The author would like to thank Loy Hui Chieh for preparing the Chinese translation of the abstract.

1. The Shi ji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1994)Google ScholarPubMed devotes chapters 127 and 128 to biographies of diviners. Ming and Qing compendia provide additional sources. The Gujin tushu jicheng 古今圖書集成 gives 348 biographical entries for diviners, which date from the Six Dynasties period, Tang, Song, and Ming, and does not include entries on diviners in dynastic histories. See Gujin tushu jicheng, ed. Tingxi, Jiang 蔣廷錫 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1985), 47.5681–7854Google Scholar. A second compendium by Yuan Shushan 袁樹珊 covering the same period identifies 778 diviners by province, name and specialization according to twenty techniques. See Shushan, Yuan, Shu bushi xingxiang xue 述卜筮星 相學 (Shanghai: Wuchen, 1926), 4.3b–9a and 7.12b–17aGoogle Scholar.

2. For summaries of this history see, among many others, Shin hatsugen Chūgoku kagakushi shiryō no kenkyū 新發現中國科學史資の研究, ed. Keiji, Yamada 山田慶兒 (Kyoto: Jinbun, 1985)Google Scholar; Ling, Li 李零, Zhongguo fangshu kao 中國方術考 (Beijing: Renmin, 1993)Google Scholar; Loewe, Michael A.N., Divination, Mythology and Monarchy in Han China (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; and Harper, Donald, “Warring States Natural Philosophy and Occult Thought,” in The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., ed. Loewe, Michael A.N. and Shaughnessy, Edward L. (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

3. Han shu 漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 30.1701–84Google ScholarPubMed. All dates are B.C.E. unless otherwise indicated. It was compiled in the first century C.E. by Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), based on Liu Xin's 劉歆 (46 to 23 C.E.) Qi lue 七略, or Seven Epitomes, an abridgment of his father Liu Xiang's 劉向 (79–8) Bie lu 別錄, or Separate Listings, initiated by Han Chengdi 漢成帝 (r. 33–7) in 26.

4. This, despite important differences from later taxonomies. Later bibliographical rubrics use a simpler classification of Classics (jing 經), Histories (shi 史), Masters (zi 子) and Collections (ji 集). An example is the “four treasuries” (siku 四庫) of the Siku quanshu 四庫全書.

5. Divination et rationalité, ed. Vernant, Jean-Pierre (Paris: Seuil, 1974)Google Scholar; Divination et rationalité en Chine ancienne, ed. Chemla, Karine, Harper, Donald, and Kalinowski, Marc, Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident 21 (1999)Google Scholar. Of particular interest for the study of early China are: Oracles and Divination, ed. Loewe, Michael and Blacker, Carmen (London and Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1981)Google Scholar; Vandermeersch, Léon, “Les origines divinatoires de la tradition chinoise du parallélisme littéraire,” Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident 11 (1992), 285–315Google Scholar (cf. “Le rationalisme divinatoire,” in Études Sinologiques [Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1994], 159–99)Google Scholar; and East Asian Science, Technology and Medicine 24 (2005) and 25 (2006)Google Scholar, a special issue in honor of Professor Ho Peng Yoke's eightieth birthday.

6. For recent uses of the term divination that focus on its hermeneutic aspects, rather than explicit interactions with a “divinity,” see Flad, Rowan Kimon, “Divination and Power: A Multiregional View of the Development of Oracle Bone Divination in Early China,” Current Anthropology 49.3 (2008): 403–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For approaches to divination as a form of risk management, see Fiskesjö, Magnus, “Rising from Blood-stained Fields: Royal Hunting and State Formation in Shang China,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 73 (2001), 154–57Google Scholar. For a salient treatment of Greek divination as a form of risk management, see Eidinow, Esther, Oracles, Curses, and Risk among the Ancient Greeks (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. Lloyd, Geoffrey E.R., The Ambitions of Curiosity: Understanding the World in Ancient Greece and China (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), chapter 2Google Scholar.

8. For the Shuihudi daybooks see Shuihudi Qin mu zhujian 睡虎地秦墓竹簡, ed. xiaozu, Shuihudi Qin mu zhujian zhengli (Beijing: Wenwu, 1990)Google Scholar. See also Lexian, Liu 劉樂賢, Shuihudi Qin jian rishu yanjiu 睡虎地秦簡日書研究 (Taipei: Wenjin, 1993)Google Scholar.

9. Similarly, the Shi lü 史律 section of the legal statutes excavated from Zhangjiashan 張家山 gives instructions for the training and appointment of shi. See Zhangjiashan Han mu zhujian (ersiqi hao mu) 張家山漢墓竹簡 (二十七號墓), ed. hao, Zhangjiashan ersiqixiaozu, Han mu zhujian zhengli 張家山漢墓竹簡整理小組 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2001), 203–4Google Scholar.

10. For the Zuo zhuan, see Kalinowski, Marc, “La Rhétorique oraculaire dans les chroniques anciennes de la Chine. Une Étude des discours prédictifs dans le Zuozhuan,” in Divination et rationalité en Chine ancienne, 37–65Google Scholar. For Herodotus, see Hartog, François, “The Invention of History: The Pre-History of a Concept from Homer to Herodotus,” History and Theory 39.3 (2000), 384–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11. These diverse sources need to be viewed within the context of their respective genres. Insofar as texts within a given genre have common subject matters and sets of concerns, they tended to focus on similar areas of experience and belief, and to exclude others. As a result, different genres' treatment of divination may be profoundly different, or even contradictory, and any account of cultural change that draws on different genres and different historical periods must take this issue into account.

12. In 136, he restricted officially appointed academicians to chairs in the five classical traditions (Changes, Songs, Documents, Ritual, and the Spring and Autumn Annals). In 124, he founded the Taixue 太學 academy, an imperial academy with regular instruction in these works. See The Cambridge History of China: volume I, ed. Twitchett, Denis and Loewe, Michael (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 756–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. The Yi, Shi, and Shu date from the Western Zhou (1045–771). The Yi and Shu were subject to later interpolation, but scholars have attempted to identify the original layers of both texts. A sixth “classic,” the Yue ji 樂記 (Record of Music) is no longer extant, but may correspond to a chapter of the Li ji of the same title. For authorship, history, and dating of the Yi jing and other primary texts, see Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographic Guide, ed. Loewe, Michael A. N. (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993)Google Scholar. For the Five Classics, see also Nylan, Michael, The Five “Confucian” Classics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

14. The Yi jing consists of the Zhou Yi and seven commentaries, including the “Da zhuan” 大傳 or “Xi ci” 繫辭. The Zhou Yi consisted of the 64 hexagram pictures (gua 卦), names (guaming 卦名), statements (guaci 卦辭), and the 384 line statements (yaoci 爻 辭) for each of the six lines of every hexagram. For recent studies, see Heng, Gao 高亨, Zhou Yi gujing jinzhu 周易古經今注 (Shanghai: Kaiming, 1947, reprint Beijing: Zhonghua, 1984)Google Scholar and Zhou Yi zalun 周易雜論 (Ji'nan: Qi Lu, 1979)Google Scholar; Jingchi, Li 李鏡池, Zhou Yi tanyuan 周易探源 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1978)Google Scholar; Xueqin, Li 李學勤, Zhou Yi jingzhuan suyuan 周易經傳溯源 (Changchun: Changchun, 1992)Google Scholar; and Smith, Richard J., Fathoming the Cosmos and Ordering the World: The Yijing (I-Ching, or Classic of Changes) and Its Evolution in China (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2008)Google Scholar. For theories of the origin of yarrow divination, see Ling, Li, Zhongguo fangshu kao, 64–68Google Scholar.

15. See Usaburō, Imai 金井字三郎, “Saden, Kokugo zeisen kō” 左傳國語筮占考, Kokubungaku Kanbungaku ronsō 國文學漢文學論叢 14 (1969): 51–97Google Scholar; Toyasaburō, Toda 戸田豐三郎, “Saden Koku-no Eki zei kiji kanken” 左國の易筮記事管見, Shinagaku kenkyū 支那學研究 16 (1957), 1–11Google Scholar; Jingchi, Li, “Zuo zhuan zhong Yi shi zhi yanjiu” 左傳中易 筮之研究, in Zhou Yi tanyuan, 407–21Google Scholar; Heng, Gao, “Zuo zhuan Guo yu de Zhou Yi shuo tongjie” 左傳國語得周易說通解, in Zhou Yi zalun, 70–110Google Scholar.

