijing: Kexue, 2006), 200–205.
25 Sarah Allan, The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art, and Cosmos in Early China (Albany: State University of New York, 1991), 102.
26 Xu Hong 許宏, Heyi Zhongguo: Gongyuanqian 2000 nian de zhongyuan tujing 何以中國: 公元前 2000 年的中原圖景 (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 2014), 83–88. The dates of the vessel fragments given below follow those given therein.
27 Xu Hong 許宏, “Lizhi yicun yu liyue wenhua de qiyuan” 禮制遺存與禮樂文化的起源, Gudai wenming 3 (2004), 87–101 at 95.
28 Henansheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo 河南省文物研究所 and Zhengzhoushi Bowuguan 鄭州市博物館, “Zhengzhou xin faxian Shangdai jiaocang qingtongqi” 鄭州新發現商代窖藏青銅器, Wenwu 1983.3, 13, pl. 1.
29 Gao Guangren 高廣仁 and Shao Wangping 邵望平, “Shiqian tao gui chulun” 史前陶鬶初論, Kaogu xuebao 1981.4, 427–59.
30 Liu Yu 劉煜, Liu Jianyu 劉建宇, and Zhao Chunqing 趙春青, “Henan Xinmi Xinzhai yizhi chutu tongqi fenxi” 河南新密新砦遺址出土銅器分析, Nanfang wenwu 2016.4, 108–14; Xu Hong, Heyi Zhongguo, 86.
31 Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Shanxi gongzuodui, “Shanxi Xiangfen Taosi yizhi shouci faxian tongqi,” 1068.
32 Miyamoto Kazuo has argued that one of them was probably chiseled after casting. He has also argued that the cloth was used in the casting process rather than to wrap the bell in the burial. Miyamoto Kazuo 宮本一夫, “Erlitou wenhua tongling de laiyuan yu fazhan” 二里頭文化銅鈴的來源與發展, in Xia Shang duyi yu wenhua 夏商都邑與文化, ed, Xu Hong, vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue, 2014), 329–41.
33 Deng Lingling, “Taosi yizhi taoling gongneng tanxi.”
34 We use the term “wine” herein in its general sense of an alcoholic drink. In ancient China, these drinks were grain-based, but could include fruit and aromatic plant materials. See, for example, Patrick E. McGovern, Ancient Wine: The Search for the Origin of Viniculture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013); Liu Li 劉莉, Wang Jiajing 王佳靜, Chen Xingcan 陳星燦, et al. “Yangshao wenhua dafangzi yu yanyin chuantong: Henan Yanshi Huizui yizhi F1 dimian he taoqi canliuwu fenxi” 仰紹文化大房子與宴飲傳統:河南偃師灰嘴遺址F1地面和陶器殘留物分析, Zhongyuan wenwu 2018.1, 32–43.
35 Gao Wei 高煒, “Shiqian tao ling ji qi xiangguan wenti” 史前陶鈴及其相關問題, in Ershiyi shiji de zhongguo kaoguxue 二十一世紀的中國考古學, ed. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo 中國社會科學院考古研究所 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2002), 223–41 [at 224]; Li Chunyi 李純一, Xian Qin yinyueshi 先秦音樂史, revised edition (Beijing: Renmin, 2005), 25–26.
36 Cf. Kubota Shinji 久保田慎二, “Taosi yu Erlitou tongling de chuxian beijing” 陶寺與二里頭銅鈴的出現背景, in Xia Shang duyi yu wenhua, ed. Xu Hong, 1:315–28, who argues that the Neolithic bells did not have clappers.
37 Shao Jing, “Shimao yizhi yu Taosi yizhi de bijiao yanjiu,” 70.
38 Deng Lingling, “New Perspectives on the Function of ‘Clapper-Bells’: Metal Lings in the Early Bronze Age of China,” Archaeological Research in Asia 27 (2021), 100303, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ara.2021.100303.
39 Gao Wei, “Shiqian tao ling ji qi xiangguan wenti”; Chen Guoliang 陳國梁, “Zhongguo zaoqi lingxingqi: yi xinshiqi shidai zhi Erligang wenhua de taoling he tongling weili” 中國早期鈴形器 以新石器時代至二里崗文化的陶鈴和銅鈴為例, Gudai wenming 2018.12, 28–70.
