Article contents
Wise Man of The Wilds: Fatherlessness, Fertility, and the Mythic Exemplar, Kongzi
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 March 2015
Abstract
There is no more salient figure in early Chinese literature than Kongzi and yet he remains a figure about whose beginnings we know very little. The present essay explores this paradox of bibliographic salience and biographic silence through an in-depth examination of the principal narratives of the Kongzi legend from the Shiji and the Kongzi jiayu, paying particular attention to the language of their respective accounts of the birth of the sage. Finding a distinct lack of fit between the form and content of these these stories, I propose a narrative alternative drawn from the early Han weishu accounts of Kongzi's beginnings. Finding in this alternative a more coherent fit between language and narrative structure as well as recurrent themes such as divine visitation, infertility, jiaomei sacrifice, and cranial disfigurement, vestiges of which are also found in the accounts of Wang Su and Sima Qian, the essay suggests that the weishu texts preserve a fuller popular legend of fertility sacrifice by the childless coordinated with the winter solstice also present in the very name Kongzi and resonating with the charter myth of the Zhou, “Sheng min.” The evident implication of this finding is that the historicity of Kongzi is arguable. The name is more like a mythic literary fiction and probably began, as did that of Hou Qi, as a symbolic deity that was made historical in one of its many Warring States incarnations, that one transmitted to us exclusively through the normative biographical tradition.
中國文學中最爲著名的人物莫過於孔子.可是關於他的出身家世我們知道得微乎其微.本文詳細考查了《史記》、《孔子家語》以及漢朝緯書中有關孔子出生的故事.筆者認爲漢朝的緯書對婦人無子而於冬至郊楳״這一通俗傳說保留得最爲完整.故事中不但直接提到孔子的名子,從其事跡亦可以隱約看到《大雅》״生民״神話的遺跡.本文的結論是孔子的歷史眞實性是大可爭議的.這一名子很可能與周的始祖后稷一樣,最先亦是源於神話傳說,到了戰國時期才演化成歷史人物.並如眞實的歷史人物一樣被地寫入了傳記.此後人們所見到的便無不是這一經過歷史化了的孔子了.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Society for the Study of Early China 1995
References
1 . The narrative of events of summer in the tenth year of Ding Gong provides an exemplary portrait of Kong Qiu as adjudicator of the proper conduct of the meng 盟 rite. See Bojun, Yang 楊伯峻, Chunqiu Zuo zhuan 春秋左傳注, 4 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), vol. 4, 1578–1579Google Scholar.
2. On the accretional theory of the Lunyu composition, see Brooks, E. Bruce and Brooks, A. Taeko, The Original Analects: A Translation in Historical Sequence (New York: Columbia University Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar.
3. Lunyu zhusu 論語注疏 (Shisanjing zhusu ed.), 77.2.
4. See Lunyu zhusu, 26.1-27.1. Here Kongzi confesses that he knows nothing of the di 蹄 ancestral sacrifice.
5. Lunyu zhusu, 27.2, with modifications of Waley, Arthur, Analects of Confucius (New York: Vintage Books, 1938), 6Google Scholar.
6. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 3, 974–975Google Scholar. The Gongyang and Guliang commen¬taries, incidentally, offer no mention of He, Shu He, or Shu Liang He.
7. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 3, 975Google Scholar.
8. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 3, 978Google Scholar.
9. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 4, 1294Google Scholar.
10. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 4, 1294Google Scholar.
11. Su, Wang 王肅, ed., Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語 (beiyao, Sibu ed.), 9.5a–6aGoogle Scholar.
12. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 1, 28–29Google Scholar.
13. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 3, 1031Google Scholar. An identical command of 300 troops poised against invaders —these from Wu —is entrusted to You Ruo, a putative follower of Kongzi, in the seventh year of Duke Ai (487 B.C.). See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 4, 1249Google Scholar.
14. Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏舂秋 (jicheng, Zhuzi ed.), 162Google Scholar.
15. Lüshi chunqiu, 162.
16. As late as the twelfth century we find Kongzi identified with his mother's and not his father's clan. In December of 1194, Zhu Xi 朱蕞 marked the founding of the Cangzhou jingshe 滄州精舍 with a sacrifice to Kongzi in which he addressed him as “original teacher, Duke of 20M kingdom, of the Van clan 先師郝國公顏氏.״ See Xi, Zhu, Hui'an xiansheng Zhu Wengong wenji 晦庵先生朱文公文集(congkan, Sibu ed), 86, 1548.1Google Scholar.
