Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-g7gxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-02T18:47:55.822Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The rise of the land market in medieval south-west Finland

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 November 2018

Mika Kallioinen*
Affiliation:
Department of Finnish history, University of Turku
*
*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

Abstract

This article aims to explain how the market for land functioned in medieval south-west Finland. The data show that in medieval times land was increasingly treated as something to be transferred in return for ready money, albeit within the limits set by the interests of the family. The land market was open to large segments of society, suggesting that barriers to entry were low. It was characterised by strong vertical integration, although asymmetric, as the majority of the transactions took place between participants from different social groups. The article will also consider the high degree of geographical integration in the land market.

La montée du marché foncier dans le sud-ouest de la finlande médiévale

Cet article entend expliquer comment le marché de la terre a fonctionné dans le sud-ouest de la Finlande médiévale. La documentation disponible montre qu’à l’époque médiévale la terre était de plus en plus considérée comme un bien à transférer en échange d'argent comptant, à condition toutefois de rester dans les limites fixées par les intérêts de la famille. Le marché foncier était ouvert à de larges secteurs de la société, ce qui suggère que les barrières à franchir pour y entrer étaient minimes. Ce marché était caractérisé par une forte intégration verticale, bien qu'asymétrique, car la plupart des transactions se tenaient entre acteurs appartenant à différents groupes sociaux. Il est tenu compte, dans ce travail, du degré élevé d'intégration géographique sur le marché foncier.

Die entwicklung des grundstücksmarktes im südwestlichen finnland im mittelalter

Dieser Beitrag versucht darzulegen, wie der Grundstücksmarkt im südwestlichen Finnland im Mittelalter funktionierte. Die Daten zeigen, dass man Grund und Boden im Mittelalter zunehmend als Gegenstand betrachtete, den man gegen Geld übertragen konnte, wenn auch nur innerhalb der durch die Familieninteressen gesetzten Grenzen. Der Grundstücksmarkt stand großen Teilen der Gesellschaft offen, was darauf schließen lässt, dass die Eintrittsschwellen niedrig waren. Er war durch starke vertikale Integration geprägt, die allerdings asymmetrisch war, da die Transaktionen größtenteils zwischen Marktteilnehmern aus unterschiedlichen sozialen Gruppen stattfanden. Der Beitrag behandelt ferner die hochgradige geographische Integration des Grundstücksmarktes.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1 As a summary of these restrictions, see van Bavel, B. J. P., ‘The organization and rise of land and lease markets in northwestern Europe and Italy, c. 1000–1800’, Continuity and Change 23, 1 (2008), 1317CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Zhang, Taisu, ‘Moral economies in early modern land markets: history and theory’, Yale Law & Economics Research Paper 544 (2016), 14Google Scholar.

3 Greif, Avner, Institutions and the path to the modern economy: lessons from medieval trade (Cambridge, 2006), 25–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 394–400.

4 Hammel-Kiesow, Rolf, ‘Lübeck and the Baltic trade in bulk goods for the North Sea region, 1150–1400’, in Berggren, Lars, Hybel, Nils and Landen, Annette eds., Cogs, cargoes, and commerce: maritime bulk trade in northern Europe 1150–1400 (Toronto, 2002), 5391Google Scholar.

5 Clark, Gregory, ‘A review of Avner Greif's Institutions and the path to the modern economy: lessons from medieval trade’, Journal of Economic Literature XLV (2007), 731Google Scholar. See also Kallioinen, Mika, The bonds of trade: economic institutions in pre-modern northern Europe (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2012), 169–70Google Scholar; Ogilvie, Sheilagh, Institutions and European trade: merchant guilds, 1000–1800 (Cambridge, 2011), 197–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 van Bavel, Bas, Dijkman, Jessica, Kuijpers, Erika and Zuijderduijn, Jaco, ‘The organisation of markets as a key factor in the rise of Holland from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century: a test case for an institutional approach’, Continuity and Change 27, 3 (2012), 353–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Naismith, Rory, ‘The land market and Anglo-Saxon society’, Historical Research 89, 243 (2016), 3940CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Macfarlane, Alan, The origins of English individualism: the family, property and social transition (Oxford, 1978), 80101Google Scholar.