40 Tang Wei 湯威, “Zhengzhou Xinmi chutude Xinzhaiqi taoling” 鄭州新密出土的新砦期的陶令, Wenwu 2012.1: , 82–84.
41 Chen Guoliang, “Zhongguo zaoqi lingxingqi,” 68 (fubiao 附表 3) lists two from Shaanxi Nanzheng Longgangsi 陝西南鄭龍崗寺 M430, M431 and three from Jiangsu Province: Pixian Liulin 邳縣柳林 M118 and Pixian Dadunzi 邳縣大墩子 M253 and M325.
42 Huang Mingchong, “Maixiang zhongqi shidai,” 631–35.
43 Meicun Lin and Xiang Liu, “The Origins of Metallurgy in China,” Antiquity 91 (2017), 1–6; See also Jessica Rawson, “China and the Steppe: Reception and Resistance.”
44 Chen Guoliang, “Erlitou wenhua tongqi yanjiu,” 137–38.
45 Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang fajuedui 中國科學院考古研究所洛陽發掘隊, “Henan Yanshi Erlitou yizhi fajue jianbao” 河南偃師二里頭遺址發掘簡報, Kaogu 1965.5, 222 and pl. 5.4. Details about where the pottery clapper-bells were found are not recorded in the report.
46 Anhuisheng bowuguan 安徽省博物館, “Zunxun Maozhuxi de zhishi, zuohao wenwu bowuguan gongzuo” 遵循毛主席的指示，做好文物博物館工作, Wenwu 1978.8, 3.
47 “Sanguanmiao site of the Erlitou period in Feixi, Anhui,” in Major Archaeological Discoveries in China in 2019, ed. Guojia wenwuju (Beijing: Wenwu, 2020), 48–52; Qin Rangping 秦讓平, “Anhui Feixi Sanguanmiao yizhi faxian Erlitou shiqi yicun” 安徽肥西三官廟遺址發現二里頭時期遺, Zhongguo wenwu bao August 23, 2019.08.23, 8.
48 Fang Lin 方林, “Feixi Sanguanmiao yizhi chutu qingtong bingqi de niandai ji xiangguan wenti” 肥西三官廟遺址出土青銅兵器的年代及相關問題, Wenwu jianding yu jianshang 文物鑒定與鑒賞 2022.20, 6–9.
49 Xu Hong, “Erlitou M3 ji suizang lüsongshi longxingqi de kaogu beijng fenxi” 二里頭 M3 及隨葬綠松石龍形器的考古背景分析, Gudai wenming 10 (2016), 39–53.
50 Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Erlitou gongzuodui 中國社會科學院考古研究所二里頭工作隊, “Henan Yanshishi Erlitou yizhi zhongxinqu de kaogu xin faxian” 河南偃師市二里頭遺址中心區的考古新發現, Kaogu 2005.7, 15–20, translated as Erlitou Fieldwork Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, “A Large Turquoise Dragon-Form Artifact Discovered at the Erlitou Site,” Chinese Archaeology 5.1 (2005), 10–12; Zhu Naicheng 朱乃誠, “Erlitou Wenhua ‘long’ yicun yanjiu” 二里頭文化‘龍’遺存研究, Zhongyuan wenwu 2006.4, 15–21, 38; Zhongguo shehui kexue yuan kaogu yanjiusuo Erlitou gongzuodui 中國社會科學院考古研究所二里頭工作隊, Erlitou: 1999 ~ 2006二里頭 1999~2006 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2014), vol. 2, 999–1006.
51 Xu Hong, Zui zao de Zhongguo 最早的中國 (Beijing: Kexue, 2009), 102–4.
52 Zhongguo Shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Erlitou gongzuodui 中國社會科學院考古研究所二里頭工作隊, “1981-nian Henan Yanshi Erlitou muzang fajue jianbao” 1981年河南偃師二里頭墓葬發掘簡報, Kaogu 1984.1, 37–40. This tomb had been disturbed, so the evidence is not conclusive.
53 Sarah Allan, “The Taotie Motif on Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes,” in The Zoomorphic Imagination in Chinese Art and Culture, ed. Jerome Silbergeld and Eugene Wang (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2016), 35–36.
54 Huang Cuimei 黃翠梅 (Huang Tsui-mei), “Gongneng yu yuanliu: Erlitou wenhua xiang lüsongshi tongpaishi yanjiu” 功能與源流: 二里頭文化鑲綠松石銅牌飾研究, Gugong xueshu jikan 33:1 (2015), 97–122.