17. Qian, Sima 司馬遷, Shiji 史記 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 1905Google Scholar. There are several discrepancies in this account when compared with that of the Kongzi jiayu. For example, Kongzi's ancestry should begin seven generations earlier with Fu Fu He, not with Kong Fangshu; moreover, in the Kongzi jiayu there was no Kong Fang Shu, but rather a Fang Shu; Kongzi jiayu, 9.5b.
18. See Rank, Otto, “The Myth of the Birth of the Hero,” in The Myth of the Birth of the Hero: And Other Writings (New York: Vintage Books, 1964), 3–96Google Scholar; and Raglan, F.R.R.S., The Hero: A Study in Tradition, Myth, and Drama (New York: Oxford University Press, 1937)Google Scholar. Very recently the synoptic parallels between selected Chinese and Western mythologies has been explored by Birrell, Anne in Chinese Mythology: An Introduc-Hon (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993)Google Scholar. These parallels are worth mentioning because of the value they hold for situating local Chinese heroes in the context of world mythology as a hedge against essentialism.
19. On the gengxu day of the ninth month, the first day of the month, the sun was occluded. In the winter on the gengchen day of the tenth month, the first day of the month, the sun was occluded 九月庚戍朔, 日有食之.冬十月庚辰朔, 日有食之; Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 3, 1055–1056Google Scholar.
20. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 3, 1056Google Scholar.
21. I should qualify this somewhat. Theoretically one could observe two partial eclipses in monthly succession if standing on the north pole one month and the south pole the next.
22. For evidence of the exacting and exhaustive charting of the parallel relations between astronomical and terrestrial phenomena during the sandai, see David W. Pan-kenier, “On the Cosmo-political Background of Heaven's Mandate,” in this volume.
23. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhusu 春秋穀梁傳注疏 (Shisanjing zhusu ed.》 156.1; Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhusu 春秋公羊傳注疏(Shisanjing zhusu ed.), 256.1.
24. Dubs, Homer H., “The Date of Confucius' Birth,” Asia Major, New Series, 1.2 (1949), 142–144Google Scholar.
25. In subsequent centuries the legend contained within this sacred mound of narrative was handed down with little modification and when modifications were made it was usually with respect to the story of conception and/or sacrifice. So, in reading Jiang Yong ׳s江永 (1681-1762) Kongzi nianpu 孔子年譜, as well as Di Ziji's 狄子奇 (19th century) Kongzi biannian 孔子編年, it is hardly surprising to find that the Shi ji birth story, without the serial citation of Song descent pedigree, provides the foundation of their chronologies.
26. Shi ji, 1947. On the timing of Sima Qian's visit to Qufu, see Brooks, E. Bruce, “The Life and Death of Confucius,” Warring States Working Group Query 35 (06 15, 1995), 3Google Scholar.
27. This was the view of Zhu Xi who contended that the Kongzi jiayu contained genuine material from the Kong transmission, material left as surplus following the compilation of the Lunyu. See Hui'an xiansheng Zhu Wengong wenji, juan 33.
28. Kongzi jiayu, 9.5a. On the curious history of the text, its authenticity and authorship, see Kramers, Robert Paul, K'ung Tzu Chia Yü, The School Sayings of Confucius (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1949), 1–90Google Scholar.
29. The Shuowen defines bing as severe illness, so I presume that zuhing is a severely distressed, or useless, foot. See Shen, Xu 許慎, Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 (rpt., Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963)Google Scholar, 154.1. There are other forms of significance lying just on the edge of this story of the elder brother with a deformed foot, specifically associations with Zhou Gong and Yu, both of whom were said to have had a gnarled foot or a useless leg. On oneleggedness and sagely symbolism, see Karlgren, Bernhard, “Legends and Cults in Ancient China,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 18 (1946), 301–307Google Scholar; and Maspéro, Henri, “Légendes mythologiques dans le Chou king,” Journal Asiatique, CCII (1924), 1–100Google Scholar.
30. It is attested in selected Warring States and Han texts that deformity at the time of birth was one of a number of conditions that might cause parents to choose to buju 不舉 “not raise up” a child. See Kinney, Anne Behnke, “Infant Abandonment in Early China,” Early China 18 (1993), 107–138CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
31. Kongzi jiayu, 9.5b-6a.
32. Shiji, 1906.
33. Shuowen, 169.1.
34. Schlegel, Gustave, Uranographie Chinoise (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1875), 217Google Scholar.
35. Bai hu tong 白虎通 (jicheng, Congshu ed.), 179Google Scholar.
36. Shuowen, 169.1.
37. Xunzi 荀子 (Sibu beiyao ed.), 3, 2b.
38. See Kinney, Anne Behnke, ed., Chinese Views of Childhood (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1995)Google Scholar.
39. Hung, Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine: The Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.