9 Yates, Margaret, ‘The market in freehold land, 1300–1509: the evidence of feet of fines’, Economic History Review 66, 2 (2013), 580, 597CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Campbell, Bruce M. S., ‘Population pressure, inheritance and the land market in a fourteenth-century peasant community’, in Smith, Richard M. ed., Land, kinship and life-cycle (Cambridge, 1984), 87134Google Scholar; Dyer, Christopher, ‘The peasant landmarket in medieval England’, in Feller, Laurent and Wickham, Chris eds., Le marché de la terre au Moyen Âge (Rome, 2005), 6576Google Scholar; Schofield, Phillipp R., ‘Extranei and the market for customary land on a Westminster Abbey Manor in the fifteenth century’, Agricultural History Review 49, 1 (2001), 37Google Scholar.

10 French, H. R. and Hoyle, R. W., ‘The land market of a Pennine manor: Slaidburn, 1650–1780’, Continuity and Change 14, 3 (1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 355, 359, 380; French, H. R. and Hoyle, R. W., ‘English individualism refuted – and reasserted: the land market of Earls Colne (Essex), 1550–1750’, Economic History Review 56, 4 (2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 598, 618, 621.

11 Stamm, Volker, ‘Kauf und Verkauf von Land und Grundrenten im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Eine Untersuchung zur historischen Wirtschaftsanthropologie’, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial – und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 96 (2009), 34–5Google Scholar.

12 Cerman, Markus, ‘Social structure and land markets in late medieval central and east-central Europe’, Continuity and Change 23, 1 (2008), 5861CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 For the purpose of this study, I simply define an institution as a social mechanism that coordinates the actions of participants in the land market, resulting in the regularity of behaviour.

14 van Bavel, ‘Organization and rise of land and lease markets’, 45.

15 In Finland and Sweden, the term ‘peasant’ (bonde) is a good term for the period from the Middle Ages until the seventeenth century, as the farmers formed part of a complex society, by far the biggest social group that paid taxes to the crown and the church. Myrdal, Janken, ‘Farming and feudalism 1000–1700’, in Myrdal, Janken and Morell, Mats eds., Agrarian history of Sweden: from 4000 BC to AD 2000 (Lund, 2011), 75Google Scholar. See also French and Hoyle, ‘Land market’, 350–1. With respect to Sweden proper, Myrdal (‘Farming and feudalism’, 90) questions the view that serfdom, which bound peasants to the land for life, was never introduced in Sweden. According to Myrdal, in thirteenth-century regional laws, peasants were referred to in eastern Sweden as fostre (from the same root as the English ‘foster’, as in foster child) and frälsgiven (lit. redeemed) in western Sweden, both certainly being tied to the land. In the high Middle Ages, something very like serfdom was customary for those who were freedmen, or rather ‘half-free’. They were still ‘owned’ in some respects by their landlord.

16 Moring, Beatrice, ‘Land inheritance and the Finnish stem family’, in Fauve-Chamoux, Antoinette and Ochiai, Emiko eds., The stem family in Eurasian perspective: revisiting house societies, 17th–20th centuries (Bern, 2009), 175Google Scholar; Myrdal, ‘Farming and feudalism’, 80, 97; Orrman, Eljas, ‘Talonpoikainen maatalousyhteiskunta’, in Rasila, Viljo, Jutikkala, Eino, and Mäkelä-Alitalo, Anneli eds., Suomen maatalouden historia 1: Perinteisen maatalouden aika esihistoriasta 1870-luvulle (Helsinki, 2003), 119Google Scholar, 127, 129.

