Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T18:02:24.909Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

INCORPORATING ALL FOR ONE: THE FIRST EMPEROR'S TOMB MOUND

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 September 2014

Jie Shi
Jie Shi*
Affiliation:
Jie Shi, 施傑, University of Chicago; email: [email protected].
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

The towering earthen mound standing at the center of the First Emperor of Qin, Qin Shihuangdi's (259–210 b.c.e.) Lishan necropolis at present-day Lintong in Xi'an, Shaanxi province was arguably the single greatest burial marker in ancient China. For centuries, this gigantic unopened monument has sparked curiosity and aroused interest among people regarding its nature. Without physically damaging the target, in 2001–2003 Chinese archaeologists used a new geophysical remote sensor to scan the surface of the mound, digitally probed into its inner structure, and detected a nine-stepped wall that bounds an aboveground burial shaft stretching down deep into the ground. This novel structure begs the following questions: what are the basic elements of this tomb mound, how do they work together within a coherent plan, and why was it made?

Based on previous scholarship, this article conducts a more thorough analysis of the tomb mound and compares it with the excavated Eastern Zhou royal tombs of the Qin, Wei, Zhao, Qi, Chu, Han, Yan, and Zhongshan states. The results demonstrate that rather than following a single model of a single state, the Lishan tomb mound incorporated almost all the major features of its Eastern Zhou predecessors, including but not limited to the external tumulus, the internal stepped wall or terrace, simulated galleries, and the freestanding ritual halls. This article argues that by creatively incorporating all the provincial ingredients into one imperial unity, the complex tomb mound unified multiple funerary practices of China. What's more, the tomb mound, most likely constructed after Qin's political unification of China in 221 b.c.e., perfectly embodies the new notion of empire and the political ambition of the First Emperor who strove throughout his life for becoming the “first” in Chinese history by merging all the past traditions.

摘要

秦始皇帝（公元前 259–210 年）的高大封土矗立於陝西省西安市臨潼區秦驪山陵園的中心，可稱為中國古代最大的墓表建筑。若干世紀以來，這座未曾發掘的封土激發了人們對其性質的好奇和興趣。2001–2003 年，在不破壞封土的情況下，中國考古學家使用一種新型的地球物理遙感器掃描了封土表面，以數字化方式深入其內部結構，結果探測到一座高達九層的封土圍墻，環繞形成一個地上的墓坑，墓坑垂直深入地表之下。這個嶄新的結構提出了一系列問題：這座封土的基本元素為何？這些元素如何統一於一個整體方案之中？緣何要建造這座封土？

在吸收前賢學術成果的基礎上，本文對這座封土做了更為徹底的分析，并將其和已經發掘的東周時期秦、魏、趙、齊、楚、韓、燕和中山諸國的王陵加以比較。研究結果顯示驪山封土并非遵循一國或一陵的舊例，而是囊括了東周眾多先例幾乎全部的主要特征，包括（但不限於）外部墳塚、內部階梯式圍墻或高臺、模擬迴廊、獨立享堂等。本文試圖論證：這座複雜的封土融合了各種地方元素，統一了中國多樣的喪葬習俗。而且，這座封土很可能建於秦始皇統一六國之後，因此完美地體現了帝國的新觀念和秦始皇的政治雄心：終其一生，他努力地通過并兼所有過去的舊傳統來成就中國歷史上的前無古人（“始”）。

Keywords

Tomb moundtumulusThe First EmperorQin ShihuangdiempireunificationLishan necropolisaboveground shaftsimulated architecturefunerary artshrine tombtumulus tombQin traditionEastern tradition封土墳塚秦始皇帝國統一驪山陵園地上墓坑模擬建筑墓葬藝術享堂墓冢墓秦文化東方文化。
Type
Articles
Information
Early China , Volume 37 , 2014 , pp. 359 - 391

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Gu, Ban 班固, Hanshu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 36.1954Google Scholar. Many scholars speculated that such a radical decrease in height could not have been caused simply by natural corrosion. One theory assumes a transcribing error might have flawed the quoted text; see Lina, Wu武麗娜, “Qin Shi Huang fengtu gaodu wenti shitan” 秦始皇封土高度問題試探, Wenbo 文博 2009.5, 40–43Google Scholar; Xueli, Wang 王學理, Qin Shi Huang ling yanjiu 秦始皇陵研究 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1994), 84Google Scholar. Most recently Duan Qingbo 段清波 suggests that 50 zhang was perhaps the designed height of the tumulus, which might have not been completed as planned; see Qingbo, Duan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu 秦始皇帝陵園考古研究 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2011), 88Google Scholar.

