1. Mark Edward Lewis, The Construction of Space in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006). vii + 498 pp.

2. Hereafter all dates are Before Common Era, unless indicated otherwise.

3. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999.

4. For different approaches toward the dating, reliability and ideological contents of the Zuo zhuan, see, inter alia, Schaberg, David C., A Patterned Past: Form and Thought in Early Chinese Historiography, Harvard East Asian Monographs, 205 (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Pines, Yuri, Foundations of Confucian Thought: Intellectual Life in the Chunqiu Period, 722–453 B.C.E (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002)Google Scholar. Lewis relies heavily on the Zuo zhuan in the “City-State” section of Chapter 3 (see below); so only one hundred pages separate the Zuo zhuan as a Warring States polemical text from the Zuo zhuan as a reliable source for the sociopolitical and intellectual history of the Chunqiu period. This duality apparently reflects an evolution in Lewis's views of the Zuo zhuan. In his first monograph, Sanctioned Violence in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990)Google Scholar, Lewis adopted the Zuo zhuan as a source for the histoiy of the Chunqiu period, arguing that many of the Zuo zhuan anecdotes and speeches “have no moral message” and “depict a world alien or hostile to Zhanguo Confucianism” (p. 16). In Writing and Authority, by contrast, he argued that the aim of the Zuo zhuan was “to validate Ru teachings … through writing them into a narrative of the past,” while still asserting that the Zuo zhuan author(s) “had access to earlier records, and these may have served as the basis of anecdotes” (pp. 132 and 243 respectively). Lewis neither explains his reasons for changing his view of the Zuo zhuan nor refers to any secondary study that could have influenced his approach.

5. See Bojun, Yang, Chun qiu Zuo zhuan zhu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1981Google Scholar; hereafter, the Zuo), Zhao 25,1455.1 modify Lewis's translation on two important points. First, he translates you shi , Yue Daxin's official title, as if it were his personal name. Second, the term zong here refers not to the ancestors, but to the trunk lineage of Yue Daxin, the Sicheng lineage, which he disparaged in the conversation that led to the above criticism. Note that Yue Daxin established his own branch lineage, the Tongmen .

6. For the role of predictions in the Zuo zhuan narrative, see Schaberg, Form and Thought, 192–207 and passim; for the importance of ritual in the Zuo zhuan, see Pines, Foundations, 89–104.

7. “The king spoke to this effect: Shi Xun … your sage grand-father and late father were able to assist the former kings, acting as their limbs” ; see Yachu, Zhang, Yin Zhou jinwen jicheng yinde (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2001) 8.4342, p. 91Google Scholar. The characters for gonggu are not clear. The compilers of Jinwen yinde (Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu, 2002)Google ScholarPubMed leave them blank; see Vol. 1, #5062,328. Shirakawa Shizuka identifies them as zhao ya (“claws and teeth”); see Kinbun tsūshaku (Kōbe: Hakutsuru bijutsukan, 1962–1984), vol. 31, #183, 710–12Google Scholar. For the Shi Ke-xu gai inscription, which identifies the king's protectors as “claws and teeth,” see Jinwen yinde, Vol. 1, # 5263,341; for a similar figure see also the “Qifu” ode in Mao shi zhengyi (Shisanjing zhushu ed., 1815; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua, 1991), 11.1:433b (Mao 185)Google Scholar. It is useful to keep in mind the ubiquity of corporeal metaphors for government: after all, we also speak of the “head of the government,” its “executive arm” and so on.

8. See Zhongshu, Xu, “Jinwen guci shili” , Xu Zhongshu lishi lunwen xuanji (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1998), 522–48Google Scholar, especially 537–39. For “auspicious words” and their function in the bronze inscriptions, see also Falkenhausen, Lohar von, “Issues in Western Zhou Studies: A Review Article,” Early China 18 (1993), 151–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. See, for example, “Xiang shu” in Mao shi 3.2:319 (Mao 52). In my view, as I explain in Foundations, 89–104, the ritual-related discourse of the Zuo zhuan also belongs to the intellectual milieu of the Chunqiu period.

