Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 March 2015
Traditional studies of Western Zhou bronze inscriptions have long centered on the issue of dating, but have ignored technical aspects regarding the creation of the inscriptions. In these studies, scholars generally considered bronzes with “identical” inscriptions to have been produced simultaneously. This article demonstrates, with the example of the newly excavated Ke lei and Ke he, that an inscription could be reproduced during the Western Zhou. The Ke lei was cast at the outset of the Zhou dynasty to celebrate the granting of the state of Yan, while the Ke he was probably cast somewhat later, with inscriptions imitating the original inscriptions. This article also demonstrates that “identical” inscriptions can display different calligraphy, the calligraphic styles corresponding to sets in the original composition of bronzes. For example, the thirteen “identical” inscriptions on the extant eight Ci gui and three Ci ding vessels were inscribed in three different calligraphic styles; the ornamentation and size or weight of these eleven bronzes show them to have belonged originally to three different sets, corresponding to the three calligraphic styles. These cases of “identical” inscriptions not only provide solid evidence for the contemporary co-existence of different calligraphic styles within the Western Zhou period, but also provide critical information on the organization of technology and labor in the creation of Western Zhou bronzes.
傳統的西周青銅器銘文硏究長期以斷代爲中心, 但卻忽視了與銘文製作有關的技術性問題。在這些研究中, 學者們通常認爲同銘器乃是同時所作。本文以新近發掘出土的克罃和克盔爲例, 闡明在西周時期一篇銘文可能被重新鑄造。克罃作於西周初年以紀念燕國的分封, 而克禿則可能鑄於較晚時期, 其銘文模仿原來的銘文。本文同時證明內容相同的銘文可能表現不同的書體, 而這些書體則又與青銅器原有組合中之分組情況適相對應。譬如, 現存之八件此簋和三件此鼎上的十三篇內容相同的銘文是以三種不同書體寫成, 而這十一件銅器的花紋、尺寸和重量表明它們原可能屬于三組, 與三種書體的分組正相對應。這些同銘器的例子不僅爲西周同一時期中不同書體的共存提供了確鑿證據, 同時也爲西周青銅器製作中技術與勞力的組織提供了重要信息。
I would like to thank Professor Edward Shaughnessy for his valuable suggestions to this article. I would also like to express my thanks to the two anonymous reviewers of Early China for their inspiring remarks, and to the editor of Early China, Professor Donald Harper, for his extraordinarily detailed comments on the initial manuscript of this article.
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2. The Huan you was first recorded in Rongguang, Wu 吳榮光, Junqingguan jinshi wenzi 箱清館金石文字 (woodblock, ed.; Guilin: 1842), 2.44Google Scholar, and then appeared in many other works. In contrast, the Huan zun first appeared in Wu Shifen 吳式棄, Jungu lu 捃古錄 (woodblock ed.; Haifeng: compiled 1850), 2.49, but was excluded thereafter from all books until the publication of Jun, Huang 黃濱, Zunguzhai suojian jijintu chuji 尊古齋所見吉金圖初集 (Beiping: 1936), 1.36Google Scholar.
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6. For instance, Shirakawa Shizuka 白川靜 says that it can be judged at first glance as a forged inscription; see Shizuka, Shirakawa, “Kinbun tsūshaku” 金文通釋, Hakutsuru bijutsukan shi 白鶴美術館誌 (1962–1983) 21:120.509Google Scholar. On the other hand, Wu Zhenfeng 吳鎭烽 claims to have been able to observe traces of knife-carving in the strokes of the inscription and some strokes cross-cutting the surface of a spacer; see Zhenfeng, Wu, “Shi Yun gui gai mingwen bianwei” 自帀瘦簋蓋銘文辨僞, Renwen zazhi 人文雜誌 1981.6, 93–96Google Scholar. However, since Wu did not provide a photograph showing such detail, it is difficult to judge the validity of his observation. Professor Qiu Xigui 裘鍚圭 has rejected Wu's thesis; see Xigui, Qiu, “In-Shū kodai moji ni okeru shōtai to zokutai” in Shinpojiumu; Chūgoku komonji to In-Shū bunka: kōkotsubun-kinbun o megutte (Tokyo: Tō;hō, 1989), 96–97Google Scholar.
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17. The first is the Kanghou gui 康侯簋 inscription, which mentions briefly that the king commanded Kanghou Tu 康侯圖, who is believed to be the Kangshu Feng 康叔封 of traditional texts, to be the marquis of the state of Wei 衛. The second is the Yihou Ze gui 宜侯矢簋 inscription, discovered in 1954 in Dantu 丹徒, Jiangsu, which records the king's announcement to grant the state of Yi 宜. See Mengjia, Chen 陳夢家, “Xi Zhou tongqi duandai (I)” 西周銅器斷代, Kaogu xuebao 1955.9, 161–67Google Scholar.