2. Qingbo, Duan, “Qin Shihuangdi ling de wutan kaogu diaocha—863 jihua Qin Shi Huang ling wutan kaogu jinzhan qingkuang de baogao” 秦始皇帝陵的物探考古調查——“863” 計划秦始皇陵物探考古進展情況的報告, Xibei daxue xuebao 西北大學學報, 2005.1, 80–86Google Scholar; Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan 陝西省考古研究院 and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003 秦始皇帝陵園考古報告 2001–2003 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2007), 95–100Google Scholar.

3. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003, 101.

4. It is called “the Qin mausoleum style” (Qinlingshi 秦陵式); see Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003, 101.

5. Duan Qingbo speculates that the First Emperor's tumulus might have appropriated foreign elements from outside China proper, such as Asia Minor, in which he singles out the Mausoleum at Halikarnassos (dated 4th c. b.c.e.) for comparison; see Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 98–100. However, because conclusive textual or archaeological evidence about this cross-cultural interaction is yet to be discovered, this paper focuses on China exclusively. For a comprehensive survey of western funerary monuments and structures during this period, see Fedak, Janos, Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age: A Study of Selected Tombs from the Pre-Classical to the Early Imperial Era (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6. Sekino Takeshi 關野雄, Chūgoku kōkogaku kenkyū 中国考古学研究 (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1963), 563–91Google Scholar; Hu Fangping 胡方平, “Zhongguo fengtu mu de chansheng he liuxing” 中國封土墓的產生和流行, Kaogu 1994.6, 556–58Google Scholar; Higuchi Takayasu 樋口隆康, “Chūgoku ni okeru funkyū no shutsugen” 中国における墳丘の出現, in Tōhō Gakkai sōritsu gojisshūnen kinen tōhōgaku ronshū 東方学会創立五十週年記念東方学論集, ed. Gakkai, Tōhō (Tokyo: Tōhō Gakkai, 1997), 1302–14Google Scholar.

7. Qian, Sima, Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 6.265Google Scholar.

8. Segalen, Victor, Mission archéologique en Chine (1914) (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1923–24), 1.21Google Scholar; see also Adachi Kiroku 足立喜六, Chōan shiseki no kenkyū 長安史蹟の研究 (Tokyo: Tōyō Bunko, 1933), pl. 39Google Scholar.

9. For a general survey of Western Han imperial tumuli, see Liu Qingzhu 劉慶柱 and Li Yufang 李毓芳, Xi Han shiyi ling 西漢十一陵 (Xi'an: Shaanxi Renmin, 1987)Google Scholar.

10. Hongxun, Yang, “Zhanguo Zhongshan wangling ji zhaoyutu yanjiu” 戰國中山王陵及兆域圖研究, Kaogu xuebao 考古學報 1980.1, 132Google Scholar.

11. “A guan was made before the funeral and even long before a person died; a guo was constructed inside the grave pit right before the entombment. A guan was a single rectangular container with a flat or curved lid; a guo often consisted of multiple compartments to store coffins and grave goods.” Hung, Wu, The Art of the Yellow Springs: Understanding Chinese Tombs (London: Reaktion Books, 2009), 20–21Google Scholar.

12. For the excavation report, see Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Cuo mu: Zhongshanguo guowang zhi mu 墓：戰國中山國國王之墓, 2 vols. (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1996)Google Scholar, 1.11–100. For an analysis of the tomb's vertical structure and its religious meaning, see Shi, Jie, “The Hidden Level in Space and Time: The Vertical Shaft in the Royal Tombs of the Zhongshan Kingdom in Late Eastern Zhou (475–221 b.c.e.) China,” Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art, and Belief 11.1 (2015), forthcomingCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. Thorp, Robert, “Architectural Principles in Early Imperial China: SProblems and Their Solution,” The Art Bulletin 68.3 (1986), 360–78Google Scholar. Most of these principles apply to Eastern Zhou architecture as well; see also Thorp, “The Architectural Heritage of the Bronze Age,” in Chinese Traditional Architecture, ed. Steinhardt, Nancy (New York: China Institute in America and China House Gallery, 1984), 59–67Google Scholar.

14. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Cuo mu, 1.11.

15. Xinian, Fu, “Zhanguo Zhongshanwang Cuo mu chutu de Zhaoyutu jiqi lingyuan guizhi de yanjiu” 戰國中山王墓出土的兆域圖及其陵園規制的研究, Kaogu xuebao 1980.1, 97–118Google Scholar; Yang Hongxun, “Zhanguo Zhongshan wangling ji zhaoyutu yanjiu,” 119–37; Hung, Wu, “The Art and Architecture of the Warring States Period,” in Cambridge History of Ancient China, ed. Loewe, Michael and Shaughnessy, Edward (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 710–12Google Scholar. Historian Yang Kuan 楊寬 believes that these pre-Qin buildings erected upon the grave were not shrines but resting-chambers (qin 寢) that served the deceaseds' souls; see Kuan, Yang, Zhongguo gudai lingqin zhidushi yanjiu 中國古代陵寢制度史研究 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985), 32–33, 103–6Google Scholar. However, there is a consensus on the ritual function of these halls.

16. Qin Ke 秦客, “Shi Huang ling xingzhi lice” 始皇陵形制蠡測, in Chen Zhi xiansheng jinian wenji 陳直先生紀念文集, ed. Xibei daxue Qin Han shi yanjiushi (Xi'an: Xibei daxue chubanshe, 1992), 128–34Google Scholar.

17. While excavating a late Eastern Zhou royal cemetery attributed to the Wei 魏 royal house at present-day Huixian in Henan province, Chinese archaeologists for the first time brought to light remains of three one-story buildings once erected on the ground, each surmounting a subterranean burial; see Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Huixian fajue baogao 輝縣發掘報告 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1956), 70–71, 88, 97Google Scholar. In Fu's reconstruction these vanished freestanding buildings, like their more complex counterpart in Cuo's tomb, are ritual halls dedicated to the tomb occupants buried in the graves beneath them; see Fu Xinian, “Zhanguo Zhongshanwang Cuo mu chutu de Zhaoyutu jiqi lingyuan guizhi de yanjiu,” 115. Recent archaeological evidence suggests that the custom of surmounting the burial with freestanding buildings instead of tumuli had already existed by the late Shang dynasty (1600–1046 b.c.e.). One of the most famous discoveries is Fu Hao's 婦好––one of King Wuding's 武丁 consorts––tomb at present-day Anyang in Henan; Yang Hongxun, “Guangyu Qindai yiqian mushang jianzhu de wenti” 關於秦代以前墓上建築的問題, Kaogu 考古 1982.4, 38–42. In Anyang, once the capital of Shang, foundations bearing column holes from freestanding wooden structures were found above some presumably royal graves dating from the twelfth century b.c.e.; see Ma Dezhi 馬德志, “Yijiuwusan nian Anyang Dasikongcun fajue baogao” 一九五三年安陽大司空村發掘報告, Kaogu xuebao 1955.1, 25–90Google Scholar. However, Yang Baocheng 楊寶成, one of the excavators of Yinxu 殷墟 working at Anyang between the 1960s and 80s, contends that such freestanding structures were relatively rare and should not be considered a norm; see Baocheng, Yang, Yinxu wenhua yanjiu 殷墟文化研究 (Wuhan: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 2002), 94Google Scholar. But the recent discovery in Qianzhangda in present-day Tengzhou in Shandong province indicates such one-story aboveground structures might have dotted some late Shang cemeteries; see Hu Binghua 胡秉華, “Tengzhou Qianzhangda Shangdai muzang dimian jianzhu qianxi” 滕州前掌大商代墓葬地面建筑淺析, Kaogu 1994.2, 146–51, 175Google Scholar; Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Tengzhou Qianzhangda mudi 滕州前掌大墓地, 2 vols. (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2005)Google Scholar, 1.122, 542, 544, 545, 547.