17 A pledge refers to a bailment that conveys possessory title to land owned by a debtor to a creditor to secure repayment of a debt, thus counting as a transfer of land. According to the Swedish Law of the Land, besides sale, purchase, swap, and pledge, inheritance and gift were considered to be legal ways to transfer land. Åke Holmbäck and Elias Wessén eds., Magnus Erikssons Landslag: i nusvensk tolkning (Skrifter utgivna av Institutet för rättshistorisk forskning grundat av Gustav och Carin Olin, Serien I, Rättshistoriskt bibliotek. VI, Lund, 1962) [hereafter MEL], Code of Land, ch. 1.

18 The documents were published in a printed collection of Finnish medieval documents; see Hausen, R. ed., Finlands medeltidsurkunder I–VIII (Helsingfors, 1910–1935)Google Scholar. A revised version of this collection is available online, Diplomatarium Fennicum, http://df.narc.fi/ [accessed 14 November 2016, hereafter DF].

19 In two cases both the letter of confirmation and the deed were preserved: DF 4058 and 4059, 5447 and 5489. For the difference between a letter of confirmation and a deed, see p. 14.

20 In the sixteenth century too, registrations of inheritances appear only sporadically in the sources. Maarbjerg, John P., ‘The peasant, his land and money: land transactions in late sixteenth-century East Bothnia’, Scandinavian Journal of History 26, 1 (2001), 66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 In one case, a sister and her brother swapped two pieces of land, and in another a peasant sold land to his nephew. DF 2121, 5444.

22 Maarbjerg, ‘Peasant, his land and money’, 54–6; Eljas Orrman, ‘Suomen keskiajan asutus’, in Rasila, Jutikkala, and Mäkelä-Alitalo eds., Suomen maatalouden historia 1, 84.

23 Myrdal, ‘Farming and feudalism’, 91.

24 van Bavel, ‘Organization and rise of land and lease markets’, 39–42. See also French and Hoyle, ‘English individualism refuted’, 617–20.

25 Kallioinen, Mika, Kauppias, kaupunki, kruunu: Turun porvariyhteisö ja talouden organisaatio varhaiskeskiajalta 1570-luvulle (Helsinki, 2000), 225–30Google Scholar; Kerkkonen, Gunvor, Borgare och bondeseglare: Handelssjöfart på Reval genom och i SV-Finlands skärgård under tidigt 1500-tal (Helsinki, 1977), 17, 144–5Google Scholar; Maarbjerg, ‘Peasant, his land and money’, 67.

26 DF 4118.

27 DF 2565, 2591.

28 DF 5140.

29 DF 2889.

30 DF 886, 1073, 1372, 2451, 2663, 2946, 3688, 4106, 4118, 4122, 4266, 4746.

31 Of course, trade did not always involve cash. It was to a great extent based on barter and credit, as goods were often paid for with other goods, and accounts were rendered only occasionally. Dollinger, Philippe, The German Hansa (London and Basingstoke, 1970), 166Google Scholar.

32 Anthoni, Eric, Finlands medeltida frälse och 1500-talsadel (Helsingfors, 1970)Google Scholar, 134, 143, 158–9, 174; Maarbjerg, ‘Peasant, his land and money’, 61–2; Pirinen, Kauko, Turun tuomiokapituli keskiajan lopulla (Helsinki, 1956), 445–56Google Scholar.

33 Kallioinen, Bonds of Trade, 6–7, 14–15.

34 Moring, ‘Land inheritance and the Finnish stem family’, 176, 180.

35 MEL, Code of Land, chs. 2 and 3; Ulf Jensen, ‘Fastighetsköp och fastighets pant under äldre tid’, https://www.lantmateriet.se/globalassets/fastigheter/andra-agare/blanketter-och-information/historiskt-material/inskrivningsvasendet_forr_nu.pdf [accessed 4 December 2016]; Jensen, ‘Fastighetsköp’, 2–3.

36 DF 496, 823, 1429, 2121, 2901, 2948, 3378, 3465, 3476, 3500, 4058–9, 4303, 4303, 4365, 4582, 4590, 4908, 5590, 5796.

37 Larsson, Gabriela Bjarne, ‘Wives or widows and their representatives’, Scandinavian Journal of History 37, 1 (2012), 51–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 57.

