Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-hc48f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T16:28:47.740Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

HILLARY CLINTON AND THE WOMEN WHO SUPPORTED HER

Emotional Attachments and the 2008 Democratic Presidential Primary

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 January 2017

Evelyn M. Simien  and
Sarah Cote Hampson
Evelyn M. Simien*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, University of Connecticut
Sarah Cote Hampson
Affiliation:
Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences, University of Washington Tacoma
*
*Corresponding author: Evelyn M. Simien, Department of Political Science and Institute for Africana Studies, University of Connecticut, 365 Fairfield Way, Unit 1024, Storrs, Connecticut 06269. E-mail: [email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Using data from the 2008 American National Election Studies (ANES) time series, and the 2008 ANES panel wave, this study examines whether the intragroup emotions Hillary Clinton elicits—gender affinity and pride—are predictive of political engagement for the group she represents: women voters. We focus on voters who report having participated in the primaries and the range of potential voters who proselytize during the primary season and express an intention to vote in the general election. Contrary to the conclusion one might reasonably draw—that is, women rather than men would be more likely to support Clinton—the real question is: which women?

Keywords

Hillary ClintonSymbolic EmpowermentRepresentationIntragroup EmotionPrideGender AffinityGroup Consciousness
Type
State of the Art
Information
Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race , Volume 14 , Issue 1 , Spring 2017 , pp. 93 - 116
Copyright
Copyright © Hutchins Center for African and African American Research 2017 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