18. Shaanxi kaogu yanjiusuo and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao (1999), 7; Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 94.

19. Qin Ling 秦零, “Guanyu Shi Huang ling fengtu jianzhu wenti” 關於始皇陵封土建筑問題, Kaogu 1983.10, 958, 957Google Scholar.

20. Ou Yan 甌燕, “Shi Huang ling fengtu shang jianzhu zhi tantao” 始皇陵封土上建筑之探討, Kaogu 1991.2, 157–58Google Scholar; Qin Ke, “Shi Huang ling xingzhi lice.”

21. Hongxun, Yang, “Qin Shi Huang ling xiangtang ji digong jianzhu caixiang” 秦始皇陵享堂及地宫建築猜想, Zhongguo wenhua yichan 中國文化遺產 2007.3, 87Google Scholar.

22. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003, 101.

23. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003, 101.

24. Qingbo, Duan, “Qin Shi Huang fengtu jianzhu tantao––jianshi ‘zhong cheng guan you’” 秦始皇封土建築探討––兼釋 “中成觀遊,” Kaogu 2006.5, 72Google Scholar; the same passage is reproduced in his Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 94.

25. But after expressing the same idea, Duan in a very careful manner continues to suggest that “it is also possible that all levels, including the top level, contained roofed wooden structures”; see his Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 95. I personally tend to believe that the second possibility may be relatively smaller. Cuo's comparable six-stepped wall, as I will demonstrate in the next section, analogously featured wooden structures only on the upper three levels.

26. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003, 101.

27. Duan Qingbo, “Qin Shi Huang fengtu jianzhu tantao––jianshi ‘zhong cheng guan you,’” 72, and his Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 95.

28. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Cuo mu: Zhongshanguo guowang zhi mu, 1.27.

29. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Cuo mu: Zhongshanguo guowang zhi mu, 1.11–13.

30. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Cuo mu: Zhongshanguo guowang zhi mu, 1.11.

31. Ban Gu, Hanshu, 51.2328. Translation mine.

32. According to Sima Qian, the outer coffin (casket) was cast in bronze; see Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.265. Recent archaeological probing has verified that the First Emperor's casket, about fifteen meters high, was enclosed within a stone wall thirty meters deep in the ground; see Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao 2001–2003, 102.

33. Duan Qingbo, “Qin Shihuang fengtu jianzhu tantao––jianshi ‘zhong cheng guan you’”; Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 97–98.

34. For example, see the tomb dubbed LXM1; see Shandong sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Linzi Qi mu 臨淄齊墓, vol. 1 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2007), 176Google Scholar.

35. Guo Dewei 郭德維, Chuxi muzang yanjiu 楚系墓葬研究 (Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995), 17; Hubei sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Hubei Zaoyang shi Jiuliandun Chu mu” 湖北棗陽市九連墩楚墓, Kaogu 2003.7, 12Google Scholar.

36. Qin Ling, “Guanyu Shi Huang ling fengtu jianzhu wenti,” 958.

37. Hebei sheng wenguanchu et al. , “Hebei Handan Zhao wangling” 河北邯鄲趙王陵, Kaogu 1982.6, 597–604, 564Google Scholar.

38. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Zhanguo Zhongshanguo Lingshou cheng: 1975–1993 nian kaogu fajue baogao 戰國中山國靈壽城 1975–1993 年考古發掘報告 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2005), 123Google Scholar.

39. Xinian, Fu, “Zhanguo tongqi shang de jianzhu tuxiang yanjiu” 戰國銅器上的建築圖像研究, in Fu Xinian Jianzhushi lunwenji 傅熹年建築史論文集 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), 96–99Google Scholar; Weber, Charles, “Chinese Pictorial Bronze Vessels of the Late Chou Period. Part II,” Artibus Asiae 28.4 (1966): 271–311CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Figs. 21, 22, 25, and 26.

40. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Zhanguo Zhongshanguo Lingshou cheng: 1975–1993 nian kaogu fajue baogao, 124.

41. Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Yan Xiadu 燕下都, 2 vols. (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1996)Google Scholar, 1.662–84.