40. On the stratigraphy of relations between guo and ye in what might be considered a form of military colonization, see Kuan, Yang 楊寬, Gushi xintan 古史新探 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 145–165Google Scholar; and Zhengsheng, Du 杜正勝, Zhoudai cheng 周代城邦 (Taibei: Lianjing chubanshe, 1979), 22–31, 29–59Google Scholar.
41. Shuowen, 290.2
42. Erya, 爾雅 (Sibu congkan ed.), 2.11a.
43. Bilsky, Lester James, The State Religion of Ancient China (Taibei: The Orient Cultural Service, 1975), 41Google Scholar. In several odes of the Shi jing the yin and si are paired. Both the yin and si sacrifices were seasonal and usually conducted in conjunction, the former at the jiao, the latter inside the miao 廟.Also, both ceremonies often involved the invocation of Hou Ji.
44. Erya, 2.9b. According to Tan Qixiang's 譚其驟 Zhongguo liishi ditu ji 中國歷史地圖集 (Shanghai: Tudi chubanshe, 1982), vol. 1, 39Google Scholar, Daye is also the name of a large lake abutting the Ji River in Shandong.
45. Shizuka, Shirakawa 白川靜, Koshi den 孔子伝 (Tokyo: Chu yo Koronsha, 1972)Google Scholar.
46. Shirakawa, , Koshi den, 17Google Scholar.
47. Wu 巫 is customarily rendered as shaman, presuming that this shaman was male. However, in the Guo yu “Chu yu” it is said that the spirits of ancient people, when embodied in males, are called xi 現, and in females are called wu. I follow this distinction, one consistent with Shirakawa's emphasis on the femininity of the shaman, in my translation of wu as “mage.” Guo 國語 (rpt, Shanghai: Guji chubanshe, 1990), vol. 2, 559Google ScholarPubMed. On the non-indigenous (Indo-Iranian) roots of the term wu, rendered as “mage,” see Mair, Victor H., “Old Sinitic MyAG, Old Persian Magus and English ‘Magician’,” Early China 15 (1990), 27–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a cogent defense of an alternative translation of wu as “shamanka,” see Schäfer, Edward H., The Divine Woman: Dragon Ladies and Kain Maidens (San Francisco: North Point Press, 1980), 11–14Google Scholar.
48. Shirakawa, , Koshi den, 18Google Scholar.
49. This theory would account for the otherwise curious identification of Kongzi with the clan of his mother. The links with shamanism and fertility are not forged by Shirakawa alone; Edward Schäfer pointed out in The Divine Woman that:
Linguistic facts reveal the intimate relationships between the word wu (*myu) “shamanka” and such words as “mother,” “dance,” “fertility,” “egg,” and “recep-tacle.” The ancient shamanka, tVien, was closely related to the fecund mother, to the fertile soil, to the receptive earth. The textual evidence supports these philological associations. In Shang and Chou times, shamankas were regularly employed in the interests of human and natural fertility, above all in bringing rain to parched farmlands — a responsibility they shared with ancient kings. They were musicians and dancers and oracles.
50. Granet, Marcel, Danses et légendes de la Chine ancienne, Tome II (rpt., Paris: Editions d'aujourd'hui, 1982), 431–433Google Scholar.
51. Hanshu buzhu 漢書補注 (rpt. Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968)Google Scholar, 51.7b, 63.1a.
52. Zhihan, Xiao 蕭智漢, ed, Yuerijigu 月日紀古 (congkan, Sibu ed.), 23a–3bGoogle Scholar.
53. Shirakawa, , Koshi den, 19Google Scholar.
54. See Boltz, William G., “Kung Kung and the Flood: Reverse Euhemerism in the Yao Tien,” T'oung Pao 67 (1981), 141–153CrossRefGoogle Scholar for a much needed rectification of misunderstanding of the manner in which the culture heroes of ancient China were “made” by making them human.
55. Er qiu ye, Yinren ye 而丘也, 殷人也.”I, Qiu, am aman of Yin.” Lijizhengyi 禮記正義 (Shisanjing zhusu ed) 129.2.
56. Shuowen, 246.2.
57. Shuowen, 246.2. Here I follow Chow Tse-tsung's sound gloss of yi as ya. See Tse-tsung, Chow, “The Childbirth Myth and Ancient Chinese Medicine: A Study of Aspects of the Wu Tradition,” in Ancient China: Studies in Early Civilization, eds. Roy, David T. and Tsien, Tsuen-hsuin (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1978), 79Google Scholar.
58. Maoshi zhengjian 毛詩鄭讓 (Sibu beiyao ed.), 20.11a-12b and modifying Karlgren, Bernhard, The Book of Odes (Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1950), 262–263Google Scholar.