16. Shanghai bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chu zhushu 上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書, vol. 3, ed. Chengyuan, Ma 馬丞源 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2003)Google Scholar, photographs 11–70, transcription 131–260. See Mingchun, Liao 廖名春, “Shanghai bowuguan cang Chu jian Zhou Yi guankui”上海博物馆藏楚简《周易》管窥, Zhou Yi yanjiu 周易研究 2000.3, 21–31Google Scholar; Shang boguan cang Chu zhushu yanjiu 上博館馆藏楚简竹書研究, ed. Mingchun, Liao and Yuanqing, Zhu 朱淵清 (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 2002)Google Scholar; Maozuo, Pu 濮茅左, Chu jian shu Zhou Yi yanjiu: jian shu Xian-Qin Liang Han chutu yu chuanshi Yi xue wenxian ziliao 楚竹 書《周易》研究, 兼述先秦兩漢出土與傳世易學文獻資料 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2006)Google Scholar, Shaughnessy, Edward L., “A First Reading of the Shanghai Museum Bamboo-Strip Manuscript of the Zhou Yi,” Early China 30 (2005–2006), 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17. Shaughnessy, , “A First Reading,” 23–24Google Scholar.

18. “Mawangdui boshu ‘Liushisi gua’ shiwen” 馬王堆漢墓帛書《六十四卦》釋 文, Wenwu 文物 1984.3, 1–8Google Scholar; Qiubo, Deng 鄧球柏, Boshu Zhou Yi jiaoshi 帛書周易校 釋 (Changsha: Hunan renmin, 1987)Google Scholar; Liwen, Zhang 張立文, Zhou Yi boshu jinzhu jinyi 周易帛書今注今譯 (Taipei: Xuesheng, 1991)Google Scholar; and Shaughnessy, Edward, I Ching, The Classic of Changes. The First English Translation of the Newly Discovered Second-Century B.C. Mawangdui Texts (New York: Ballantine Books, 1996)Google Scholar. See also Tomohisa, Ikeda 池 田知久, “Maōtai Kanbo hakusho Shūeki Yō hen no kenkyū” 馬王堆漢墓帛書周易要 篇の研究, Tōyōbunka kenkyūjo kiyō 東洋文化研究所紀要 123 (1994), 111–207Google Scholar, and Tomohisa, Ikeda 池田知久, “Maōtai Kanbo hakusho Shūeki Yō hen no shisō” 馬王堆漢墓帛書 周易要篇の思想, Tōyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 126 (1995), 1–105Google Scholar. For variant Han readings prior to the Mawangdui version, see Qinting, Xu 徐芹庭, Zhou Yi yiwen kao 周易異文 考 (Taipei: Wuzhou, 1975)Google Scholar.

19. Ziqiang, Han 韓自強, “Fuyang Han jian Zhou Yi shiwen” 阜陽漢簡周易釋文, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究 18 (2000), 15–62Google Scholar and “Fuyang Han jian Zhou Yi yanjiu” 阜陽漢簡周易研究, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 18 (2000), 63–132, especially pp. 127–32Google Scholar. For a summary, see Pingsheng, Hu 胡平生, “Fuyang Han jian Zhou Yi gaishu” 阜陽漢簡周易 簡概述, Jianbo yanjiu 簡帛研究 3 (1998), 255–66Google Scholar. See also Shaughnessy, Edward, “The Fuyang Zhou Yi and the Making of a Divination Manual,” Asia Major 3rd series, 14.1 (2001), 7–18Google Scholar. For the Warring States and Chu divinatory context, see Ling, Li, Fangshu kao, 271–78Google Scholar, and Loewe, , Divination, Mythology and Monarchy, 160–90 and 214–35Google Scholar.

20. Guohan, Ma 馬國翰, Yuhanshanfang jiyi shu 玉函山房輯佚書 (Changsha: Langyuan guan bukan, 1883), 1.1–23Google Scholar.

21. The Gui cang and Zhou Yi are the second and third of three legendary mantic Yi traditions. There is as yet no archaeological evidence for the first, the Lian shan 連山. For archaeological reports of the Guicang fragments see Wenwu 1995.1, 37–43Google Scholar. See also Wen, Xing 邢文, “Qin jian Gui cang yu Zhou Yi yongshang” 秦簡《歸藏》與《周易》 用商, Wenwu 2002.2, 58–63Google Scholar; and Wen, Xing, “Hexagram Pictures and Early Yi Schools: Reconsidering the Book of Changes in Light of Excavated Yi Texts,” Monumenta Serica 51 (2003), 571–604CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For studies of the tomb and the Yi, Guicang versions, see Studies on Recently-Discovered Chinese Manuscripts (Xinchu jianbo yanjiu 新出簡帛研究), ed. Allan, Sarah and Wen, Xing (Beijing: Wenwu, 2004)Google Scholar; and Shaughnessy, , “First Reading,” especially pp. 21–22 and note 31Google Scholar.

22. Zhou Yi zhengyi 周易正義 (Shisan jing zhushu 十三經注疏 ed., 1815; rpt. Taipei: Yiwen, 1980), 7.26b and 28b–30aGoogle Scholar (“Xi ci shang” 繫辭上), and 8.5a–6a (“Xi ci xia” 繫辭下).

23. Lewis, Mark Edward, Writing and Authority in Early China (Albany: New York State University Press, 1999), 179–201, 241–43, and 284–86Google Scholar.

24. Modern scholars group the text into four sections. The “Hong fan” 洪範 chapter belongs to a second group of eighteen chapters that purport to date from the late Shang or early Zhou, but probably date to the late Western or Eastern Zhou. They resemble the grammar and style of Warring States philosophical texts.

25. Shang shu zhengyi 商書正義 (Shisan jing zhushu ed.), 20.16b–17b (“Hong fan”)Google Scholar. For another translation, see Legge, James, The Shoo King or The Book of Historical Documents (1865, rpt. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960), 334–35Google Scholar.

26. Shang shu, 20.17a–b (“Hong fan”)Google Scholar, trans. Legge, , Shoo King, 337–38Google Scholar.

27. This chapter belongs of a fourth group of twenty-one chapters believed to be late compilations, dating as late as the early fourth century C.E. Their grammar and vocabulary is closer to current usage than any other parts of the Documents.

28. Shang shu, 4.21a–bGoogle Scholar (“Da Yu mou” 大禹謀), cf. Legge, , Shoo King, 63Google Scholar.

29. Examples include Parke, H. W., The Oracles of Zeus: Dodona, Olympia, Ammon (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1967)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Parker, Robert, “Greek States and Greek Oracles,” in Crux: Essays in Greek History Presented to G. E. M. de Ste Croix on his 75th Birthday, ed. Cartledge, P. A. and Harvey, F. D. (London: Imprint Academic, 1985), 298–326Google Scholar, rpt. in Oxford Readings in Greek Religion, ed. Buxton, Robert (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 76–108Google Scholar; and Morgan, Catherine, Athletes and Oracles: The Transformation of Olympia and Delphi in the Eighth Century BC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

30. Mao Shi yinde 毛詩引得, “Si gan” 斯干 (Harvard-Yenching Concordance Series [San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1974]), Mao 189.8Google Scholar. See Raphals, Lisa, Sharing the Light: Representations of Women and Virtue in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 199–200Google Scholar. The remainder of the poem is widely cited in a different and invidious context: to authorize the relegation of women to subordinate status. It describes the sons as princes who will sleep on couches, wear robes, play with scepters and cry loudly. The daughters will sleep on the ground, wear wrappers, play with tiles, and concern themselves only with the preparation of food and drink.

31. Karlgren, Bernhard, The Book of Odes (Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1950), 131–32Google Scholar.

32. Mao Shi, “Wu yang” 無羊, Mao 190Google Scholar.

33. Mao Shi, “Zheng yue” 正月, Mao 192Google ScholarPubMed. For a different translation, see Legge, James, The She King, or The Book of Poetry. The Chinese Classics volume 4, (n.p., 1872), 316–17Google Scholar. For the preface, see pp. 67–68.

34. Han shu, 30.1772–73Google ScholarPubMed.

35. They are: (1) the capping ceremony that initiates a young man into adulthood; (2) betrothal and marriage; (3) visits between ordinary officials; (4) district symposia and feasts held by the district officer; (5) district archery contests; (6) formal banquets held by a duke for his officers; (7) the Capital archery contest; and (8) the preparation and conduct of missions of state.

36. Contemporary scholarship is divided into two broad groups. One takes the Zhou li as the work of Liu Xin 劉歆 and Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 9–23 C.E.). The other takes it as a late Warring States text. In particular, Jin Chunfeng 金春峯 has attributed it to a specifically Qin interest in the reform of earlier government practices. He used systematic comparison of the Zhou li with Qin excavated texts (Shuihudi) and transmitted sources (the Shangjun shu 商君書 and Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋) to argue that the Zhou li reflects Qin practices and beliefs in many areas. See Chunfeng, Jin 金春峯, Zhou guan zhi chengshu ji qi fanying de wenhua yu shidai xinkao 周官之成書及其反映的文化與時 代新考 (Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1993)Google Scholar. For the importance and epistemological uses of the Zhou li, see Vandermeersch, Léon, Wang dao ou la voie royale, vol. 2 (Paris: École Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1980), ch. 24Google Scholar; Levi, Jean, Les fonctionnaires divins (Paris: Seuil, 1989), 229–34Google Scholar, and Lewis, , Writing, 41–43Google ScholarPubMed.