42. Fan Ning 范寧, Chunqiu zuozhuan zhengyi 春秋左傳正義, 25.194, in Ruan Yuan 阮元, Shisanjing zhushu 十三經註疏, 2 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980)Google Scholar, 2.1896. For an English translation, see Legge, James, The Chinese Classics: The Ch'un ts'ew, with the Tso chuen (London: Trübner, 1966), 347Google Scholar.

43. Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Huixian fajue baogao 輝縣發掘報告 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1956), 70Google Scholar.

44. In Luoyang Xijiao Tomb 4 in Henan, the wooden casket bore a sloping wooden roof, which stood 3.6 meters high; see Luoyang shi wenwu gongzuodui 洛陽市文物工作隊, “Luoyang Xijiao sihaomu fajue jianbao” 洛陽西郊四號墓發掘簡報, Wenwu ziliao congkan 文物資料叢刊 9 (1985), 141–50Google Scholar. Similar impressions of a decayed wooden roof were also uncovered about two meters above the casket in the tomb shaft of Liuquan Tomb 301 in present-day Xinjiang in Shanxi province; see Yang Fudou 楊富斗, Wang Jinping 王金平, and Tian Jianwen 田建文, “Xinjiang Liuquan mudi diaocha fajue baogao” 新絳柳泉墓地調查發掘報告, in Jindu Xintian 晉都新田, ed. Shanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo Houma gongzuozhan (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1996), 148–49Google Scholar, Fig. 3.

45. Henan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Henan Xinzheng Huzhuang Han wangling kaogu faxian gaishu” 河南新鄭胡莊韩王陵考古發現概述, Huaxia kaogu 華夏考古2009.3, 14–18Google Scholar.

46. Sima Qian, Shiji, 43.1803, 5.218.

47. Yang Kuan, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan buju jiegou de tantao” 秦始皇陵園布局結構的探討, Wenbo 1984.3, 10–16Google Scholar.

48. Shang Zhiru 尚志儒, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan buju jiegou yuanyuan qiantan” 秦始皇陵園布局結構淵源淺談, Wenbo 1987.1, 14–17Google Scholar.

49. Ma Zhenzhi 馬振智, “Shilun Qinguo lingqin zhidu de tedian” 試論秦國陵寢製度的特點, Baoji shiyuan xuebao (shehui zhexue ban) 寶雞師院學報 (社會哲學版) 1989.1, 77–81Google Scholar.

50. Zhang Zhanmin 張占民, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan yuanyuan shitan” 秦始皇陵園淵源試探, Wenbo 1990.5, 164–68Google Scholar.

51. According to Zhang Weixing 張衛星: “The First Emperor's necropolis took elements both from the Qin funerary tradition and from the mausoleums to the East of the Passes (Guandong 關東) in addition to some new elements.” Weixing, Zhang, “Shilun Qin Shi Huang ling zhangzhi de tupo” 試論秦始皇陵葬制的突破, Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 2009.5, 68–74Google Scholar, esp. 69.

52. Tsumura Kazuyuki 鶴間和幸, “Shiba Sen no jidai to Shi kōtei—Shin Shi Kō hongi hensan no rekishi teki haikei” 司馬遷の時代と始皇帝—秦始皇本紀編纂の歴史的背景, Tōyō gakuhō 東洋学報 77.1/2 (1995), 1–31Google Scholar; and his “Kandai ni okeru Shin ōchō shikan no hensen—Kagi ‘Ka Shi ron,’ Shiba Sen ‘Shin Shi Kō hongi’ o chūshin toshite” 漢代における秦王朝史観の変遷--賈誼「過秦論」, 司馬遷「秦始皇本紀」を中心として, Ibaraki Daigaku Kyōyōbu kiyō 茨城大学教養部紀要 29 (1995), 1–19Google Scholar.

53. Loewe, Michael, Crisis and Conflict in Han China, 104 b.c. to a.d. 9 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1974), 140, 147, 152, 152–53Google Scholar.

54. On the political and ideological tension between Guanzhong and Guandong during the Western Han dynasty, see Xu Chuoyun 許倬雲, “Xi Han zhengquan yu shehui shili de jiaohu zuoyong” 西漢政權與社會勢力的交互作用, Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 中央研究院歷史語言研究所集刊 35 (1964), 261–81Google Scholar.