10. For further discussion, see Pines, Envisioning Empire: Chinese Political Thought of the Warring States Period (453–221 b.c.e.) (forthcoming), Chapter 6; see also Vervoorn, Aat, Men of the Cliffs and Caves: The Development of the Chinese Eremitic Tradition to the End of the Han Dynasty (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Berkowitz, Alan, Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

11. For Feng Youlan's interest in Yang Zhu and his putative school, see Yu-lan, Fung, A History of Chinese Philosophy, translated by Bodde, Derk (Peiping [Beijing]: Henry Vetch, 1937), 133–43Google Scholar. For Graham's identification of putative “Yangist” thread in the Zhuangzi and Lüshi chunqiu, see his Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (La Salle: Open Court, 1989), 53–64Google Scholar.

12. See Goldin, Paul R., “Review of A.C. Graham, tr. Chuang-tzǔ: The Inner Chapters and of Harold D. Roth, ed. A Companion to Angus C. Graham's ‘Chuang tzu',” Early China 28 (2003), 201–14Google Scholar.

13. For controversies regarding the dating and the nature of the Guodian Laozi, see, inter alia, Sixin, Ding, Guodian Chu mu zhujian sixiang yanjiu (Beijing: Dongfang, 2000), 1–85Google Scholar; Zhongqing, Nie, Guodian Chu jian ‘Laozi’ yanjiu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2004)Google Scholar; Shaughnessy, Edard L., “The Guodian Manuscripts and their Place in Twentieth-Century Historiography on the Laozi,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 65.2 (2005), 414–57.Google Scholar Insofar as the Guodian tomb can be securely dated to pre–278 b.c.e., it may be asserted that the ideas presented in the Guodian texts originated in the pre–300 b.c.e. milieu.

14. For interconnections between body and higher levels, see Laozi B in Guodian Chu mu zhujian , published by Bowuguan, Jingmenshi (Beijing: Wenwu, 1998), 125Google Scholar, slip 16 (parallel to Laozi 54 in Wang Bi's recension); for the quest for physical well-being, see Laozi B, 118, slip 12 (Wang Bi, par. 52); see also similar ideas in the Guodian Tai yi sheng shui , which is closely related to the Laozi (125, slips 11–12).

15. Laozi A Guodian Chu mu, 113, slips 35–36 (Wang Bi, par. 44); the words shigu do not appear in the Guodian recension.

16. See Laozi B, Guodian Chu mu, 118, slips 6–8 (Wang Bi, par. 13). This section is damaged in the Guodian recension and therefore permits no resolution of the riddle of the Laozi's message at the end of the passage. The lines allow two contradictory interpretations: “Only he who esteems/loves his body more than All under Heaven can be entrusted with All under Heaven” ; or, “Only he who forgets his body for the sake of All under Heaven deserves rule over the world” (see the summary of distinct views in Nie Zhongqing, Guodian Chu jian ‘Laozi,’ 267–70). I prefer the former interpretation, which resonates with Laozi 26, where the ruler is warned against treating his body as “lighter” than the world.

17. A quarter of a century ago, Watson, James L. (“Chinese Kinship Reconsidered: Anthropological Perspectives on Historical Research,” China Quarterly, 92 [1982], 589–622)CrossRefGoogle Scholar lamented this confusion, suggesting a series of anthropologically valid terms for translating Chinese kinship units. See also Watson, and Ebrey, Patricia B., “Introduction,” in Kinship Organization in Late Imperial China, 1000–194.0, ed. Watson, James L. and Ebrey, Patricia B. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 4–6Google Scholar. While Watson's suggestions are relevant primarily for studies of modern Chinese history, they deserve the attention of early China scholars as well.

18. See, e.g., Zuo, Wen 9, 574; Ding 4,1536.

19. For instance, in the early texts, such as the Zuo zhuan, the terms xing and shi are clearly distinguished: the first refers to the clan name, the second to the “branch” lineage or, more narrowly, to its head. A noble could possess only one xing but two or more shi, as the latter could be altered to reflect a new appointment or relocation to a new allotment. This distinction disappeared, however, by the late Warring States period, when the two terms began to be used interchangeably; in the Shi ji in particular, one frequently reads that somebody's xing is XX shi. See Yanxia, , Zhongguo zaoqi xingshi zhidu yanjiu (Tianjin: Guji, 1996)Google Scholar.