Atkeson, Lonna Rae (2003). Not All Cues Are Created Equal: The Conditional Impact of Female Candidates on Political Engagement. Journal of Politics, 65: 1040–1061.Google Scholar
Atkeson, Lonna Rae, and Carrillo, Nancy (2007). More is Better: The Influence of Collective Female Descriptive Representation on External Efficacy. Politics & Gender, 3(March): 79–101.Google Scholar
Baxter, Sandra, and Lansing, Margaret (1983). Women and Politics: The Visible Majority. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Bedolla, Lisa Garcia (2005). Fluid Borders: Latino Power, Identity and Politics in Los Angeles. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Bedolla, Lisa Garcia, and Michelson, Mellissa R. (2012). Mobilizing Inclusion: Transforming the Electorate through Get-Out-the-Vote Campaigns. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Bejarano, Christina E. (2014). The Latino Gender Gap in U.S. Politics. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Bobo, Lawrence, and Gilliam, Franklin D. (1990). Race, Sociopolitical Participation, And Black Empowerment. American Political Science Review, 84: 337–393.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bositis, David A. (2012). Blacks & the 2012 Democratic National Convention. Washington, DC: Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies.Google Scholar
Brown, Nadia E. (2014). Sisters in the Statehouse: Black Women and Legislative Decision Making. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Browne, Irene (Ed.) (1999). Latinas and African American Women at Work: Race, Gender, and Economic Inequality. New York: The Russell Sage Foundation.Google Scholar
Burns, Nancy, Lehman Schlozman, Kay, and Verba, Sidney (2001). The Private Roots of Public Action: Gender, Equality, and Political Participation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Calhoun-Brown, Allison (1996). African American Churches and Political Mobilization: The Psychological Impact of Organizational Resources. Journal of Politics, 58(4): 935–953.Google Scholar
Campbell, David E., and Wolbrecht, Christina (2006). See Jane Run: Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents. Journal of Politics, 68(2): 233–247.Google Scholar
Carroll, Susan J. (1999). The Disempowerment of the Gender Gap: Soccer Moms and the 1996 Elections. PS: Political Science and Politics, 32(1): 7–11.Google Scholar
Carroll, Susan J. (2009). Reflections on Gender and Hillary Clinton’s Presidential Campaign: The Good, the Bad, and the Misogynistic. Politics & Gender, 5(1): 1–20.Google Scholar
Collins, Patricia Hill (2000). Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Cook, Elizabeth Adell (1989). Measuring Feminist Consciousness. Women & Politics, 3: 71–88.Google Scholar
Conover, Pamela (1988). Feminists and the Gender Gap. Journal of Politics, 50: 985–1010.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dawson, Michael C. (1994). Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Dawson, Michael C. (2001). Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African American Political Ideologies. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Kelly, Deb (2008). Gender Divide: What Women Want During the 2008 Election. Tribune Star, February 3.Google Scholar
Dolan, Kathleen A. (2006). Symbolic Mobilization? The Impact of Candidate Sex in American Elections. American Politics Research, 34: 687–704.Google Scholar
Dolan, Kathleen A. (2008). Is there a ‘Gender Affinity Effect’ in American Politics?: Information, Affect and Candidate Sex in U.S. House Elections. Political Research Quarterly, 61(1): 79–89.Google Scholar
Dovi, Suzanne (2002). Preferable Descriptive Representatives: Will Just Any Woman, Black, or Latino Do? American Political Science Review, 96(December): 745–754.Google Scholar
Downs, Anthony (1957). An Economic Theory of Democracy. New York: Harper.Google Scholar
Finn, Christopher, and Glaser, Jack (2010). Voter Affect and the 2008 Presidential Election: Hope and Race Mattered. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 10(1): 263–275.Google Scholar
Fortini, Amanda (2008). The Feminist Reawakening: Hillary Clinton and the Fourth Wave. New York Magazine, April 21.Google Scholar
Gay, Claudine, and Tate, Katherine (1998). Doubly Bound: The Impact of Gender and Race on the Politics of Black Women. Political Psychology, 19: 169–184.Google Scholar
Gilligan, Carol (1982). In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Greene, Christina (2005). Our Separate Ways: Women and the Black Freedom Movement in Durham, North Carolina. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gurin, Patricia (1985). Women’s Gender Consciousness. Public Opinion Quarterly, 49: 143–163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gurin, Patricia, Hatchett, Shirley, and Jackson, James S. (1989). Hope and Independence: Blacks’ Response to Electoral and Party Politics. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.Google Scholar
Gurin, Patricia, and Townsend, Aloen (1986). Properties of Gender Identity and Their Implications for Gender Consciousness. British Journal of Social Psychology, 25: 139–148.Google Scholar
Hansen, Susan B. (1997). Talking about Politics: Gender and Contextual Effects in Political Proselytzing. Journal of Politics, 59: 73–103.Google Scholar
Hardy-Fanta, Carol (1993). Latina Politics, Latino Politics: Gender, Culture and Political Participation in Boston. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Google Scholar
Harris, Frederick C. (1999). Something within African-American Political Activism. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Harris-Lacewell, Melissa V. (2006). Barbershops, Bibles, and B. E. T.: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