59. Maoshi zhengjian, 20.11a, modifying Karlgren, , The Book of Odes, 263Google Scholar.
60. Shuowen, 246.2.
61. Sifen zhe zhe ye 司分者者也; Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 4, 1387Google Scholar.
62. Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, vol. 4, 1537Google Scholar.
63. Most of the elements of this myth can be found in Wang Jia, ed., Shiyi ji 拾遺記 (Hanwei congshu), 1.4b-5b. Eberhard finds a confluence of southern and northern traditions in the tales of Shao Hao and places them in the Thai culture chain. He also contributes to the ethnobotanical links between Kongzi and Shao Hao by noting that the latter is sometimes associated with Di Zhi 帝挈who “wept as a child in a hollow mulberry”; Eberhard, Wolfram, Local Cultures of South and East China (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968), 327Google Scholar.
64. Chunqiu wei Yan Kong tu 春秋緯演孑匕圖, in Ma Guohan 馬國翰, Yuhan shanfang jiyishu 玉函山房輯佚書 (Changsha, 1883), 56/6.4a-4b. See also Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚 (rpt., Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), vol. 2, 1519Google Scholar.
65. Li Fang 李昉, ed., Taipingyulan 太平御覽(Sibu congkan ed.), 321.6a. Note that the source text is mistakenly identified as the “Kong Yan Tu.” On the mythic reverberations of fusang 扶桑 mulberry tree in ancient China and its particular association with the Shang, see Allan, Sarah, The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art, and Cosmos in Early China (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1991), 27–46Google Scholar.
66. On the meaning and function of gan in the cult of the dead, see Chun, Allen J., “Kinship and Kingship in Classical Chou China,” T'oung Pao 76 (1990), 19–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the use of gan in an exemplary birth story, see the account of Yu's birth in Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (Sibu beiyao ed.), 6.1a.
67. Granet, , Danses et légendes, 428–434Google Scholar.
68. Bilsky, , State Religion of Ancient China, 40–44Google Scholar.
69. Yu, Su 蘇輿, ed., Chunqiu fanlu yizheng 春秋繁露義証 (rpt., Taibei: Heluo tushu gongsi, 1973)Google Scholar, 16.12a, and modifying Bodde's, Derk translation in “Sexual Sympathetic Magic in Han China,” in Essays on Chinese Civilization by Derk Bodde, eds. Blanc, Charles Le and Borei, Dorothy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 374Google Scholar.
70. On this particular example of sound correspondence and paronomasia, see Bodde, Derk, Festivals in Classical China: New Year and Other Annual Observances During the Han Dynasty, 206 B.C.-A.D. 220 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 39–41Google Scholar.
71. Pu'an, Hu 胡樸安, Zhonghua quanguo fengsu zhi 中華全國風俗志(Shanghai: Dada chubanshe, 1935), Vol. 1, 8–9Google Scholar.
72. Shuowen, 169.1.
73. Maoshi zhengjian, 17.1a-2a, modifying Karlgren, , The Book of Odes, 199–201Google Scholar.
74. Maoshi zhengjian, 17.1a.
75. Lüshi chunqiu, 139.
76. Shuowen jiezi, 169.1.
77. Schlegel, , Uranographie Chinoise, 214Google Scholar.
78. Guanzi jiaozheng 管子校正 (jicheng, Zhuzi ed.), vol. 5, 39Google Scholar; Zhou li zhusu 周禮注疏 (Shisanjing zhusu ed.), 34.2.
79. Schlegel, , Uranographie Chinoise, 217Google Scholar.
80. Gary Seaman's 1975 film “Blood, Bones, and Spirits” provides vivid documentation of death's metaphorical representation as birth in the re-interment of the exhumed remains of a male who died without heirs. On the generative power of the tomb, see Thompson, Stuart E., “Death, Food, and Fertility,” in Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China, eds. Watson, James L. and Rawski, Evelyn S. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 102–108Google Scholar. Victor Mair has suggested to me that the protuberance on Kongzi's head may well be a womb or a collapsed funeral mound.
81. David W. Pankenier, personal communication.
82. Fang, Li 李防, ed., Taiping Guangji 太平廣記, Xiaofeng, Huang 黄曉峰 edition of 1753 (rpt., Taibei: Xinxing shuju, 1962)Google Scholar, 558.1.
83. Baihu tong, 11. See also Som, Tjan Tjoe, Po Hu Tung (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1949), vol. 1, 225Google Scholar.
84. Giesey, Ralph E., The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva: E. Droz, 1960), 1Google Scholar.
- 2
- Cited by