37. For each, this staff included two counselors (Daifu 大夫), a corresponding junior officer, and high, low, and middle rank officials, storekeepers, scribes, assistants, and attendants. The subordinate officials also had staffs of officials, scribes, assistants, and attendants. Of this group of thirty-two officials, eight were directors or “upper management,” with their immediate staff. Their junior officers were the Divination Master (Bushi 卜師), Lesser Incantator (Xiaozhu 小祝) and Lesser Scribe (Xiaoshi 小史), respectively. Each also had a staff of officials (shi 士) of high, middle, and low rank, storekeepers (fu 府), scribes (shi 史), assistants (xu 胥), and attendants (tu 徒). See Zhou li zhengyi 周 禮正義 (Shisan jing zhushu ed.), 17.12b–14bGoogle Scholar, trans. Biot, Édouard, Le Tcheou-li ou Rites des Tcheou (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1851, rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1975), 1.409–14Google Scholar.

38. The Zuo zhuan mentions a request for a divination by the official diviner's father. See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu 春秋左傳注, ed. Bojun, Yang 楊伯峻 (Gaoxiong: Fuwen tushu, 1991), 263 (Min 2.4)Google Scholar. For a translation, see Legge, James, The Ch'un Ts'ew with the Tso Chuen, The Chinese Classics volume 5 (1872, rpt. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960), 128–29Google Scholar. For other passages suggesting the hereditary nature of the occupation of diviner, see Zuo zhuan, 629 (Wen 18.1, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 281Google Scholar) and 1263 (Zhao 5.1, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 603Google Scholar). Sima Qian 司馬遷 also provides a lineage of the office of astrologer-historian (shi 史) at Shi ji, 130.3285–95Google Scholar.

39. These included artisans (gong 工), officials in charge of gathering and preparing materials (zhuishi 菙氏), and Prognosticators (Zhanren 占人). The inscription of the divination records on the shells is not specifically mentioned.

40. Zhou li, 25.1a–2bGoogle ScholarPubMed, Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 1.82–83Google Scholar.

41. These included funerary Incantators (Sangzhu 喪祝), Sub-urban Incantators (Dianzhu 甸祝), and Oath Incantators (Zuzhu 詛祝). Wu officials included the Manager of wu (Siwu 司巫) and his staff of male (Nanwu 男巫) and female (Nüwu 女巫) officials. See Zhou li, 17.13b–14b and 25.5b–19aGoogle ScholarPubMed (Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 1.409 and 2.69ffGoogle Scholar). For incantators, see von Falkenhausen, Lothar, “Reflections on the Political Rôle of Spirit Mediums in Early China: The wu Officials in the Zhou li,” Early China 20 (1995), 280–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

42. See Loewe, , Divination, Mythology and Monarchy, 165–67Google Scholar. As Zeng Qinliang 曾 勤良 observes, if they could serve the gods by singing poems they became Musicians. If they could deliver invocations, they became Incantators. See Zeng Qinliang, Zuo zhuan yinshi fushi zhi shijiao yanjiu 左傳引詩賦詩之詩教研究 (Taipei: Wenjin, 1993), 4Google Scholar.

43. Zhou li, 17.14b and 26.11a–16bGoogle Scholar (Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 1.413 and 2.104–110Google Scholar).

44. Zhou li, 26.14bGoogle ScholarPubMed (Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 2.107–110Google Scholar).

45. 大師執同律以聽軍聲．而詔吉凶. Zhou li, 23.10bGoogle ScholarPubMed (Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 2.51n6)Google Scholar.

46. Zhou li, 31.12a–bGoogle ScholarPubMed (Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 2.150Google Scholar).

47. Use of turtle shell to choose an heir: Li ji zhengyi 禮記正義 (Shisan jing zhushu ed.), 10.1b. For a translation, see Couvreur, Séraphin, Li Ki: ou mémoires sur les bienséances (Ho Kien Fou: Imprimiere de la Mission Catholique, 1913), 1.225Google Scholar. See also Lun heng jiaoshi 論衡校釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1990) 24.999Google Scholar (“Bu shi” 卜筮). For a translation, see Forke, Alfred F., Lun Heng: Essays of Wang Chong (1911, rpt. New York: Paragon Books, 1962), 1.186Google Scholar. Choice of interim ruler: Li ji, 51.21aGoogle Scholar (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 2.419Google Scholar). Choice of bearer and nurse of a ruler's newborn son: Li ji, 28.12aGoogle ScholarPubMed (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 1.663Google Scholar). Women to supervise sericulture: Li ji 48.2aGoogle Scholar (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 2.294Google Scholar). Building a city: Li ji 54.28aGoogle Scholar (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 2.512Google Scholar). See also Mao, Shi, “Wen wang you sheng” 文王有聲, Mao 244Google Scholar (Karlgren, , Book of Odes, 199Google Scholar). For these and other examples, see Loewe, , Divination, Mythology and Monarchy, 163–89Google Scholar.

48. Li ji, 54.27bGoogle Scholar (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 2.512Google Scholar); Zhou li 24.24aGoogle ScholarPubMed (Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 2.81Google Scholar).

49. Marriage, : Yi li zhengyi 儀禮正義 (Shisan jing zhushu ed.), 6.9abGoogle Scholar. For a translation, see Steele, John, The I li or Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial (London: Probsthain and Co., 1917), 1.21Google Scholar. See also Li ji, 2.14a, and 51.25a (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 1.31 and 2.423Google Scholar). Place of burial: Li ji, 3.14a (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 1.60–61Google Scholar); Yi li, 47.3b (Steele, , I li, 2.159Google Scholar); Li ji, 40.11a (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 2.122fGoogle Scholar); Yi li, 37.15b and 17a (Steele, , I li, 2.73 and 75Google Scholar), Yi li, 41.8b (Steele, , I li, 2.101Google Scholar); Yi li, 44.2a (Steele, , I li, 2.127Google Scholar). Impersonator of the dead: Yi li, 47.5a and 24.14b (Steele, , I li, 2.128 and 159Google Scholar); Li ji, 33.9b (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 1.764Google Scholar).

50. Li ji, 3.14b–15a (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 62Google Scholar).

51. Li ji, 3.18b–19a (Couvreur, , Li Ki, 62Google Scholar).

52. Bohu tong 白虎通 (Xinbian Zhuzi jicheng 新編諸子集成 ed., Beijing: Zhonghua, 1994), 7.327–28 (“Shi gui” 蓍龜)Google Scholar.

53. Future of a child: Hou Han shu 後漢書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 64.2114Google Scholar. Anomalies: see Loewe, , Divination, Mythology and Monarchy, 185–97Google Scholar. Examples include the apparition of the ghost of Liu Xin in 23 C.E. (Han shu buzhu 漢書補注 [Beijing: Zhonghua, 1983], 99C.23bGoogle Scholar), the birth of Han Liu Xiu 漢劉秀, the first emperor of the Later Han (Guangwudi 光武帝, r. 25–57 C.E., Hou Han shu, 10B.438–39Google Scholar), the accession of Shundi 順 帝 (r. 125–144 C.E., Hou Han shu, 54.1767Google Scholar), and the witchcraft case of 130 (Shi ji, 128.3225Google Scholar).

54. For example, the phrase Mingyi's Qian 明夷之謙 refers to the first (bottom) yin line of the hexagram Qian 謙 (䷎, No. 15). Changing this line to yang generates the hexagram Mingyi 明夷 (䷣, No. 36). Similarly, Kun's Bi 坤之比 refers to the generation of the hexagram Kun 坤 (䷁, No. 2) when the fifth (from the bottom) yang line of the hexagram Bi 比 (䷇, No. 8) is reversed, to generate the yin fifth line of Kun. Qian, Mingyi's: Zuo zhuan, 1263Google Scholar (Zhao 5.1, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 603Google Scholar). Bi, Kun's: Zuo zhuan, 1337Google Scholar (Zhao 12.10, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 640Google Scholar).

55. See Shaughnessy, , I Ching, 7–13Google Scholar, for full discussion of this point. The Zuo zhuan also provides a range of evidence for the combined use of turtle shell and yarrow from the early Eastern Zhou on.

56. For dating, see Pines, Yuri, Foundations of Confucian Thought: Intellectual Life in the Chunqiu Period, 722–453 B.C.E. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002), 22–26Google Scholar.

57. Zuo zhuan, 222 (Zhuang 22.1, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 102–3Google Scholar). For discussion, see Kalinowski, , “Rhétorique oraculaire,” 52Google Scholar.