18. The inscriptions of the vessel parts of the lei and he are not published.
19. See Xigui, Qiu, Wenzi xue gaiyao 文字學概要 (Beijing: Shangwu, 1988; preface dated 1984), 48Google Scholar. In the Yomiuri symposium in Tokyo in 1987, Professor Qiu formally addressed the issue of orthodox style and conventional style with respect to two Western Zhou inscriptions, the Shi Yun gui 師瘼蓋 and the Ge Bo gui 格伯墓; see Xigui, Qiu, “In-Shū kodai moji,” 81–97, 108Google Scholar. In response to Professor Matsumaru, Qiu noted that the forms in question should be precisely termed sutizi 俗體字, or conventional style characters, see “Shinpojiumu” (with Takayasu, Higuchi 樋口隆康, Xueqin, Li 李學勤, Xigui, Qiu, Michiharu, Itō 伊藤道治, Michio, Matsmaru), in Shinpojiumu: Chūgoku komonji to In-Shū bunka: kōkotsubun-kinbun 0 megutte, 191–93Google Scholar. Although Pro-fessor Qiu provided a large number of examples to demonstrate “conventional style,” he did not theoretically define the criteria for “conventional style characters.” If we are to apply the concept of “conventional style characters” to Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, I would specify two basic conditions that a “conventional style charac-ter” should meet in addition to being a simplification of an orthodox form: evidence of wide acceptance, and being in accordance with a certain structuring principle.
20. See Weizhang, Yin, “Xin chutu de Taibao tongqi,” 66.Google Scholar
21. The term juesi 厥嗣 is written in the Ke lei inscriptions, but is written in the Ke he inscriptions. The latter is reminiscent of the term yousi 有嗣 in other inscriptions. However, in all cases yousi is written . I think that in the Ke he inscription is clearly a miswriting of .
22. There are other cases of low quality inscriptions among scientifically excavated bronzes; e.g. the two Jingji ding 井姬鼎 vessels excavated from the tomb of the Earl of Yu 漁伯 in Baoji 寶雞, Shaanxi. See Liancheng, Lu 盧連成 and Zhisheng, Hu 胡智生, Baoji Yu guo mudi 寶雞漁國墓地 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1988), 263–370Google Scholar. However, neither of them is comparable to the Ke he inscription in terms of the number of miswritten characters or of the historical importance of the inscription.
23. Professor Matsumaru and I discussed the nature of the Ke inscriptions in 1990, and we held the same view. Matsumaru notes that the Ke inscriptions are similar to that of the Shi Yun gui. See Michio, Matsumaru, Kōkotsubun-kinbun 甲骨文金文 (Tokyo: Nigensha, 1990), 54Google Scholar.
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25. This is partly based on my personal observations in 1987 when the newly un-earthed Ke lei and Ke he were displayed at the annual meeting of the Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing.
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54. Moruo, Guo, Liang Zhou jinwenci daxi tulu kaoshi 兩周金文辭大系圖錄考釋 (Tokyo: Bunkyūdō, 1935), 147Google Scholar. As illustrated in Fig. 21, the inscription area of no. 2C is obviously smaller than the other three Shi Dui gui inscriptions. There are also characteristics of small-seal 小繁 calligraphy in the inscription, most evident on characters such as dui 党 (lines 3, 6), yi 邑 (line 5), nai 乃 (line 6), and gui 蓋 (line 8). Most forms in inscription no. 2C are almost identical with those of inscription no. IV, to an extent that we cannot find among genuine inscriptions.
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56. In his Shanzhai yiqi tulu, Rong Geng placed the four inscriptions in the same order as given by Liu Tizhi in Shanzhai jijin lu. Rong further noted that the inscription (no. 2 V) included in Zhensong tang jigu yiwen by Luo Zhenyu is the inscription on the cover part of Shi Dui gui no. 2. This indicates that Rong initially considered the cover inscription of Shi Dui gui no. 2 to be genuine, and its vessel inscription forged. See Geng, Rong, Shanzhai yiqi tulu, 19, 74–75Google Scholar. Later, in his Shang Zhou yiqi tongkao 商周葬器通考, Rong Geng noted that the cover inscription of Shi Dui gui no. 2 is a forgery; see Geng, Rong, Shang Zhou yiqi tongkao (Beiping: Yenching University, 1941), 219Google Scholar. The latter view is followed by Zhang Guangyu 張光浴 who, then, thinks that Rong Geng was wrong in the first place; see Guangyu, Zhang, Weizuo Xianqin yiqi mingwen shuyao 僞作先秦彝器銘文疏要 (Hong Kong: 1974), 403–4Google Scholar.