High-Pippert, Angela, and Comer, John (1998). Female Empowerment: The Influence of Women Representing Women. Women & Politics, 19(4): 53–66.Google Scholar
Hutchings, Vincent, and Stephens, LeFleur (2008). African American Voters and the Presidential Nomination Process. In Mayer, William G. (Ed.), The Making of Presidential Candidates 2008, pp. 119–140. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
Kaufman, Karen (2003). Cracks in the Rainbow: Group Commonality as a Basis for Latino and African-American Political Coalitions. Political Research Quarterly, 56(2): 199–210.Google Scholar
Kinder, Donald R., and Dale-Riddle, Allison (2012). The End of Race: Obama, 2008, and Racial Politics in America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Klein, Ethel (1984). Gender Politics: From Consciousness to Mass Politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Koch, Jeffrey (1997). Candidate Gender and Women’s Psychological Engagement in Politics. American Politics Quarterly, 57(January): 118–133.Google Scholar
Koch, Jeffrey (2000). Do Citizens Apply Gender Stereotypes to Infer Candidates’ Ideological Orientations? Journal of Politics, 62: 414–429.Google Scholar
Lawless, Jennifer (2004). The Politics of Presence? Congresswomen and Symbolic Representation. Political Research Quarterly, 57(1): 81–99.Google Scholar
Lawrence, Regina G., and Rose, Melody (2010). Hillary Clinton’s Race for the White House: Gender Politics & the Media on the Campaign Trail. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reiner Publishers.Google Scholar
Lazarus, Richard L. (1991). Emotion and Adaptation. New York: Guilford Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lopez, Mark Hugo, and Paul, Taylor (2009). Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center.Google Scholar
Mann, Susan Archer, and Haufmann, Douglas J. (2005). The Decentering of Second Wave Feminism and the Rise of the Third Wave. Science & Society, 69(1): 56–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mansbridge, Jane, and Tate, Katherine (1992). Race Trumps Gender: Black Opinion on the Thomas Nomination. PS: Political Science and Politics, 25: 488–492.Google Scholar
Marcus, George E., Russell Neuman, W., and MacKuen, Michael (2000). Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Masuoka, Natalie (2006). Together They Become One: Examining the Predictors of Pan-ethnic Group Consciousness among Asian Americans and Latinos. Social Science Quarterly, 87(5): 993–1011.Google Scholar
McClain, Paula D., Johnson Carew, Jessica, Walton, Eugene Jr., and Watts, Candis S. (2009). Group Membership, Group Identity and Group Consciousness: Evolving Racial Identity in American Politics. Annual Review of Political Science, 12(June): 471–485.Google Scholar
McClain, Paula D., Carter, Niambi M., DeFrancesco Soto, Victoria M., Lyle, Monique L., Grynaviski, Jeffrey D., Nunnally, Shayla C., Scotto, Thomas J., Alan Kendrick, J., Lackey, Gerald F., and Cotton, Kendra Davenport (2006). Racial Distancing in a Southern City: Latino Immigrants’ Views of Black Americans. Journal of Politics, 68(3): 571–584.Google Scholar
McDermott, Monica L. (1997). Voting Cues in Low-Information Elections: Candidate Gender as a Social Information Variable in Contemporary United States Elections. American Journal of Political Science, 41(1): 270–283.Google Scholar
McDermott, Monica L. (1998). Race and Gender Cues in Low-Information Elections. Political Research Quarterly, 51(4): 895–918.Google Scholar
Miller, Arthur, Gurin, Patricia, Gurin, Gerald, and Malanchuk, Oksana (1981). Group Consciousness and Political Participation. American Journal of Political Science, 25(3): 494–511.Google Scholar
Montoya, Lisa J., Hardy-Fanta, Carol, and Garcia, Sonia (2000). Latina Politics: Gender, Participation and Leadership. PS: Political Science and Politics, 33(3): 555–561.Google Scholar
Navarrette, Reuben (2008). Why Hillary is Losing the Latino Vote. San Gabriel Valley Tribune, February 20.Google Scholar
Nunnally, Shayla C. (2012). Trust in Black America: Race, Discrimination, and Politics. New York: New York University Press.Google Scholar
Paolino, Phillip (1995). Group-Salient Issues and Group Representation: Support for Women Candidates in the 1992 Senate Elections. American Journal of Political Science, 39(2): 294–313.Google Scholar
Pardo, Mary (1990). Mexican American Women Grassroots Community Activists: Mothers of East Los Angeles. Frontiers, 11(1): 1–7.Google Scholar
Parkinson, Brian, Fischer, Agneta H., and Manstead, Antony S. R. (2005). Emotion in Social Relations: Cultural, Group, and Interpersonal Processes. New York: Psychology Press.Google Scholar
Philpot, Tasha S., Shaw, Daron R., and McGowen, Ernest B. (2009). Winning the Race: Black Voter Turnout in the 2008 Presidential Election. Public Opinion Quarterly, 73(5): 995–1022.Google Scholar
Philpot, Tasha S., and Walton, Hanes Jr. (2007). One of Our Own: Black Female Candidates and the Voters Who Support Them. American Journal of Political Science, 51(1): 49–62.Google Scholar
Pitkin, Hanna (1967). The Concept of Representation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Popkin, Samuel L. (1991). The Reasoning Voter: Communication and Persuasion in Presidential Campaigns. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Plutzer, Eric, and Zipp, John F. (1996). Identity Politics, Partisanship, and Voting for Women Candidates. Public Opinion Quarterly, 60(1): 30–57.Google Scholar
Reeves, Keith (1997). Voting Hopes or Fears? White Voters, Black Candidates. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Reingold, Beth, and Harrell, Jessica (2011). The Impact of Descriptive Representation on Women’s Political Engagement. Political Research Quarterly, 63(2): 280–294.Google Scholar