58. Jing Zhong fled to the state of Qi 齊 and founded the Tian 田 lineage, which eventually became the principal lineage in Qi. A second account of Yi divination about a child is dated to 536. Zhuangshu 莊叔, the father of Muzi 穆子, “consults the Zhou Yi by means of yarrow stalks” (yi Zhou Yi shi zhi 以周易筮之) and obtains Mingyi's Qian. See Zuo zhuan, 1263 (Zhao 5.1), and n.54.

59. Zuo zhuan, 431–32 and 435 (Xi 25.4, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 195–96Google Scholar).

60. Zuo zhuan, 1653 (Ai 9.6, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 819Google Scholar).

61. She tells Shen Sheng that his father, the duke, had dreamed of Shen Sheng's mother, and that Shen Sheng should sacrifice to her. He does so and sends some of the sacrificial meat to the duke, which Li Ji poisons before it reaches him. The poisoned meat was discovered, and led to Shen Sheng's suicide. Zuo zhuan, 295–300 (Xi 4.6, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 142Google Scholar).

62. Zuo zhuan, 849 (Cheng 10.4, cf. Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 372–74Google Scholar).

63. Zuo zhuan, 899 (Cheng 17.8, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 404Google Scholar).

64. Zuo zhuan, 1467, (Zhao 25.8, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 711Google Scholar).

65. Zuo zhuan, 1286–87 and 1297–98 (Zhao 7.3 and 7.15, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 619–20Google Scholar).

66. Zuo zhuan, 467–68 (Xi 28.4, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 209–10Google Scholar).

67. Zuo zhuan 302–303 (Xi 5.1, Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 144Google Scholar).

68. Zuo zhuan, 510 (Wen 1, trans. Legge, , Ch'un Ts'ew, 229Google Scholar).

69. Both concern the wife of the lord of Yangshe of Jin 晉羊舌. One is described in the Zuo zhuan, 1493 (Zhao 28.2) and the other in the Guo yu 國語 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1988), 14.453 (Jin 8.3)Google Scholar. Both appear in the Lienü zhuan 列女傳. See Lienü zhuan jiaozhu 列女傳校注 (Taipei: Zhonghua, 1983), 3.7aGoogle Scholar.

70. Lun heng jiaoshi, 133–35 (“Ben xing” 本性 3.13; Forke, , Lun Heng, 1.385Google Scholar).

71. See n.4, above.

72. Qiyou, Chen 陳奇猷, Lüshi chunqiu jiaoshi 呂氏春秋校釋 (Shanghai: Xuelin, 1984), 1505Google Scholar (“Yi xing” 壹行, 22.4). For another translation, see Knoblock, John and Riegel, Jeffrey, The Annals of Lü Buwei (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 577Google Scholar.

73. Cf. Shi ji, 130.3288–92. For discussion, see Csikszentmihalyi, Mark and Nylan, Michael, “Constructing Lineages and Inventing Traditions through Exemplary Figures in Early China,” T'oung Pao 89.1–3 (2003), 59–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Masters also became the third of the four headings of traditional Chinese bibliography (Classics, Histories, Masters and [Literary] Collections).

74. See Zhuangzi, chapter 33, Shi ji, chapter 130, Xunzi, chapter 6, Han Feizi 韓非子, chapters 49–50, and Han shu, chapter 30.

75. Qingfan, Guo 郭慶籓, Zhuangzi jishi 莊子集釋 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1961), 23.785Google Scholar.

76. Guanzi 管子 (Sibu beiyao 四部備要 ed.), 16.5a (“Nei ye” 內業 16.49, cf. Rickett 2.50–51) and 13.6a (“Xinshu xia” 心術下 13.37, cf. Rickett 2.60). The Guanzi appears at the end of Military Works (Han shu, 30.1757), the “Nei ye” appears separately under “Dao jia” as Nei ye in 15 pian, of unknown authorship (Han shu, 30.1725).

77. Zhuangzi, 7.297–306.

78. Mengzi zhengyi 孟子正義 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1987), 6.194–99 and 26.906Google Scholar; 2A2 and 7A21 in Lau, D.C., trans. Mencius (New York: Penguin, 1970)Google Scholar.

79. Mengzi zhengyi, 15.518, Lau, , Mencius, 4A15Google Scholar. For translation and further discussion, see Csikszentmihalyi, Mark, Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 101Google Scholar.

80. Xunzi jijie 荀子集解, ed. Xianqian, Wang 王先謙 (Beijing, Zhonghua, 1988), 5.72Google Scholar.

81. Xunzi jijie, 5.86–88.

82. According to Wang Chong, Mencius “physiognomized people by their pupils,” on the grounds that clarity or cloudiness of the eyes is determined at birth and does not depend on character. See Lun heng jiaoshi, 135 (“Ben xing” 本性, 3.13, Forke, , Lun heng, 1.385Google Scholar). Wang Chong himself was a strong supporter of physiognomy, as argued in Lun heng 11 (“Gu xiang” 骨相).

83. Csikszentmihalyi, , Material Virtue, 59Google Scholar.

84. Lo, Vivienne, “Self-cultivation and the Popular Medical Traditions,” in Medieval Chinese Medicine: The Dunhuang Medical Manuscripts, ed. Lo, Vivienne and Cullen, Christopher (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005), 207–25Google Scholar.

85. For color, see Csikszentmihalyi, , Material Virtue, 135, 146, and 159Google Scholar. The Xiang shu survives in three manuscript versions (P. 2572, P. 2797, P. 3589). See Despeux, Catherine, “Physiognomie,” in Divination et société dans la Chine médiévale: étude des manuscrits de Dunhuang de la Bibliothèque nationale de France et de la British Library, ed. Kalinowski, Marc (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 2003), 513–55Google Scholar.

86. Zhuangzi, 24.819. For very different translations of these passages, see Watson, Burton, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 261–62Google Scholar.

87. Zhuangzi 24.825, cf. Watson, , Chuang Tzu, 263Google Scholar.

88. Han shu, 30.1733–1734. The first is a Master Zou (Zou zi 鄒子) in 49 pian, which specifies that his name was Yan 衍 and that he was from Qi. There is also a Complete Master Zou 鄒子終始 in 56 pian and a Master Zou Shi 鄒奭子 in 12 pian, which identifies Zou Shi as a native of Qi whose hao 號 was Diao Longshi 雕龍奭. Zou Shi 鄒奭 was also from the Zou family in Qi and was closely associated with Zou Yan. See Shi ji, 74.

89. Zhang Cang, a high official under Han Wendi 漢文帝 (r.180–157), established the Han imperial calendar based on the Qin Zhuan xu 顓頊 system and was partially responsible for establishing a Wuxing-based system of dynastic sequences. See Shi ji, 10.429 and 96.2675; Han shu, 42.2093 and 88.3620. Gongsun Hunye held several offices under Han Wendi and Han Jingdi 漢景帝 (governor of Longxi, general, Director of Dependent States), but his connection with yinyang theory is not clear. See Shi ji, 109.2868, Han shu, 17.637, 49.2292 and 54.2439, and Loewe, Michael, A Biographical Dictionary of the Qin, Former Han and Xin Periods (221 BC-aD 24 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 675 and 128Google Scholar.

90. [Chu] Nan Gong, 31 pian. See Han shu buzhu, 30.39a. Others include a Gongsun Fa 公孫發 in 22 pian, attributed to a man of Lu from the time of Han Wendi; a Sang Qiuzi 桑丘子 in 5 pian (reading Sang 桑 for Cheng 乘). Other texts are attributed to Du Wengong 杜文公 of Han 韓 (5 pian), Lu Qiuzi 閭丘子 (personal name Kuai 快) of Wei 魏 (13 pian), Feng Cu 馮促 of Zheng 鄭 (13 pian), and a Jiang Juzi 將鉅子 (5 pian) and Zhou Bo 周伯 of Qi (11 pian). See Han shu buzhu, 30.38b–39b.

91. Han shu, 30.1742–1743.

92. Mozi 墨子 (Mozi yinde 墨子引得 [Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1982], 68.105/7–8Google Scholar).

93. Han Feizi jishi 韓非子集釋, ed. Qiyou, Chen 陳奇猷 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2000), 15.300Google Scholar (“Wang zheng” 亡徵); cf. Liao, W. K., trans., The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu (London: Arthur Probsthain, l939), 1.134Google Scholar.

94. Huainanzi 淮南子 (Sibu beiyao ed.), 8.1b and 6.9bff.

95. Lüshi chunqiu, 1642–43 (“Bie lei” 別類 25.2). Cf. Knoblock, and Riegel, , Annals of Lü Buwei, 628Google Scholar.

96. Lüshi chunqiu, 1689–90 (“Shi rong” 士容 26.1). Cf. Knoblock, and Riegel, , Annals of Lü Buwei, 644–45Google Scholar.

97. Lüshi chunqiu, 507 (“Jing tong” 精通 9.5). Cf. Knoblock, and Riegel, , Annals of Lü Buwei, 220Google Scholar.

98. Zhuangzi 3.117–19.

99. Lüshi chunqiu, 1414 (“Guan biao” 觀表 20.8). Cf. Knoblock and Riegel, 541–42.

100. boshu, Mawangdui Han muXiangma jing shiwen 馬王堆漢墓帛書相馬經釋 文, Wenwu 1977.8, 17–22Google Scholar.