38 DF 434–5, 1149, 1180, 1769, 2458, 2513, 2592, 2654, 2757, 2795, 2842, 2938–9, 3466, 3783, 4266.

39 Macfarlane, Origins of English individualism. For information about the debate, see French and Hoyle, ‘English individualism refuted’, 595–6; Whittle, Jane, ‘Individualism and the family-land bond: a reassessment of land transfer patterns among the English peasantry c. 1270–1580’, Past & Present 160 (1998), 26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zhang, ‘Moral economies’, 13. In the early modern period, as French and Hoyle have demonstrated, family land was not often sold. French and Hoyle, ‘English individualism refuted’, 621. See also van Bavel, ‘Organization and rise of land and lease markets’, 16–17.

40 van Bavel, ‘Organization and rise of land and lease markets’, 16.

41 Jensen, ‘Fastighetsköp’, 2.

42 van Bavel, ‘Organization and rise of land and lease markets’, 17, 20; Jensen, ‘Fastighetsköp’, 3.

43 However, we do not have information about cases in which the family actually used its right of first refusal.

44 Greif, Institutions and the path to the modern economy, 4, 134; Kallioinen, Bonds of trade, 6.

45 Hafström, Gerhard, ‘Fastar’, Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid IV (Helsinki, 1959), 191–4Google Scholar; Jensen, ‘Fastighetsköp’, 3–4; Liedgren, Jan, ‘Fastebrev’, Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid IV (Helsinki, 1959), 194–6Google Scholar.

46 van Bavel, ‘Organization and rise of land and lease markets’, 22–5; van Bavel, Bas J. P., ‘Markets for land, labor, and capital in northern Italy and the Low Countries, twelfth to seventeenth centuries’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History XLI, 4 (2011), 507–10Google Scholar.

47 Yates, ‘Market in freehold land’, 580–1.

48 Cerman, ‘Social structure’, 61; Guzowski, Piotr, ‘Village court records and peasant credit in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Poland’, Continuity and Change 29, 1 (2014), 117CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49 DF 367, 368, 396, 434–5.

50 Ekbäck, Peter, ‘Private, common, and open access property rights in land – an investigation of economic principles and legislation’, Nordic Journal of Surveying and Real Estate Research 6, 2 (2009), 64Google Scholar; Jensen, ‘Fastighetsköp’, 4; Pirinen, Kauko, ‘Dombok’, Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid III (Helsinki, 1958), 157–9Google Scholar. For discussion on the role of local groups in legal transactions, see Görecki, Piotr, ‘Communities of legal memory in medieval Poland, c. 1200–1240’, Journal of Medieval History 24, 2 (1998), 127–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 One of the few exceptions is Naismith's study of the land market in Anglo-Saxon England. Naismith, ‘Land market and Anglo-Saxon society’. See also Stamm, ‘Kauf und Verkauf’, 34–5, 42.

52 Hiekkanen, Markus, Suomen keskiajan kivikirkot (Helsinki, 2007), 108Google Scholar; Läntinen, Aarre, Turun keskiaikainen piispanpöytä (Jyväskylä, 1978), 174, 194204Google Scholar.

53 van Bavel, ‘Markets for land’, 512–14; Cerman, ‘Social structure’, 67–8.

54 Kallioinen, Kauppias, kaupunki, kruunu, 150–1.

55 In 61 cases out of 216 transactions.

56 In East Bothnia in the sixteenth century there was no concentration of land and the buyers do not appear to have belonged to an elite; for example, of wealthy peasants. Maarbjerg, ‘Peasant, his land and money’, 63.

57 DF 1084, 1516, 5940.

58 DF 2452–4, 2465, 2590–2, 2594, 2810, 3014, 3393.

59 French and Hoyle, ‘English individualism refuted’, 597.

60 DF 2654, 3068, 3069, 4118.

61 Volckart, Oliver, ‘Central Europe's way to a market economy, 1000–1800’, European Review of Economic History 6, 3 (2002), 319–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 325.