55. Zhou Zhenhe 周振鶴, “Qin Han fengsu dili quhua qianyi” 秦漢風俗地理區劃淺議, Lishi dili 歷史地理 13 (1986), 55–67Google Scholar, esp. 56; Chuoyun, Xu, “Handai Zhongguo tixi de wangluo” 漢代中國體系的網絡, in his Zhongguo lishi lunwenji 中國歷史論文集 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994), 1–28Google Scholar.

56. Dai Chunyang 戴春陽, “Lixian Dabaozishan Qingong mudi ji youguan wenti” 禮縣大堡子山秦公墓地及有關問題, Wenwu 文物 2000.5, 74–81Google Scholar, esp. 79; Zhu Zhongxi 祝中熹 et al. , Qin Xichui lingqu 秦西垂陵區 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2004)Google Scholar.

57. Han Wei 韓偉, “Fengxiang Qin gong lingyuan zuantan yu shijue jianbao” 鳳翔秦公陵園鑽探與試掘簡報, Wenwu 1983.7, 30–37Google Scholar; Wei, Han and Jiao Nanfeng 焦南峰, “Fengxiang Qin gong lingyuan dierci zuantan baogao” 鳳翔秦公陵園第二次鑽探報告, Wenwu 1987.5, 55–65Google Scholar.

58. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Lintong xian wenguanhui, “Qin Dongling diyihao lingyuan kanchaji” 秦東陵第一號陵園勘察記, Kaogu yu wenwu 1987.4, 19–28Google Scholar; Cheng Xuehua 程學華 and Lin Bo 林泊, “Qin Dongling dierhao lingyuan diaocha zuantan jianbao” 秦東陵第二號陵園調查鑽探報告, Kaogu yu wenwu 1990.4, 22–30Google Scholar; Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiusuo Qinling gongzuozhan, “Qin Dongling disihao lingyuan diaocha zuantan jianbao” 秦東陵第四號陵園調查鑽探簡報, Kaogu yu wenwu 1993.3, 48–51Google Scholar. Although some scholars argued that there could have been shrines or other ritual structures on the tumuli (see Zhang Haiyun 張海雲 and Sun Tieshan 孫鐵山, “Dui Qin Dongling youguan wenti de jidian kanfa” 對秦東陵有關問題的幾點看法, Kaogu yu wenwu 1996.5, 28–31Google Scholar), recent excavations have not verified that hypothesis.

59. Wei, Han, “Lüelun Shaanxi Chunqiu Zhanguo Qin mu” 略論陝西春秋戰國秦墓, Kaogu yu wenwu 1981.1, 83–93Google Scholar; Yu Weichao 俞偉超, “Riben fangxing zhougoumu yu Qin wenhua de guanxi” 日本方形周溝墓與秦文化的關係, in his Gushi de kaoguxue tansuo 古史的考古學探索 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2002), 352–58Google Scholar; Tian Youqian 田有前, “Shilun Qin wenhua zhong de Weigoumu jiqi xiangguan wenti” 試論秦文化中的圍溝墓及其相關問題, Shaanxi lishi bowuguan guankan 陝西歷史博物館館刊 13 (2006), 77–83Google Scholar.

60. Zhejiang sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo 浙江省文物考古研究所 and Shaoxing xian wenwu baohu guanliju 紹興縣文物保護管理局, Yinshan Yuewang ling 印山越王陵 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2002), 6, 62–67Google Scholar; Zhang Chunchang 張春長, Chen Wei 陳偉, Wei Shuguang 魏曙光, and Liang Liang 梁亮, “Hebei Lincun muqun kaogu fajue qude zhongda shouhuo” 河北復興區林村墓群考古發掘取得重大收獲, Zhongguo wenwubao 中國文物報, Jan. 31, 2007; Henan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Henan Xinzheng Huzhuang Han wangling kaogu faxian gaishu.”