20. A clan is a broad group, the agnatic links between the component units of which “are extremely remote and most likely fictionalized” (Watson and Ebrey, “Introduction,” 6). A lineage, however, is a “corporation” whose members hold property in common and have joint activities; this description applies aptly to the shi . As for the clan, in the Chunqiu period the comparable term was xing , the members of which shared only a mythological ancestor. For further details on the relevant definitions of kinship units, see Fenghan, Zhu, Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai yanjiu (Tianjin: Guji, 1990)Google Scholar, especially 494–515. A revised edition of Zhu's magnum opus was published by Tianjin Guji chubanshe in 2004.

21. The term jia appears in the Zuo zhuan 136 times in 102 passages. In 40 instances it appears as part of a personal name, while 30 times it is found in the compound guojia , “state.” Shi appears 176 times in 136 passages; Lewis is right that in most cases it refers to the ruling house, although it is occasionally used as a designation of a noble lineage (e.g. Zuo, Cheng 7, 834; Cheng 16, 890), of a commoner household (Cheng 17, 898) or, in its literal meaning, “room.” For further analysis of both terms, see Zhu Fenghan, Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai, 494–507.

22. For details on Chunqiu noble lineages, see Zhu Fenghan, Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai, 492–594; Changwu, Tian and Zhifei, Zang, Zhou Qin shehuijiegou yanjiu (Xi'an: Xibei daxue, 1996), 242–55Google Scholar; Michimasa, Yoshimoto, Chūgoku sen Shin shi no kenkyū (Kyōto: Kyōto daigaku, 2005), 257–88Google Scholar.

23. See, for instance, the case of , the sima of the state of Song who, despite serious reservations, had no choice but to join a rebellion of his kin against Lord Yuan (, r. 531–517). See Zuo, Zhao 20, 1409–10; 1414–15; Zhao 21, 1425–27; Zhao 22, 1427–30. His choice was entirely predictable; no one's loyalty to his lord was a sure thing when his lineage's interests clashed with those of the ruler. In 552, the eminent Jin statesman Shu Xiang barely escaped execution when the ruler learned of his brother's affiliation with the rebellious Luan Ying .

24. Zh, Changguo, “Xi Zhou xiaoyi shitan” , Zhongguo shi yanjiu 2 (1993), 143–51Google Scholar.

25. In the state of Lu, for instance, the Jisun lineage orchestrated invasions of the tiny neighboring polity of Ju , disregarding the international obligations of the Lu lords. In Jin, the Xi lineage pursued a private land feud with the Zhou royal domain, which was nominally under Jin's protection.

26. See Lewis, , “Warring States: Political History,” in The Cambridge History of Ancient China, ed. Loewe, Michael and Shaughnessy, Edward L. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 603–16Google Scholar.

27. See Zhu Fenghan, Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai, 2nd rev. ed., 561–70.

28. The reforms were conducted most sweepingly in the state of Qin , where noble lineages disappeared so completely that even the term shi itself is absent from the Shuihudi legal documents. This was not the case elsewhere. In the state of Chu , for instance, certain noble lineages survived and retained considerable power well into the late Zhanguo period. For details, see Blakeley, Barry B., “King, Clan, and Courtier in Ancient Ch'u,” Asia Major, 2d. ser., 5.2 (1992), 1–39Google Scholar.

29. For the possible role of Confucius's reinterpretation of the term xiao in weakening the authority of the lineage heads, see Pines, Foundations, 197–99.

30. For details, see Zhu Fenghan, Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai, 531–40; Weiguo, Sho, “Zhou dai jiachen zhi shulun” , Zhongguo shi yanjiu 3 (1999), 39–50;Google Scholar Pines, Foundations, 154–58.