Robnett, Belinda (1997). How Long? How Long? African-American Women in the Struggle for Civil Rights. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Rosenthal, Cindy Simon (1995). The Role of Gender in Descriptive Representation. Political Research Quarterly, 48(3): 599–611.Google Scholar
Roth, Benita (2004). Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America’s Second Wave. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Sanbonmatsu, Kira (2002). Gender Stereotypes and Vote Choice. American Journal of Political Science, 46(1): 20–34.Google Scholar
Sanchez, Gabriel R. (2006). The Role of Group Consciousness on Latino Public Opinion. Political Research Quarterly, 59(3): 435–446.Google Scholar
Sanchez, Gabriel R. (2008). Latino Group Consciousness and Perceptions of Commonality with African Americans. Social Science Quarterly, 89(2): 428–443.Google Scholar
Sanchez, Gabriel R., and Masouka, Natalie (2010). Brown Utility Heuristic? The Presence and Contributing Factors of Latino Linked Fate. The Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 32(4): 519–531.Google Scholar
Sapiro, Virginia, and Conover, Pamela Johnston (1997). The Variable Gender Bias of Electoral Politics: Gender and the Context in the 1992 U.S. Election. British Journal of Political Science, 27: 497–523.Google Scholar
Sartain, Lee (2007). Invisible Activists: Women of the Louisiana NAACP and the Struggle for Civil Rights, 1915–1945. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press.Google Scholar
Shingles, Richard D. (1981). Black Consciousness and Political Participation: The Missing Link. American Political Science Review, 75(1): 76–91.Google Scholar
Simien, Evelyn M. (2006). Black Feminist Voices in Politics. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Google Scholar
Simien, Evelyn M. (2009). Clinton and Obama: The Impact of Race and Sex on the 2008 Democratic Presidential Primaries. In Crotty, William J. (Ed.), Winning the Presidency 2008, pp. 123–134. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers.Google Scholar
Simien, Evelyn M. (2013). African American Public Opinion: Past, Present, and Future Research. Politics, Groups and Identities, 1(2): 263–274.Google Scholar
Simien, Evelyn M. (2015). Historic Firsts: How Symbolic Empowerment Changes U.S. Politics. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Smooth, Wendy (2006). Intersectionality in Electoral Politics: A Mess Worth Making. Politics & Gender, 3(2): 400–414.Google Scholar
Southwell, Priscilla (2012). Political Alienation: Behavioral Implications of Efficacy and Trust in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election. Review of European Studies, 4(2): 71–77.Google Scholar
Steinem, Gloria (2008). Women Are Never Front Runners. The New York Times, January 8.Google Scholar
Stokes, Atiya Kai (2003). Latino Group Consciousness and Political Participation. American Politics Research, 31: 361.Google Scholar
Stokes-Brown, Atiya Kai (2006). Racial Identity and Latino Vote Choice. American Politics Research, 34(5): 627–652.Google Scholar
Stokes-Brown, Atiya Kai (2012). The Politics of Race in Latino Communities: Walking the Color Line. New York: Routledge Press.Google Scholar
Stokes-Brown, Atiya Kai, and Dolan, Kathleen (2010). Race, Gender, and Symbolic Representation: African American Female Candidates as Mobilizing Agents. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion, and Parties, 20: 473–494.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stokes-Brown, Atiya Kai, and Neal, Melissa Olivia (2008). Give ‘Em Something to Talk about: The Influence of Female Candidates’ Campaign Issues on Political Proselytizing. Politics & Policy, 36(1): 32–59.Google Scholar
Gavin Brent, Sullivan (Ed.) (2014). Understanding Collective Pride and Group Identity. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Tangney, June Price, and Fischer, Kurt W. (1995). Self-Conscious Emotions and the Affect Revolution: Framework and Overview. In Price Tangney, June and Fischer, Kurt W. (Eds.), Self-conscious Emotions: The Psychology of Shame, Guilt, Embarrassment, and Pride, pp. 114–142. New York: Guilford Press.Google Scholar
Tate, Katherine (1993). From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Terkildsen, Nayda (1993). When White Voters Evaluate Black Candidates: The Processing Implications of Candidate Skin Color, Prejudice, and Self-Monitoring. American Journal of Political Science, 37(4): 1032–1053.Google Scholar
Tesler, Michael, and Sears, David O. (2008). Obama’s Race: The 2008 Election and the Dream of a Post-Racial America. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Thompson, Becky (2002). Multiracial Feminism: Recasting the Chronology of Second Wave Feminism. Feminist Studies, 28(2): 336–360.Google Scholar
Walters, Ronald W. (2007). Barack Obama and the Politics of Blackness. Journal of Black Studies, 38(1): 7–29.Google Scholar
Wilcox, Clyde (1990). Black Women and Feminism. Women and Politics, 10: 65–84.Google Scholar
Winter, Nicholas, and Berinsky, Adam J. (1999). What’s Your Temperature? Thermometer Ratings and Political Analysis. Paper Presented at the 1999 Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, GA.Google Scholar
Witt, Loretta C. (2008). Letters to the Editor. The Philadelphia Inquirer, January 9.Google Scholar
Wolbrecht, Christina, and Campbell, David E. (2007). Leading by Example: Female Members of Parliament as Political Role Models. American Journal of Political Science, 51(October): 921–939.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zamfirache, Irina (2010). Women and Politics—the Glass Ceiling. Journal of Comparative Research in Anthropology and Sociology, 1(1): 175–185.Google Scholar