61. Wei, Chen, “Fengxiang Lintong Qinling haogou zuoyong shitan” 鳳翔臨潼秦陵壕溝作用試探, Kaogu 1995.1, 78–80Google Scholar; Wang Zhiyou 王志友, “Qin mudi weigoumu tanyuan” 秦墓地圍溝墓探源, Qin wenhua luncong 秦文化論叢 11 (2004), 331–34; Chunchang, Zhang, Wei, Chen, and Shuguang, Wei, “Handan Zhao mu de jige wenti” 邯鄲趙墓的幾個問題, in Zhuisu yu tansuo: Jinian Handan shi wenwu baohu yanjiusuo chengli sishiwu zhounian xueshu yantaohui wenji 追溯與探源: 紀念邯鄲市文物保護研究所成立四十五周年學術研討會文集, ed. Qiao Dengyun 喬登雲 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 2007), 200Google Scholar.

62. Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan, “Shaanxi Chang'an Shenheyuan Zhanguo Qin lingyuan yizhi tianye kaogu xin shouhuo” 陝西長安神禾塬戰國秦陵園遺阯田野考古新收獲, Kaogu yu wenwu 2008.5, 111–12Google Scholar, esp. 111.

63. Ma Zhenzhi, “Shilun Qinguo lingqin zhidu de tedian,” 79.

64. Hebei sheng wenguanchu, “Hebei Handan Zhao wangling.”

65. Liu Weipeng 劉衛鵬 and Yue Qi 岳起, “Xianyangyuan shang ‘Qinling’ de faxian he queren” 咸陽塬上 “秦陵” 的發現與確認, Wenwu 2008.4, 62–72Google Scholar; Shaanxi sheng kaogu yanjiuyuan et al., “Xianyang ‘Zhouwangling’ kaogu diaocha kantan jianbao” 咸陽 “周王陵”考古調查勘探簡報, Kaogu yu wenwu 2011.1, 3–10; Jiao Nanfeng 焦南峰, “Xianyang ‘Zhouwangling’ wei Qinling buzheng” 咸陽“周王陵”為秦陵補正, Kaogu yu wenwu 2011.1, 53–57.

66. According to Zhouli, the Zhou royal district, bordered by earthen mounds and trees, measures a thousand miles on a side 制其畿方千里而封樹之. Jia Gongyan 賈公彥, Zhouli zhushu 周禮註疏, 10.64, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, 1.702. Planting trees in the cemetery was reported in Zuozhuan, in which Duke Mu of Qin 秦穆公 (r. 659–621 b.c.e.) cursed Jianshu 蹇叔 for the latter's overt opposition to his decision to attack the Jin state in 628 b.c.e.: “[I wish you had died] at people's average age of death, so today the trunk of the tree on your grave would have been thick enough for men to wrap their arms around” 中壽, 爾墓之木拱矣; see Fan Ning, Chunqiu zuozhuan zhengyi, 17.130, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, 2.1832.

67. Yang Kuan, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan buju jiegou de tantao,” 11–12.

68. Shaanxi kaogu yanjiusuo and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao (1999), 10–11; Sun Weigang 孫偉剛, “Qin Shihuangdi ling beibu xice jianzhu yizhi de xingzhi ji xiangguan wenti” 秦始皇帝陵北部西側建筑遺阯的性質及相關問題, Kaogu 2012.6, 69–74Google Scholar.

69. Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 96.

70. Shaanxi sheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Qin Shi Huang ling diaocha baogao” 秦始皇陵調查簡報, Kaogu 1962.8, 407–19Google Scholar, esp. 408; Lintong xian bowuguan, “Qin Shi Huang ling bei er san si hao jianzhu yiji” 秦始皇陵北二、三、四號建筑遺跡, Wenwu 1979.12, 13–16Google Scholar; Shaanxi kaogu yanjiusuo and Qin Shi Huang bingmayong bowuguan, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu baogao (1999), 11–12. See also Wang Xueli, Qin Shi Huang ling yanjiu, 89–96; Sun Weigang, “Qin Shihuangdi ling beibu xice jianzhu yizhi de xingzhi ji xiangguan wenti.”

71. Sima Biao 司馬彪, Xu Han zhi 續漢志, in Fan Ye 范曄, Hou Hanshu 後漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 9.3199.