31. Exemplary of meng between master and retainers are the early fifth-century b.c.e. Houma and Wenxian alliances. For the first, see Zhu Fenghan's discussion in Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai, 539; cf. Weld, Susan R., “The Covenant Texts at Houma and Wenxian,” in New Sources of Early Chinese History: An Introduction to Reading Inscriptions and Manuscripts, ed. Shaughnessy, Edward L. (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China, 1997), 125–60Google Scholar. For the Wenxian texts, see Shigang, Zhao and Li, Zhao, “Wenxian mengshu de lishuo yanjiu” , in Xinchu jianbo yanjiu (Proceedings of the International Conference on Recently Discovered Chinese Manuscripts, August 2000, Beijing), ed. Allan, Sarah (Lan, Ai) and Wen, Xing (Beijing: Wenwu, 2004), 197–205Google Scholar.

32. Sima Qian collected numerous anecdotes about Zhanguo binke in several biographies of Zhanguo personalities; see Qian, Sima et al., Shiji , annotated by Shoujie, Zhang, Zhen, Sima and Yin, Pei (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1997), 75.2351–78.2399Google Scholar. In one anecdote cited by Lewis, a retainer of Tian Wen (Lord Mengchang , d. 279) put the matter plainly: “the rich and noble have many to serve them, while the poor and humble have few friends: this is invariably so.” Lewis (p. 84) focuses on one part of this equation: the inevitability with which “guests” gathered around a powerful personality. Yet no less important is the second half of the statement: the ease with which a patron could be abandoned.

33. For a comprehensive study of these processes, see Xiangdong, Cui, Han dai haozu yanjiu (Wuhan: Chongwen, 2003)Google Scholar.

34. Ebrey and Watson judge that “strong corporate bases in shared assets, usually, but not exclusively, land” are the sine qua non of a lineage's existence (see their “Introduction,” 5). It may be securely concluded that, insofar as pre-imperial and early imperial China are concerned, land was the crucial common asset without which a lineage's existence was not possible.

35. This development was certainly related to the introduction of iron technology in Warring States agriculture and the resulting possibility of developing previously barren lands, to which individual peasant households could be relocated under the direct jurisdiction of central authorities. For the revolutionary impact of iron technology in the Warring States, see Wagner, Donald B., Iron and Steel in Ancient China (Leiden: Brill, 1993)Google Scholar.

36. I borrow the term “right of alienation” from Oi, Jean C., Rural China Takes Off: Institutional Foundations of Economic Reform (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 18–19Google Scholar. For early landownership in China, see Chaoyuan, Li, Xi-Zhou tudi guanxi lun (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin, 1997)Google Scholar, and especially Lin, Yuan, Liang Zhou tudizhidu xinlun (Changchun: Dongbei shifan daxue, 2000)Google Scholar.

37. For the earliest known example of selling an inherited plot of land, see Baoshan Chu jian , ed. dui, Hubei sheng Jingsha tielu kaogu (Beijing: Wenwu, 1991), 28Google Scholar, slips 151–52; Ying, Wang, “Cong Baoshan Chu jian kan Zhanguo zhong wan qi Chu guo de shehui jingji” , Zhongguo shehui jingji shi yanjiu 3 (2004), 14–17Google Scholar.

38. Yuan Lin, Liang Zhou tudi zhidu, 340–52.

39. For further details, see Zehua, LiuZhongguo de Wangquan zhuyi (Shanghai: Renmin, 2000), 20–25Google Scholar.

40. See details in Han-kuang, Mao, “The Evolution in the Nature of the Medieval Genteel Families,” in State and Society in Early Medieval China, ed. Dien, Albert (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 74–80Google Scholar.

41. This discussion is based largely on Cui Xiangdong, Han dai haozu yanjiu, 130–47.

42. See Lewis, Writing and Authority, 351–60.

43. Lewis, Mark, “The City-State in Spring-and-Autumn China,” in A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures: An Investigation Conducted by the Copenhagen Polis Center, ed. Hansen, Mogens Herman (Copenhagen: C.A. Reitzels Forlag, 2000), 359–74Google Scholar

44. Mogens Herman Hansen, “Preface,” in A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures, 9.

45. See Mogens Herman Hansen, “Introduction: The Concept of City-State and City-State Culture,” in A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures, 11–34.

46. See Miyazaki, , “Shina jōkaku no kigen isetsu” , Rekishi to chiri 32.3 (1933): 187–203Google Scholar. Other studies are mentioned by Lewis; see 373–74n11.

