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Welfare, mortality, and gender. Continuity and change in explanations for male/female mortality differences over three centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1991

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References

ENDNOTES

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9 The concept of maximum potential life expectancy is frequently used by gerontological biologists even though they cannot measure it. It generally refers to how long an individual or species could live under optimal environmental conditions. For practical purposes under modern conditions we can choose a value of approximately 85 for both males and females. See, Olshansky, Jay, ‘Using biological information to forecast mortality’, in Johansson, S. Ryan, ed., ‘Aging and dying. Biology, demography and human longevity’ (manuscript version)Google Scholar. See also, Olshansky, Jay, Carnes, B. and Cassel, C., ‘In search of Methuselah: estimating the upper limit to human life expectancy’, Science, 10 1990.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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26 The government of Sweden was actually the first to publish fairly accurate statistics on the age-specific death rates of ordinary (largely rural) men and women. At the end of the eighteenth century Swedish females had a life expectancy at birth of 35.7 years versus 33.2 years for men. From age 1 to age 90 the life expectancy advantage of females remained consistently less than 2 years, even during the childbearing years. An English physician interested in the study of longevity reprinted some Swedish data, but did not offer an explanation for the small longevity advantage of women. See DrJameson, Thomas, in Essays on the changes of the human body at its different ages (London, 1811), 284.Google Scholar

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28 At present there is no standardized demographic definition of ‘excess female mortality’. In this essay, unless otherwise specified, it refers to an age-specific death rate that is absolutely higher for females than the equivalent rate for same age males.

29 Farr, William (1837) ‘Vital statistics of health, sickness and disease and death’. Farr's original essay is reprinted in Wall, Richard, ed., Mortality in mid 19th century Britain (Farnborough, Hants., 1974), 569.Google Scholar

30 See Gallagher, C. and Laquer, T., eds., The making of the modern body (Berkeley, 1987)Google Scholar. Most of the essays in this volume deal with the nineteenth-century physiology of gender, which was increasingly used to ‘demonstrate’ the pervasive biological inferiority of women.

31 Although nineteenth-century British cause of death data was the best for its time and place it was far from accurate or complete. For a review of its shortcomings see Szreter, Simon, ‘The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850–1914’, Social History of Medicine 1 (1988) 138CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is no reason to suppose that it was less accurate for women than for men.

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54 By the 1920 the founders of the Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health were convinced that science knew little or nothing about the rules of right living; but research concerning the harmful effects of tobacco smoking was actively discouraged as being irrelevant. See Fee, Elizabeth, Disease and discovery. A history of the Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health 1916–1939 (Baltimore, 1989), 124–5Google Scholar. Right through the 1970s research on class differentials (conducted by sociologists committed to social reform) rejected the study of individual level risk factors as moralistic and designed to blame the socially disadvantaged for their demographic disadvantages. See Kosu, John, Antronovsky, Aaron and Zola, Irving, Poverty and health. A sociological analysis (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), 328.Google Scholar

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