101. Chengxia, Xie 謝成俠, “Guanyu Changsha Mawangdui Han mu boshu Xiangma jing de tantao” 關於長沙馬王堆漢暮帛書相馬經的探討, Wenwu 1977. 8, 23Google Scholar. See also Kuifu, Zhao 趙逵夫, “Mawangdui Han mu chutu ‘Xiangma jing: daguang bozhang guxun zhuan' fawei” 馬王堆漢墓出土《相馬經•大光破章故訓傳》發微, Jiang Han kaogu 江汉考古 1989.3, 48–51Google Scholar, and Kuifu, Zhao 趙逵夫, “Mawangdui Han mu boshu ‘Xiangma jing: daguang bozhang guxun zhuan' fawei” 馬王堆漢墓帛書《相馬經•大 光破章故訓傳》發微, Wenxian 文獻 1989.4, 262–68Google Scholar.

102. For discussion of fu omitted from the “Yiwen zhi,” see Wilhelm, Hellmut, “The Scholar's Frustration: Notes on a Type of Fu,” in Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. Fairbank, John K. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1957), 310–19 and 398–403Google Scholar; Kern, Martin, “Western Han Aesthetics and the Genesis of the Fu,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 63.2 (2003), 383–437CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and remarks by Gu, Ban in Han shu, 51.2367 (cf. 30.1748)Google Scholar. As Kern points out (pp. 396–97), most of these titles are no longer extant, and “frustration fu” have received particular attention from Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 B.C.E.-18 C.E.) onward.

103. Chu ci 楚辭 (“Li sao,” Chuci buzhu 楚辭補注, ed. Xingzu, Hong 洪興祖, in Chuci suoyin 楚辭索引 [Jingdu: Zhongwen, 1972]), 1.58, 60 and 69Google Scholar (trans. Hawkes, David, Ch'u Tz'u: the Songs of the South, an Ancient Chinese Anthology [London: Penguin, 1985], 75–77, lines 257–58, 279–80 and 333–34Google Scholar) and Lewis, , Writing, 82–90Google Scholar.

104. Chu ci 9 (“Zhao hun”), 132–33 (Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u, 224, lines 7–9);

105. Chu ci 2 (“Jiu ge,” “Da Siming”), 117–18. Cf. Hawkes, Ch'u Tz'u, 110, lines 1–8.

106. Chu ci 6 (“Bu ju”), 294. Cf. Hawkes, , Ch'u Tz'u, 204–5Google Scholar.

107. Ban Gu begins the preface to the Fu on the Two Capitals with the statement that the genre of the Old Poems is fu 賦者古詩之流也. Gu, Ban, “Liangdu fu” 兩都賦, Wen xuan 文選 (Taipei: Wenjin, 1987), 1.1Google Scholar. Cf. Knechtges, David, Wen Hsüan, or, Selections of Refined Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982) 1.93Google Scholar.

108. For this version, see Shi ji, 84.2497. The poem also appears in Han shu 48 and Wen xuan 文選 (Taipei: Wenjin, 1987) 13Google ScholarPubMed. For a different translation, see Hightower, James, “Chia Yi's ‘Owl Fu,’” Asia Major, n.s., 7.1–2 (1959), 125–30Google Scholar.

109. Wen xuan, 1.2. Cf. Knechtges, , Wen Hsüan, 1.93–95Google Scholar.

110. 掌六祝之辭以事鬼神宗. Zhou li, “Chun guan” 春官 25.5b, Biot, , Le Tcheou-li, 2.85Google Scholar.

111. Liu Yuxi 劉禹錫 (772–842), Hebu fu 何卜賦.

112. See Yates, Robin D.S., “New Light on Ancient Chinese Military Texts: Notes on Their Nature and Evolution, and the Development of Military Specialization in Warring States China,” T'oung Pao 74.4–5 (1988), 214–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

113. Yates, , “Military Texts,” 223Google Scholar.

114. Wei Liaozi jiaozhu 尉繚子校注 (Henan: Zhongzhou, 1982) 1.1Google Scholar (“Tian guan” 天 官). Compare Yunmeng Shuihudi Qin mu 雲夢睡虎地秦墓, ed. Qin mu bianxie zu, Yunmeng Shuihudi 雲夢睡虎地秦墓編寫組 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1981), slips 776–87Google Scholar. See Kalinowski, Marc, “Les Traités de Shuihudi et l'hémérologie chinoise à la fin des Royaumes-Combattants,” T'oung Pao 72 (1986), 175–228CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zongyi, Rao 饒宗頤 and Xiantong, Zeng 曾憲通, Yunmeng Qin jian rishu yanjiu 雲夢秦簡日書研究 (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1982), 13–16Google Scholar.

115. Wei Liaozi 1.1.

116. Wei Liaozi 4.18.

117. Han shu, 30.1760, cf. Yates, , “Military Texts,” 233–34Google Scholar. See also Yates, Robin D. S., “An Introduction to and a Partial Reconstruction of the Yin Yang Texts from Yinqueshan: Notes on Their Significance in Relation to Huang Lao Daoism,” Early China 19 (1994), 75–144CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

118. Taigong Liu Tao jinzhu jinyi 太公六韜今註今譯 (Taipei: Shangwu, 1976), 29.135–38 (“Bing zheng” 兵徵)Google Scholar.

119. Han shu, 30.1759–60. The three texts are: Feng Hu 封胡, 5 pian, Feng Hou 風后, 13 pian, Li Mu 力牧, 15 pian.

120. See Yates, Robin D.S., Five Lost Classics: Tao, Huang-Lao, and Yin-Yang in Han China (New York: Ballantine, 1997), especially 10–16Google Scholar.

121. See Yates, , “Military Texts,” especially 214–15 and 231Google Scholar.

122. Mozi 68.105–6, trans. Yates, , “Military Texts,” 235–36Google Scholar.

123. Huainanzi, 15.14ab. For translation, see Major, John S., Queen, Sarah A., Meyer, Andrew Seth and Roth, Harold D., The Huainanzi: A Guide to the Theory and Practice of Government in Early Han (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 611Google Scholar. For discussion, see Yates, , “Military Texts,” 237Google Scholar.

124. For discussion of this section, see Ling, Li, Fangshu kao, 19–27Google Scholar; Kalinowski, Marc, “Technical Traditions in Ancient China and Shushu Culture in Chinese Religion,” in Religion and Chinese Society. Volume 1: Ancient and Medieval, ed. Lagerwey, John (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2004), 225–28Google Scholar; and Csikszentmihalyi, Mark, “Han Cosmology and Mantic Practices,” in Taoism Handbook, ed. Kohn, Livia (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 61–65Google Scholar. For partial translations of postfaces to the six sections, see Yu-lan, Fung, A History of Chinese Philosophy: Volume 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952), 26–28Google Scholar.

125. Han shu, 30.1775. The astronomical chapter of the Jin shu describes Zi Shen, Bu Yan, Bei Zao, Zi Wei, Gan De and Shi Shen as having deep knowledge of astronomy and having authored discussions, charts and verifications (lun 論, tu 圖, yan 驗). See Jin shu 晉書 (Taipei: Dingwen, 1990), 11.177–278Google ScholarPubMed (“Tianwen zhi” 天文志). The memorial on calendric astronomy by Jia Kui 賈逵 in the Hou Han shu attributes a Classic of the Stars (Xing jing 星經) to Shi Shen (Hou Han shu, 2.3027). For the Han fangshi Tang Du, see Shi ji, 26.1260.

126. Han shu, 30.1765.

127. Han shu, 30.1763–1764. Tai Yi (equivalent to 太一) and Various Masters on Stars (Tai Yi zazi xing 泰壹雜子星), 28 juan; [The Star] Wu Can and Various Variable Stars (Wu Can za bianxing 五殘雜變星), 21 juan; Huang Di and Various Masters on Vapors (Huang Di zazi qi 黃帝雜子氣), 33 pian; Chang Cong on the Sun Moon Stars and Vapors (Chang Cong ri yue xing qi 常從日月星氣), 21 juan; Various Huainan Masters on Stars (Huainan zazi xing 淮南雜子星), 19 juan; and [The Star] Tai Yi and Various Masters on Clouds and Rain (Tai Yi zazi yunyu 泰壹雜子雲雨), 34 juan. For Tai Yi and Chang Cong, an apocryphal teacher of Laozi, see Han shu buzhu, 30.65a. In this section we also find State Rules for Observing Rainbows Clouds and Rain (Guozhang guan ni, yun, yu 國章觀霓雲雨), 34 juan and the Six Tallies of Tai Jie (Tai Jie liufu 泰階六符), 1 juan.