47. These hopes are apparent, although inevitably in muted form, in the writings of those scholars who sought to “use the past to serve the present” in search of “Chinese democracy.” See, e.g., Vitalij, [Vitaly, ] A., Rubin, “Narodno Sobranie v Drevnem Kitae v VII-V vv. do n.e.,” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 4 (1960), 22–40Google Scholar and idem, “Tzu-Ch'an and the City-State of Ancient China,” Toung Pao 52 (1965), 8–34Google Scholar; Zhi, Ri, “Cong Chun qiu cheng ren zhi li zailun Yazhou gudai minzhu zhengzhi” , Lishi yanjiu 1981.3, 3–17Google Scholar.

48. The most painstaking attempt to deny the applicability of the city-state model to the Chinese case is that of Boxiong, Zhao, Zhou dai guojia xingtai yanjiu (Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu, 1990)Google Scholar. See also Shaogang, Lü, “Zhongguo gudai bu cunzai chengbang zhidu–jian yu Ri Zhi tongzhi shanque” , Zhongguo shi yanjiu 1983.4, 91–105Google Scholar.

49. Lewis's calculations show that in those polities an army could march from the capital to the frontier in just one day. This fits Hansen's “ideal type” of the city-state, in which it was one day's walk from the urban center to the frontier (“Introduction,” 17)

50. For the history and typology of the Chunqiu internal allotments, see Wenyu, Lü, Zhou dai de caiyi zhidu , enlarged edition (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian, 2006)Google Scholar.

51. For the importance of autonomy (in the restricted sense of self-government) as “an essential, perhaps even indispensable” feature of the polis, see Hansen, “The Hellenic Polis,” in A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures, 172; see also his general discussion on 141–88. For the Italian city-states and their struggle for autonomy and “liberty” (again, primarily meaning self-government), see Epstein, Stephan R., “The Rise and Fall of Italian City-States,” in A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures, 277–94; and Skinner, Quentin, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought. Volume One: The Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 3–68Google Scholar.

52. These assemblies/covenants are the following: in the state of Jin, after its defeat by Qin and the capture of its lord (Zuo, Xi 15, 360); in the state of Wei after its humiliated ruler decided to turn against the state's powerful patron, Jin (Zuo, Ding 8, 1567); twice in the state of Zheng after prolonged and bloody internal strife (Zuo, Cheng 13, 867; Xiang 30, 1176); twice in the case of coups: in Qi (Zuo, Xiang 25,1099) and Lu (Zuo, Ding 6, 1559); and once in the case of a proposed capital relocation in the state of Chen (Zuo, Ai 1, 1607).

53. For the Zhou li depiction of the assemblies, see Zhou li zhushu , annotated by Zheng Xuan and Jia Gongyan , in Shisanjing zhushu, 35.873 (“Xiao sikou” ). Yet in the Zhou li, the process of consulting the “myriad people” is degraded to the status of a minor bureaucratic procedure, maintained by a petty official; it therefore lacks the dramatic dimensions that characterized popular assemblies in the Zuo zhuan and becomes just another ritualized performance, far removed from actual policy making. See further discussion in Pines, Envisioning Empire, Chapter 9.

54. See Zuo, Cheng 13,867, Xiang 30, 1176, and Xiang 25, 1099, for covenants sworn at the “Grand Temple”; and Zuo, Ding 6, 1559, for a covenant at the altars of soil. The location of ancestral temples in the Zhou cities was not uniform. In Qin's capital, Yongcheng , compound no. 1 at Majiazhuang , which was identified as an ancestral temple, is located within the city walls; while at the Lu capital, Qufu the possible ancestral temple at Wuyuntai was located 1750 m south of the city wall. Lewis opines that on one occasion the “ceremony of cursing those who violated covenants was held at a major square in the [Lu] capital” (pp. 147–48). Actually, the ceremony was held at a location named Wufu zhi Qu . The mid-seventh century c.e.Kuodi zhi identifies this location as a street within the Lu capital (see Tai, Li, Kuodi zhi jijiao , compiled by He Cijun [Beijing: Zhonghua, 2005], 3119)Google Scholar; but this is incorrect: the location was surely outside the Lu walls, since the rebellious Yang Hu camped there after he fled the Lu capital (Zuo, Ding 8, 1569; see also Yang Bojun's gloss in Zuo, Xiang 11, 987).