I have recently consulted with Chen Peifen 陳偎芬 of the Department of Bronzes, Shanghai Museum, where the Shi Dui gui vessels are now stored. She indicates that inscription no. 2C is on the cover and inscription no. 2V is on the vessel part of Shi Dui gui no. 2. However, the rubbing of inscription no. 2V from the Kōsai 弘齋 collection (Fig. 21, no. 2V) shows the sharp turning line on the surface encircling the inscription area (the line appears white on the rubbing), a phenomenon that rarely appears on the vessel part of gui vessels. The Kōsai 20 sandai kikin moji 弘齋藏三代吉金文字 is an unpublished collection of rubbings of bronze inscriptions currently in the possession of the Institute of Humanities, Kyoto University. I have recently learned that it was originally Chen Qian's 陳乾 (Hongzhai 弘齋) collection that was bought by Naitō Torajirō 內藤虎次郎 (Konan 湖南) and then entered the Institute of Humanities. See Takeo, Hibino 日比野丈夫, “Naitō sensei no kinseki takuhon” 內藤先生Φ金石拓本, Naitō Konan zenshū geppō 內藤湖南全集月報 (1970), 7–8Google Scholar. Two additional points should be noted regarding Shi Dui gut no. 2. First, there had been four different rub-bings of the genuine inscription on the vessel of Shi Dui gui no. 2 before the publication of Yin Zhou jinwen jicheng. By contrast, there was only one rubbing of its forged cover inscription, first printed in Liu's Shanzhai jijin lu and thereafter reprinted seven times. Second, the hand-drawing of Shi Dui gui no. 2 published by Liu Tizhi in his Shanzhai jijin lu (1934, compiled before Spring 1931) shows that its vessel part is decorated with qiequ wen 竊曲紋 however, the photograph taken by Rong Geng during his visit together with two other famous paleographers, Xu Zhongshu 徐中舒 and Shang Chengzuo 商承祚, to Liu's home in Shanghai in August 1931, and published in his Shanzhai yiqi tulu (1936), shows that the vessel part of Shi Dui gui no. 2 is decorated with double-circles, similar to that of Shi Dui gui no. 1. Rong later noted that the hand-drawing in Shanzhai jijin lu was the result of misconduct. See Tizhi, Liu, Shanzhai jijin lu, 7.95Google Scholar; Geng, Rong, Shanzhai yiqi tulu, 75, prefaceGoogle Scholar; and Geng, RongShang Zhou yiqi tongkao, 219Google Scholar.
I would like to note my thanks to Chen Peifen for her reponse regarding the position of the two inscriptions of Shi Dui gui no. 2, and to the Institute of Humanities, Kyoto University, for permitting the reproduction of the Kōsai rubbing in Fig. 21.
57. Statements of this theory are found in a series of writings by ProfessorBarnard, : “A Recently Excavated Inscribed Bronze of Western Chou Date,” Monumenta Serica 17 (1958), 37–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “New Approaches and Research Methods in Chin-Shih Hsueh,” Tōkyō daigaku tōyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 東京大學東洋文化硏究所紀要 19 (1959), 23–31Google Scholar; Monumenta Serica 24 (1965), 418–24Google Scholar; and “The Incidence of Forgery Amongst Archaic Chinese Bronzes,” Monumenta Serica 27 (1968), 166–67Google Scholar. A somewhat later reclarification of the theory and review of criticisms against it is given in Barnard, Noel, The Ch'u Silk Manuscript: Translation and Commentary (Canberra: The Australian National University, 1973), 22–28Google Scholar. Objections to Barnard's theory are found in: Te-k'un, Cheng, Archaeology in China, vol.3: Chou China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), 287–88Google Scholar; Te-k'un, Cheng, ‘The Inconstancy of Character Structure Writing in Chinese,” Journal of the institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 4.1 (1971), 137–70Google Scholar; Yan, Li 李梭, “Buci zhenren He zai tongban zhong zhi yiti” 卜辭貞人何在同版中之異體, Lianhe shuyuan xuebao 聯合書院學報 5 (1966–1967), 1–13Google Scholar; Guangyuan, Zhang 張光遠, “Xi Zhou zhongqi Mao Gong ding” 西周重器毛公鼎, Gugong jikan 故宮季刊 7.2 (1973), 1–70Google Scholar. For discussions of the matter, see also “Sei-shū kinbun no bengi o megutte” 西周金文辨僞全, Kōkotsugaku 甲骨學, 11 (1976), 21–68Google Scholar; Matsumaru, , “Sei-shū seidōki,” 80–85Google Scholar; Shaughnessy, , Sources of Western Zhou History, 43–44Google Scholar.
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59. This case was noted by Hayashi Minao 林巳奈夫in a discourse on the authen-ticity of Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, in which most of the important Japanese scholars working on the subject participated. They arrived at the conclusion that al-though “the inconstancy of character structures” provides sufficient reason for being suspicious about the authenticity of a bronze inscription, it is invalid as a criterion to prove forgery; see “Sei-shū kinbun no bengi,” 32–33, 36, 40, 65–66. For the Jifu hu, see bowuguan, Shaanxi shenget al., Fufeng Qijiacun qingtongqi qun 扶風齊家村青銅器群 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1963) 7–10, pls. 3, 4Google Scholar.
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63. The vessel part of the Buqi gui is an unprovenanced piece discovered before 1886 and is now in the National Museum of Chinese History, Beijing, but its cover was excavated from a late Western Zhou tomb in Tengxian 腺縣, Shandong; see bowuguan, Teng-xian, “Tengxian Houjinggou chutu Buqi gui deng qingtongqi qun” 滕縣後荆溝出土不塑簋等青銅器群 Wenwu 1981.9, 25–29Google Scholar. For a clear rubbing, see yanjiusuo, Kaogu, Yin Zhou jinwen jicheng, 4328Google Scholar.
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