128. Han shu, 30.1764. Han Prognostication Verifications of the Behavior of the Five Planets and Comet Guests (Han wuxing huike xingshi zhanyan 漢五星彗客行事占驗), 8 juan; two versions of a text titled Han Prognostication Verifications of the Behavior of the Sun and [Its] Surrounding Vapors (Han ripang qi xingshi zhanyan 漢日旁氣行事占驗), one in 3 juan and one in 13; Han Prognostication Verifications of the Behavior of Meteors (Han liuxing xingshi zhanyan 漢流星行事占驗), 8 juan; and Han Prognostication Verifications of the Behavior of Solar Eclipses, Lunar Haloes and Various Changes (Han rishi yueyun zabian xingshi zhanyan 漢日食月暈雜變行事占驗), 13 juan. Another text here is the Flow of Entrances and Exits of the Five Planets and Comet Guests in the Han according to the Gold Measure and Jade Sphere (Jindu yuheng wuxing keliu churu 金度玉衡漢五星客流出入), 8 pian. The Jade Sphere was an astronomical instrument used by Shun 舜 for astronomical measurement (Shang shu 3.4b (“Shun dian” 舜典). I can find no specific reference to the Gold Measure.

129. Han shu, 30.1764–1765. Prognostication Verifications of Stars at Sea (Haizhong xingzhan yan 海中星占驗), 12 juan; Various Maritime Matters of the Classic of the Five Planets (Haizhong wuxing jing zashi 海中五星經雜事), 22 juan; Maritime Conjunctions and Oppositions of the Five Planets (Haizhong wuxing shunni 海中五星順逆), 28 juan; Maritime State Divisions of the Twenty-eight Lodges (Haizhong ershiba xiu guofen 海中二十八宿國 分), 28 juan; Maritime Ministers of the Twenty-eight Lodges (Haizhong ershiba xiu chenfen 海中二十八宿臣分), 28 juan; and Miscellaneous Maritime Prognostications of the Sun, Moon, Comets and Rainbows (Haizhong riyue huihong zazhan 海中日月彗虹雜占), 18 juan.

130. Han shu, 30.1767.

131. Han shu, 30.1765–1766. Huang Di's Calendar of the Five Clans (Huang Di wujia li 黃帝五家曆), 33 juan; the Calendar of Zhuan Xu (Zhuan Xu li 顓頊曆), 21 juan; Zhuan Xu's Calendar of the Five Planets (Zhuan Xu wuxing li 顓頊五星曆), 14 juan; Calendars of the Xia, Shang, Zhou and Lu (Xia, Yin, Zhou Lu li 夏殷周魯曆), 14 juan; Han and the Original Shang and Zhou Secret Calendars (Han Yuan Yin Zhou dieli 漢元殷周諜曆), 17 juan; Transmission of the Measure of the Movements of the Five Planets of the Zhou (Zhuan Zhou wuxing xingdu 傳周五星行度), 39 juan.

132. Han shu, 30.1765–66. Calendar of the Sun, Moon and Lunar Lodges (Ri yue xiu li 日月宿曆), 13 juan; The Calendar of Heaven and the Great Calendar (Tianli dali 天曆大曆), 18 juan; Geng Chang's Silk Diagram on the Movements of the Moon (Geng Chang yuexing botu 耿昌月行帛圖), 232 juan; Geng Chang's Measure of the Movements of the Moon (Geng Chang yuexing du 耿昌月行度), 2 juan; The Number Method of Chronologies and Calendars (Lüli shufa 律曆數法), 3 juan; Record of the Lodges of the Five Planets since Ancient Times (Conggu wuxing xiu ji 自古五星宿紀), 30 juan.

133. Hou Han shu, 2.3029. See Loewe, , Biographical Dictionary, 117–18Google Scholar. For tuyi and Geng Shouchang's astronomical contributions, see Cullen, Christopher, Astronomy and Mathematics in Ancient China: The ‘Zhou Bi Suan Jing’ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 61–63Google Scholar.

134. Han shu, 30.1766. Sun Shadows on Strategic Days of the Great Year [Jupiter] (Taisui mou rigui 太歲謀日晷), 29 juan; and Sun Shadows, Three Texts in Fourteen juan (Rigui, shu san, 14 juan 日晷書三十四卷). For the use of sun shadows in gnomon calculations, see Zhoubi suanjing 周髀算經 (Congshu jicheng 叢書集成 ed., Shanghai: Shangwu, 1937), 18 and 20Google Scholar (上之二) and 49 (上之三). For a translation, see Cullen, , Zhou Bi, 178Google Scholar (#B10–11) and 187 (#D18).

135. Han shu, 30.1766. Genealogies: Generational Table of Emperors, Kings, and Regional Lords (Diwang zhuhou shipu 帝王諸侯世譜), 20 juan; and Yearly Chronicle of Emperors and Kings since Ancient Times (Gulai diwang nianpu 古來帝王年譜), 5 juan. On mathematics: The Mathematics of Xu Shang (Xu Shang suanshu 許商算術), 26 juan; and The Mathematics of Du Zhong (Du Zhong suanshu 杜忠算術), 16 juan.

136. Han shu, 30.1769.

137. Han shu, 30.1767. Tai Yi's Yin and Yang (Tai Yi yinyang 泰一陰陽), 23 juan; Huang Di's Yin and Yang (Huang Di yinyang 黃帝陰陽), 25 juan; Huang Di and Various Masters Discuss Yin and Yang (Huang Di zazi lun yinyang 黃帝諸子論陰陽), 25 juan; Various Kings and Masters Discuss Yin and Yang (Zhu wangzi lun yinyang 諸王子論陰陽), 25 juan; The Yin and Yang of the Supreme Origin (Tai Yuan yinyang 太元陰陽), 26 juan; Discussion of the Three Systems of Yin and Yang (San dian yinyang tanlun 三典陰陽談論), 27 juan.

138. Han shu, 30.1767. The Subterranean Five Phases of Shen Nong (Shen Nong dayou wu xing 神農大幽五行), 27 juan; The Classic of the Four Seasons and Five Phases (Sishi wu xing jing 四時五行經), 26 juan; Seasonal Ordinances for Yin and Yang and the Five Phases (Yinyang wuxing shiling 陰陽五行時令), 19 juan. Another text is titled Mengzi and Lü Zhao (Meng zi Lü Zhao 猛子閭昭), 25 juan. It refers to two individuals known as Meng Shi 猛氏 and Lü Shi 閭氏, respectively, but is otherwise difficult to categorize. See Han shu buzhu, 30.70a. For dayou, see Hanyu da cidian 漢語大詞典 (Shanghai: Hanyu da cidian, 1995), 2.1355bGoogle Scholar.

139. Han shu, 30.1768. Baleful Omens: Wu Chengzi's Responses to Baleful Omens (Wu Chengzi zaiyi ying 務成子災異應), 14 juan; and Twelve Systems of Response to Baleful Omens (Shier dian zaiyi ying 十二典災異應), 12 juan. Pitch-pipe divination: Baleful Omens of the Bell Pitches (Zhonglü zaiyi 鍾律災異), 26 juan; Garden of Collected Chen-days of the Bell Pitches (Zhonglü cong chenri yuan 鍾律叢辰日苑), 23 juan; Growth and Decay of the Bell Pitches (Zhonglü xiaoxi 鍾律消息), 29 juan; and The Yellow Bell (Huang zhong 黃鍾), 7 juan; Tian Yi 天一, 6 juan; Tai Yi 泰一, 29 juan; Xing de 刑德, 7 juan.

140. Hou Han shu, 82A.2703. For discussion of these terms, see Ngo, Van Xuyet, Divination magie et politique dans la Chine ancienne (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976)Google Scholar and DeWoskin, Kenneth, Doctors, Diviners and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of the Fang-shih (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 22–29 and 43–45Google Scholar.

141. See Ngo, , Divination, magie et politique, 192–193Google Scholar; Ling, Li, Fangshu kao, 23–27Google Scholar; and Peng-Yoke, Ho, Chinese Mathematical Astronomy: Reaching out to the Stars (London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003), 83–112Google Scholar.

142. Han shu, 30.1769, Han shu buzhu, 30.72a. The Dipper Astrolabe Method of Xianmen (Xianmen shifa 羨門式法), 20 juan; and the Dipper Astrolabe of Xianmen (Xianmen shi 羨門 式), 20 juan. Xianmen (personal name Zi Gao 子高, also known as Xianmen Gao 羨門 高) is described in the Han shu, 25.1202, as a follower of the Yinyang school of Zou Yan. The Shi ji, 6.251 and 28.1367, describes him as an immortal whose companionship Qin Shi Huangdi seeks by offering sacrifices. See Needham, Joseph and Ling, Wang, Science and Civilisation in China, Volume 2: History of Scientific Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 133Google Scholar.