55 Sarah Allan, “Erlitou and the Formation of Chinese Civilization: Toward a New Paradigm,” Journal of Asian Studies 66.2 (2007), 461–96 at 485; Allan, “The Taotie Motif on Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes,” 28.
56 Xu Hong, “Erlitou M3 ji suizang lüsongshi longxingqi de kaogu beijng fenxi, ” 50; Yan Zhibin 嚴志斌, “Qi gu, yuan taopian, yu bingxingqi” 漆觚、圓陶片與柄形器,” Zhongguo guojia bowuguan guankan, 2020.1: , 6–22.
57 Xu Hong, “Erlitou M3 ji suizang lüsongshi longxingqi de kaogu beijng fenxi.”
58 Xu Hong, “Erlitou M3 ji suizang lüsongshi longxingqi de kaogu beijng fenxi.”
59 Henansheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo 河南省文物考古研究所, ed., Zhengzhou Shangcheng: 1953–1985 nian kaogu fajue baogao 鄭州商城: 1953–1985年考古發掘報告 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2001), 381.
60 Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo 中國社會科學院考古研究所, ed., Yanshi Shangcheng 偃師商城 (Beijing: Kexue, 2013), 374–75, 655–56, 729.
61 Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo 河北省文物研究所, Gaocheng Taixi Shangdai yizhi 藁城台西商代遺址 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1985), 154–56.
62 Deng Lingling, “New Perspectives on the Function of ‘Clapper-Bells,’” 11.
63 This approximation was made in the 1990s; see Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo 中國社會科學院考古研究所, ed., Yinxu de faxian yu yanjiu 殷墟的發現與研究 (Beijing: Kexue, 1994), 321–22.
64 Yue Hongbin 岳洪彬, “Tan Shang ren de ‘Huangquan guannian’: cong Yinxu tongling shang zhuangshi de daozhuang shoumianwen shuoqi” 談商人的’黃泉觀念’—從殷墟銅鈴上裝飾的倒裝獸面紋說起, Zhongguo wenwu bao, August 18, 2006, 7.
65 See Wang Xiuping 王秀萍. “Yinxu chutu tongling de ‘yue’ yong gongneng chutan” 殷墟出土銅鈴的“樂”用功能初探, Nanjing yishu xueyuan xuebao (Yinyue yu biaoyan) 南京藝術學院學報(音樂與表演) 2018.1, 39–45. Wang suggests that clapper-bells could be considered as musical instruments, but she also observes that their archaeological distribution in tombs is distinct from other musical instruments, such as chimes, bells, and ocarinas. Our argument is that they played a distinctive role at Yinxu, which reflects their evolution from the special role of clapper-bells at Erlitou.
66 Yue Hongbin, “Zailun Shangdai de ‘Huangquan guannian’: cong Yinxu wangling he shuijing shendu de bijiao delai de qishi” 再論商代的 ‘黃泉觀念’——從殷墟王陵和水井深度的比較得來的啟示, Zhongyuan wenwu 2018.5, 38–48.
67 Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang gongzuodui 中國社會科學院考古研究所安陽工作隊, “Anyang Wuguancun beidi Shangdai jisikeng de fajue” 安陽武官村北地商代祭祀坑的發掘, Kaogu 1987.12, 1062–1070 at 1145.
68 Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang gongzuodui, “Anyang Wuguancun beidi Shangdai jisikeng de fajue,” 1065, fig. 7.
69 Sun Ming 孫明, “Shang Zhou shiqi xuanling qingtong liqi yanjiu” 商周時期懸鈴青銅禮器研究, Beifang minzu kaogu 2015. 2, 153–64; Sun Ming, “Shang Zhou shiqi xuanling qingtong liqi shangxi” 商周時期懸鈴青銅禮器賞析, Shoucangjia 2016.4, 16–20. See also Zhang Changping 張昌平, “Shang, Xi Zhou shiqi dailing qingtongrongqi jiqi nanchuan” 商、西周時期帶鈴青銅容器及其南傳, in “Zhoubian” yu “Zhongxin”: Yinxu shiqi Anyang ji Anyang yiwai diqu de kaogu faxian yu yanjiu “周邊”與“中心”：殷墟時期安陽及安陽以外地區的考古發現與研究, ed. Li Yongdi 李永迪 (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 2015), 251–75.
70 For the small number of unusual burial types not discussed here, see Feng Guangsheng 馮光生, “Wan Shang tongling bianxi” 晚商銅鈴辨析, Zhongguo yinyuexue 中國音樂學, 2018.1, 31–44, 4.