72. After the initial probing in the 1980s, Mausoleum 1 in the Eastern Necropolis has recently been more thoroughly explored by archaeologists, who detected a large architectural site 200 by 70–80 meters in area located in the northwest corner of the mausoleum. The excavators tentatively identified this site as the resting-park (qinyuan 寢園) of the mausoleum; Yang Yonglin 楊永林 and Zhang Zhehao 張哲浩, “Tuice ‘yihao lingyuan’ wei Zhaoxiangwang Tangtaihou Chenling” 推測“一號陵園”為昭襄王唐太后茞陵, Guangming ribao 光明日報, Jan. 6, 2013; Li Liucun 李六存 and Zhao Jianchao 趙建朝, “Cong diwangling lingqu buju zai kan ‘Qin Zhao gongzu’—Zhao wangling yu Qin Shi Huangling lingyuan buju zhi bijiao” 從帝王陵陵區布局再看 ‘秦趙共祖’—趙王陵與秦始皇陵陵園布局之比較, in Zhuisu yu tansuo, 192.

73. Sihong, Zhu, “Qin Shi Huang lingyuan fanwei xin tansuo” 秦始皇陵園範圍新探索, Kaogu yu wenwu 2006.6, 42–46Google Scholar, esp. 43.

74. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.265.

75. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.265. English translations based on Nienhauser, William H. Jr., trans., The Grand Scribe's Records (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), 1.155Google Scholar.

76. Duan Qingbo, Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 56–76; and his “Guanyu Shengheyuan damu ji xiangguan wenti de taolun” 關於神禾原大墓及相關問題的討論, Kaogu yu wenwu 2009.4, 53–61Google Scholar, esp. 59; see also Kazuyuki, Tsuruma, “Shin Shi Kōtei rei kensetsu no jidai: Sengoku, tōitsu, taigai sensō, nairan” 秦始皇帝陵建設の時代: 戦国・統一・対外戦争・内乱, Tōyōshi Kenkyū 東洋史研究 53.4 (1995), 632–56Google Scholar.

77. Duan Qingbo believes the mastermind behind the necropolis was the First Emperor himself; see his Qin Shihuangdi lingyuan kaogu yanjiu, 76. This theory is based mainly on a lost passage from an official Han-dynasty ritual document titled Former Etiquettes of the Han (Han jiuyi 漢舊儀), which reports that Li Si 李斯 (c. 280–208 b.c.e.), the Prime Minister (chengxiang 丞相) of the time, supervised the tomb construction and reported the progress to the First Emperor for further instructions; see Ma Duanlin 馬端臨, Wenxian tongkao 文獻通考 (Shenduzhai 慎獨齋 edition, 1521), 124.1b.

78. Yang Kuan,“Qin Shi Huang lingyuan buju jiegou de tantao,” 11.

79. Zhang Haiyun and Sun Tieshan, “Dui Qin Dongling youguan wenti de jidian kanfa,” 28.

80. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.236. English translation based on William H. Nienhauser Jr. The Grand Scribe's Records, 1.135–36.

81. Sima Qian, Shiji, 6.236; English translation based on William H. Nienhauser Jr. The Grand Scribe's Records, 1.136.

82. Zhao Ruiyun 趙瑞雲 and Zhao Xiaorong 趙曉榮, “Qin zhaoban yanjiu” 秦詔版研究, Wenbo 2005.2, 78–83Google Scholar and Wenbo 2005.3, 89–93.

83. The term “Black heads” refer to commoners who wore black scarves on the head. Su Chengjian 蘇誠鑒, “Tianxia zhi min bule wei Qin min—shitan Qin Shi Huang ‘geng min yue Qianshou’ de lishi yuanyuan” 天下之民不樂為秦民—試析秦始皇 “更民曰黔首” 的歷史淵源, Anhui shida xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban) 安徽師大學報 (社會科學版) 1981.3, 94–103Google Scholar.

84. Qin Shi Huang jinshi keci zhu zhushizu, Qin Shi Huang jinshi keci zhu 秦始皇金石刻辭註 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1975)Google Scholar; Kern, Martin, The Stele Inscriptions of Ch'in Shih-huang: Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 2000)Google Scholar.