143. Han shu, 30.1768–1769. They are: Wind Drums of the Six Jia-days (Fenggu liujia 風鼓六甲), 24 juan; The Patterns and Nodes of the Six Jia-days (Wenjie liujia 文解六甲, 18 juan. There is also a text titled Patterns and Nodes of the Twenty-eight Lodges (Wen jie ershiba xiu 文解二十八宿), 28 juan; The Lord of the Wind and Orphans and Voids (or, Orphans and Winds of the Lord of the Wing) (Fenghou guxu 風后孤虛), 20 juan. Two other texts should be mentioned here: the Sui System of the Six Directions (Liuhe suidian 六 合隨典), 25 juan; and Transfer Positions of the Twelve Immortals (Zhuan wei shier shen 轉 位十二神), 25 juan. One commentator in the Han shu buzhu associated the Liu he with dream divination, but another describes it as concerned with the movements of the sun and moon. The latter interpretation would better account for its placement here. The Changing Positions of the Twelve Immortals is described as a tianwen text from Huainan. See Han shu buzhu, 30.71b–72a.

144. Han shu, 30.1769. Military Uses of the Five Tones and Extraordinary Turns (Wuyin qihai yongbing 五音奇胲用兵), 23 juan; Punishment and Virtue Cycle of the Five Tones and Extraordinary Turns (Wuyin qihai xingde 五音奇胲刑德), 21 juan; and Establishing the Names of the Five Tones (Wuyin dingming 五音定名), 15 juan.

145. Kalinowski, , “Technical Traditions,” 225–26Google Scholar.

146. Han shu, 30.1771.

147. Han shu, 30.1769. The Book of Turtle Shells (Gui shu 龜書), 52 juan; The Xia Turtle Shells (Xia gui 夏龜), 26 juan; The Book of Turtle Shells of the South (Nangui shu 南龜書), 28 juan; Huge Turtle Shells (Ju gui 巨龜), 36 juan; and Various Turtle Shells (Za gui 雜龜), 16 juan.

148. Han shu, 30.1770–1771. Examples include: The Book of Yarrow Stalks (Shi shu 蓍 書), 28 juan; The Zhou Changes (Zhou Yi 周易), 38 juan; The Zhou Changes of the Bright Hall (Zhou Yi mingtang 周易明堂), 26 juan; Extended Changes of the Great Yarrow Stalks (Dashi yanyi 大筮衍易), 28 juan; and The Yi Trigrams in Eight Tables (Yigua baju 易卦八 具). Shooting Riddles by the Sui System of the Zhou Changes (Zhou Yi Suidian she'ni 周易 隨曲射匿), 51 juan referred to the game of shefu 射覆, a literary drinking game. The Sui shu 隋書 reports a text of two juan titled Shooting Riddles by the Yi (Yi shefu 易射覆). See Han shu buzhu, 30.73b–74a.

149. Han shu, 30.1773.

150. Han shu, 30.1772. Huang Di's Old Willow Dream Divination (Huangdi changliu zhanmeng 黃帝長柳占夢), 11 juan; and Gan De's Old Willow Dream Divination (Gan De changliu zhanmeng 甘德長柳占夢), 20 juan. The bibliographic chapter of the Sui shu provides a much longer list of titles, which suggest a greater number of books on dream divination in antiquity. The Qin bamboo slips retrieved by the Yuelu Academy include fragments of a “dream book” (meng shu 夢書). See Songchang, Chen 陳松長, “Yuelu shuyuan suocang Qin jian zongshu” 岳麓書院所藏秦簡綜述, Wenwu 2009.3, 75–88Google Scholar.

151. Han shu, 30.1772. Military Prohibitions and Physiognomy of Clothing and Equipment (Wujin xiang yiqi 武禁相衣器), 14 juan; Miscellaneous Prognostications from Sneezing and Bird Cries (Tier ming zazhan 嚏耳鳴雜占), 16 juan; Auspicious Changes and Anomalies (Zhenxiang bianguai 禎祥變怪), 21 juan; Changes and Anomalies in Humans, Ghosts, Monsters and the Six Domestic Animals (Ren gui jingwu liuchu bianguai 人鬼精物六畜變 怪), 21 juan; and Changes and Anomalies and Faults in Imperial Mandates (Bianguai gaojiu 變怪誥咎), 13 juan.

152. Han shu, 30.1772. Capturing and Exposing Ominous Ghosts and Spirits (Zhi buxiang he guiwu 執不祥劾鬼物), 8 juan; Inviting Officials and Dispelling Good and Bad Omens (Qingguan chu yaoxiang 請官除訞祥), 19 juan; Celestial Patterns and Propitiatory Prayers (Rangsi tianwen 禳祀天文), 18 juan; Prayers for Good Fortune (Qingdao zhifu 請禱致福), 19 juan; and Invoking Rain and Stopping Rain (Qingyu zhiyu 請雨止雨), 26 juan.

153. Han shu, 30.1772. The two calendric texts are Yearly Observations of Tai Yi and Various Masters (Tai Yi zazi housui 泰壹雜子候歲), 22 juan; and Yearly Observations of Zi Gan and Various Masters (Zi Gan zazi housui 子贛雜子候歲), 26 juan. See Shi ji, 27.1340.

154. Han shu, 30.1772–1773. Five Methods for Planting, Storing, Preserving, and Storing away (Wufa jizhu baozang 五法積貯寶臧), 23 juan; Teachings of Shen Nong on Fields, Physiognomizing the Earth, and Cultivation (Shen Nong jiaotian xiangtu gengzhong 神農教田相 土耕種), 14 juan; Zhao Mingzi on Fishing and Breeding Fish and Soft-shelled Turtles (Zhao Mingzi diao zhong sheng yubie 昭明子釣種生魚鱉), 8 juan; and Planting Trees, Storing Fruit, and Physiognomizing Silkworms (Zhongshu zangguo xiangcan 種樹臧果相蠶), 13 juan.

155. Han shu, 30.1775.

156. Han shu, 30.1774. The Classic of Mountains and Seas (Shanhai jing 山海經), 13 juan; The Reigning Dynasty (Guo chao 國朝), 7 juan; and Topography of Palaces and Residences (Gongzhai dixing 宮宅地形), 20 juan.

157. Han shu, 30.1774–75. Physiognomizing People (Xiang ren 相人), 24 juan; Physiognomizing Precious Swords and Knives (Xiang bao jiandao 相寶劍刀), 20 juan; and Physiognomizing the Six Domestic Animals (Xiang liuchu 相六畜), 38 juan.

158. See Ling, Li, Fangshu kao, 84–87Google Scholar. The Yinqueshan slips contain fourteen slips of a Xianggou fang 相狗方 (Recipes for Physiognomizing Dogs). See Yinqueshan Han mu zhujian 銀雀山漢墓竹簡, ed. xiaozu, Yinqueshan Han mu zhujian zhengli 銀雀山 漢墓竹簡整理小組 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2010), 253–54Google Scholar, and Yinqueshan Hanjian shiwen 銀 雀山漢簡釋文, ed. Jiulong, Wu 吳九龍 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1985), 243 and slips 208, 213, 221, 242, 261, 271, 302, 315, 374, 889, 899, 1937, 2570, 3788 and 4047Google Scholar. For transcription of the Juyan slips, see Juyan xinjian shicui 居延新簡釋粹 (Lanzhou: Lanzhou daxue 1988), 121–24Google Scholar, and Juyan xinjian 居延新簡 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1990), 98Google Scholar. For Mawangdui, , see “Mawangdui Han mu boshu Xiangma jing shiwen” 馬王堆漢暮帛書相馬經釋文, Wenwu 1977.8, 17–22Google Scholar.

159. Sources of the Huangdi neijing: Keiji, Yamada 山田慶兒, “The Formation of the Huang-ti Nei-ching,” Acta Asiatica 36 (1979), 67–89Google Scholar; Keegan, David Joseph, The “Huang-ti Nei-ching”: The Structure of the Compilation; the Significance of the Structure (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1988)Google Scholar; Unschuld, Paul U., Huang Di nei jing su wen: Nature, Knowledge, Imagery in an Ancient Chinese Medical Text (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

160. Other putative authors include Rong Cheng 容成, Wu Chengzi 務成子, Tang Pangeng 湯盤庚 and Tian Lao and Other Masters 天老雜子.

161. The Mawangdui medical corpus consists of eleven medical manuscripts written on three sheets of silk. They reflect Warring States medical traditions of the third and second centuries B.C.E., before the cosmological correspondence theories of the Huangdi neijing. Several reflect embodied self-cultivation traditions. The importance of this site is well known for its two versions of the Laozi and its medical texts on yinyang theory and acumoxa.