55. According to Wei Zhao (, 204–273 c.e.), Guan Zhong came from the royal Ji clan; his father is identified as Yanzhong, Guan; see Guoyu jijie , compiled by Yuangao, Xu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2002), 216Google Scholar (“Qi yu” 6.1). For different versions of Guan Zhong's low origins, see, e.g., Bojun, Yang, Mengzi yizhu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1992), 298Google Scholar (“Gaozi xia” 12.15); Shiji 62.2131–32.

56. Zhong's, Guan story is analyzed by Rosen, Sydney, “In Search of the Historical Kuan Chung,” Journal of Asian Studies 35.3 (1976), 431–40Google Scholar.

57. For details, see Zhu Fenghan, Shang Zhou jiazu xingtai, 580–82.

58. For further details, see Pines, , “The Search for Stability: Late Ch'un-ch'iu Thinkers,” Asia Major, 3rd series, 10 (1997), 31–42Google Scholar.

59. Another important precondition for an improved comparative framework would be more systematic incorporation of archeological data into the city-state theory; for interesting advances in this direction, see The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches, ed. Nichols, Deborah L. and Charlton, Thomas H. (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

60. The single possible exception to this observation may be the Chu ci anthology, with its obvious Chu flavor. For the complexity of the formation of this collection and its place within the Chu-oriented discourse of the Han dynasty, see Sukhu, Gopal, “Monkeys, Shamans, Emperors and Poets: The Chuci and Images of Chu during the Han Dynasty,” in Defining Chu: Image and Reality in Ancient China, ed. Cook, Constance A. and Major, John S. (Honolulu, University of Hawai'i Press, 2004), 145–66Google Scholar. Significantly, however, not a single manuscript from the Chu tombs yields anything that may be defined as clearly pronounced pro-Chu sentiments.

61. For the early identification of “the regionalist paradigm,” see Falkenhausen, Lothar von, “The Regionalist Paradigm in Chinese Archaeology,” in Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology, ed. Kohl, Philip L. and Fawcett, Clare (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 198–217Google Scholar. Recently, fascination with “regional cultures” has begun to have a significant influence among Chinese historians; see, Wenshan, Qiu, Yushu, Zhang, Jie, Zhang and Kongbao, Yu, Qi wenhua yu xian Qin diyu wenhua (Jinan: Qi-Lu, 2003)Google Scholar. Among the few systematic attempts of Western sinologists to address the regionalist paradigm, see the articles collected in Defining Chu and Falkenhausen's, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1050-250 BC): The Archaeological Evidence (Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA, 2006), 204–88Google Scholar.

62. For detailed analysis of the archeological data, see Lothar von Falkenhausen, “The Waning of the Bronze Age: Material Culture and Social Developments, 770–481 b.c.” in The Cambridge History of Ancient China, 452–544; and idem, Chinese Society, 204–88; see also Qun, Yin, Huanghe zhongxiayou diqu de Dong-Zhou muzang zhidu (Beijing: Shehui kexue, 2001)Google Scholar; and Qun, Yin, “Lun beifang zhu quyu de Chunqiu Zhanguo mu” , in Qun, Yin, Xian Qin kaogu tanwei (Beijing: Renmin ribao, 2004), 109–286Google Scholar. Textual data, specifically the Zuo zhuan, largely supports this analysis. For cultural interactions between the Zhou people and “alien” tribes, such as the Rong and Di, see Pines, Yuri, “Beasts or Humans: Pre-Imperial Origins of Sino-Barbarian Dichotomy,” in Mongols, Turks and Others, ed. Amitai, Reuven and Biran, Michal (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 59–102Google Scholar; cf. Cosmo, Nicola Di, Ancient China and Its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

63. The cultural gap between the refined Zhou elite and the commoners was large enough to elicit numerous pejorative references to “uncouth” commoners and “uncivilized” aliens, both of whom were at times equated with beasts and birds. See Pines, “Beasts or Humans,” 63–69.

64. Falkenhausen (Chinese Society, 169-200) assesses the case of the Shang population subjected to Zhou control; his analysis suggests a gradual waning of cultural differences between the two groups. What I am interested in, however, is the lower segments of local populations, including the “outsiders” to lineage culture, whose mortuary practices are largely untraceable in the extant record (Chinese Society, 160). For a brief analysis of these yeren, see Tang and Zang, Zhou Qin shehui jiegou, 52–53; for their eventual convergence with the guoren, see pp. 167–72.

65. This discussion is based on the following studies’ analyses of cultural changes in the Warring States world: Defining Chu (for the case of Chu); Shelach, Gideon and Pines, Yuri, “Power, Identity and Ideology: Reflections on the Formation of the State of Qin (770–221 bc),” in An Archaeology of Asia, ed. Stark, Miriam T. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 202–30Google Scholar; and Pines, , “The Question of Interpretation: Qin History in Light of New Epigraphic Sources,” Early China, 29 (2004), 1–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar (for the case of Qin); Falkenhausen, Chinese Society, 213–43 and 264–70 (for both Qin and Chu). For the novelty of Qin's “barbarian” image in the Warring States period, see Pines, “The Question of Interpretation,” 29–35; for the case of Chu, see Pines, “Beasts or Humans,” 88–89.

66. See Yujiang, Wu, Mozi jiaozhu (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1994), 25.268Google Scholar (“Jie zang xia” ); see also 37.423 (“Fei ming xia” ). My views of the dating of some of the major texts of the Warring States period are discussed in Pines, , “Lexical Changes in Zhanguo texts,” journal of the American Oriental Society 122.4 (2002), 691–705CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67. This temporary measure is proposed in the “Jun zheng” chapter of the Huangdi shu from Mawangdui. See Mawangdui Han mu boshu “Huang Di shu” jianzheng , compiled, transcribed and annotated by Qipeng, Wei (Beijing: Zhonghua, 2004), 5.357Google Scholar.

68. For the preservation of textual culture on the elite level in the “peripheral” state of Qin, see Kern, Martin, The Stele Inscriptions of Ch'in Shih-huang: Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation, American Oriental Series, vol. 85 (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 2000)Google Scholar.

69. “A minister brings to the rulers' market [his ability] to exhaust his force to the point of death; a ruler brings to the ministers' market [his ability] to bestow ranks and emoluments. Ruler-minister relations are based not on the intimacy of father and child, but on calculation [of benefits]” . Xianshen, Wang, Han Feizi jijie (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1998), 36.352Google Scholar (“Nan yi” –).

70. For Warring States thinkers' unequivocal support for the unification of All under Heaven and the abolition of the competing states, see Pines, , “‘The One that Pervades All' in Ancient Chinese Political Thought: Origins of ‘The Great Unity’ Paradigm,” Toung Pao 86.4–5 (2000), 280–324CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the career patterns of Zhanguo thinkers, see Pines, , “Friends or Foes: Changing Concepts of Ruler-Minister Relations and the Notion of Loyalty in Pre-Imperial China,” Monumenta Serica 50 (2002), 35–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

71. For sweeping changes in Qin mortuary practices in the aftermath of the so-called “Shang Yang reforms“ (358–338), see Shelach and Pines, “Power, Identity and Ideology,” 212–16; for Qin's imposition of uniform script on newly conquered territories, see Zhaorong, Chen, “Qin ‘Shu tong wenzi’ xintan” , Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 68.3 (1997), 589–641Google Scholar, especially 605–12. For the attempts of Qin local officials to impose uniform customs on the subject Chu population, see Yu shu , in Shuihudi Qin mu zhujian , ed. xiaozu, mu zhujian zhengli Shuihudi Qin, 2nd ed. (Beijing: Wenwu, 2001), 13–16Google Scholar and Lewis's discussion in The Construction of Space, 205–6. For archeological reflections on the complexity of cultural interactions

in the newly conquered Chu territories, see Xianfu, Wang, “Xiangyang Qin mu chutan” , Kaogu yu wenwu zengkan: Xian Qin kaogu (2004), 219–25Google Scholar.

72. <http://paulrgoldin.com/db3/00258/paulrgoldin.com/_download/AncientChineseCivilizationBibliography.pdf>.

73. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.