162. Eliminating grain is accomplished with the aid of both breathing exercises performed at morning and evening, and by eating the herb shiwei 石韋. The text also contains a seasonal regimen of breath cultivation through consuming six qi and avoiding another five. For translation, see Harper, Donald, Early Chinese Medical Literature (London and New York: Kegan Paul International. 1998), especially 25–30Google Scholar.

163. For example the description of the Ten Postures in Harmonizing Yin and Yang: First is “tiger roving” (hu you 虎游), second is “cicada clinging” (chan fu 蟬附), third is “measuring worm” (shi huo 尺蠖), fourth is “river deer butting” (jun jue 麕桷), fifth is “locust splayed” (huang zhe 蝗磔), sixth is “gibbon grabbing” (yuan ju 猨据), seventh is “toad” (zhan zhu 瞻諸), eighth is “rabbit bolting” (tu wu 兔鶩), ninth is “dragonfly” (qing ling 蜻蛉), tenth is “fish gobbling” (yu zuo 魚嘬). See Harper, , Early Chinese Medical Literature, 418Google Scholar.

164. For the transcription of this text, see Zhangjiashan Han mu zhujian [Ershiqi hao mu] 張家山漢墓竹簡 [二十七號墓], ed. xiaozu, Zhangjiashan ersiqi hao Han mu zhujian zhengli 張家山二四七號漢墓竹簡整理小組 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2001), 285–99Google Scholar.

165. For an excellent summary, see Lo, Vivienne, “The Influence of Nurturing Life Culture,” in Innovation in Chinese Medicine, ed. Hsu, Elisabeth (Needham Research Institute Studies, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 19–50Google Scholar.

166. Sui shu 隋書 (Taipei: Dingwen, 1987) 32.906–7Google Scholar.

167. Although his text is lost, its preface is preserved in the Buddhist canon in the Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集, ed. Xuan, Dao 道宣 (596–667 C.E.)Google Scholar, Taishō Canon, vol. 52, no. 2103, 0109c22–111b07. Ruan divides the work into five “inner” or essential and two outer or extraneous sections, the latter comprising Buddhist and Daoist texts. Ruan's biography appears in Nan shi 南史 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1975), chapter 76Google ScholarPubMed and Liang shu 梁書 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1973), chapter 51Google ScholarPubMed. The Seven Records are also discussed in Sui shu, 33.903–9, especially 906. The Sui shu names four bibliographic treatises as especially important: Liu Xiang's Separate Listings (Bie lu), Liu Xin's Seven Epitomes (Qi lue), the Seven Reviews (Qi zhi 七志) of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–89 C.E.), the Vice-Director of the Palace Library of the Song dynasty (420–470 C.E.), and Ruan Xiaoxu's own Seven Records. The amalgamation is even clearer in the arrangement of its ten subcategories: (1) “Celestial Patterns” (“Tian wen”); (2) the new subcategory “Omens and Prophecies” (“Wei chan” 緯讖); (3) “Calendric Calculations” (“Li suan” 曆算); (4) “Wu xing;” (5) “Shells and Stalks” (“Bu shi”); (6) “Miscellaneous Prognostications” (“Za zhan”); (7) “Morphoscopy” (“Xing fa”); (8) “Medical Classics” (“Yi jing”); (9) “Classical Recipes” (“Jing fang”); and (10) “Miscellaneous Arts” (“Za yi” 雜藝). The sexual arts sections have been eliminated. By contrast, in the Jin “Yiwen zhi” of 473, Wang Jian's Seven Reviews (Qi zhi or Jin shu qizhi 晉書七志) took “Arts and Techniques” (“Shu yi” 書藝) as the sixth category and “Maps and Charts” (“Tu pu” 圖) as the seventh.

168. The Changes was conspicuously absent from Xunzi's curriculum of the Odes, Documents, Ritual, Music, and Chunqiu. See Xunzi, 8.129–34.

169. See Durrant, Stephen W., The Cloudy Mirror: Tension and Conflict in the Writings of Sima Qian (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 47–70Google Scholar, and Lewis, , Writing, 234–42Google ScholarPubMed.

170. Shi ji, 130.3297 and 3299, Han shu, 6.159 and 30.1703–4, Han shu buzhu, 6.3b. See Lewis, , Writing, 241–43 and 455–56Google ScholarPubMed.

171. Lewis, , Writing, chapter 7, especially 290–93, 308–17, 326–28 and 332–36Google Scholar.

172. Accounts of this degeneration appear in the postfaces to the three categories, and some of their sections. See in particular Han shu, 130.1762–63 (Military Works), 1765 (“Tian wen”), 1767 (“Li pu”), 1967 (“Wu xing”), 1771 (“Shi gui”), 1773 (“Za zhan”), and 1775 (“Xing fa” and “Shu shu” as a whole), 1776 (“Yi jing”), 1778 (“Jing fang”), 1779 (“Fang zhong”) and 1780 (“Shen xian” and “Fang ji” as a whole). By contrast, the fifth and sixth categories present another picture that prioritized “Shu shu” culture, which was attacked in some parts of the fourth category. In later compendia, the two were sometimes joined into one section, and the Bibliographic Treatises of later dynastic histories return to the use of yi as art or techne. See n.167, above.

173. Han shu, 30.1701.

174. Han shu, 30.1703–4. E.g., texts attributed to Master Yang 楊氏, Cai Gong 蔡公, and Han Ying 韓嬰 (of the Han Shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳).

175. Mingtang yinyang (明堂陰陽), 33 juan, Mingtang yinyang shuo (明堂陰陽說), 5 pian; Junli Sima fa (軍禮司馬法), 155 juan. See Han shu, 130.1709.

176. See n.127 and 137, above.

177. See n.128 and 129, above.

178. By contrast, in later periods technical material was fair game for verse composition, for example Lu You's 陸游 (1125–1210) poems describing his alchemical experiments, and the rendering of pharmacological information into rhymed verse, for ease of reference by memory. On these subjects, see Yoke, Ho Peng with Chye, Goh Thean and Lim, Beda, Lu Yu, the Poet-Alchemist (Canberra: Australian National University Asian Studies Occasional Paper No. 13, 1972)Google Scholar, and Unschuld, Paul U., Medicine in China: A History of Pharmaceutics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), 252–54Google Scholar.

179. For example, for the Warring States, Tianxingguan 天星觀, Jiangling, Hubei, Yu tai shan 雨臺山, Jiangling, Hubei, Baoshan, Wangshan, and Jiudian; for the Qin, Fangma tan 放馬灘, Tianshui, Gansu, Shuihudi, Wangjiatai, and Zhoujiatai 周家台, Guanju, Hubei; for the Han, Fangmatan, Yinqueshan, Fenghuangshan 鳳凰山, Jiang ling, Hubei, Mawangdui, Shuanggudui, Fuyang, Yinwan 尹灣, Donghai, Jiangsu; and Wuwei.

180. For an example of yangsheng as a philosophical category, see Graham, A.C., “The Background of the Mencian [Mengzian] Theory of Human Nature,” Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 6.2 (12 1967), 215–74Google Scholar.

181. For several references to Huang-Lao as a late Warring States and Han category, see Yates, Robin D.S., Five Lost Classics: Tao, Huanglao, and Yin-yang in Han China (New York: Ballantine, 1997), 10–19, and 215–16Google Scholar.

182. For details, see Divination et rationalité en Chine ancienne.

183. Sivin, Nathan, “Why the Scientific Revolution Did Not Take Place in China Or Didn't It?” Chinese Science 5 (1982), 45–66Google Scholar, and “Science and Medicine in Chinese History,” in Heritage of China: Contemporary Perspectives on Chinese Civilization, ed. Ropp, Paul S. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 164–96Google Scholar.

184. It might be argued that the antecedents of alchemy (neidan 內丹 and waidan 外 丹) appear in the “Jing fang” section and that the antecedents of fengshui 風水 appear in the Topomancy (“Xing fa”) section of “Shu shu.”

185. The two titles are the Xu Shang suanshu and Du Zhong suanshu. See n.134, above.

186. For dating, see the articles by Cullen, Christopher in Early Chinese Texts, especially 17–19Google Scholar.

187. See “Jiangling Zhangjiashan Han jian Suanshu shu shiwen” 江陵張家山漢簡 《算數書》釋文, Wenwu 2000.9, 78–84Google Scholar. For full transcription, see Zhangjiashan Han mu zhujian zhengli xiaozu 張家山漢墓竹簡整理小組, 81–98 (photographs) and 247–72 (transcription). For a translation, see Cullen, Christopher, The Suàn shù shū 筭數書 Writings on Reckoning': A Translation of a Chinese Mathematical Collection of the Second Century BC, with Explanatory Commentary (Cambridge: Needham Research Institute Working Papers: 1, 2004)Google Scholar.

188. See Chen Songchang, “Yuelu,” in n.150, above.

189. Hou Han shu, 84.2784–92.