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23 The exact date for this early census is not directly given on the document, but is very likely to fall between 1811 and 1814 on the basis of several forms of evidence. First, the handwriting is consistent with land and animal tax documents from 1811–1814 (the animal count of May 1814, which is likely to be the same recorder), and there are no clear tax, births, marriages and deaths, or census documents in the archive earlier than 1811. Statistical comparison of the ages of men that clearly appear in both this and the 1840 census also suggests an average difference of 27 years. See AK Απογραφή Αντικυθηρίων 1811–1815 (the Kythera-based archive), c. 1814; TNA CO 136/1333, 1825; TNA CO 136/1339, 1840; TAK Απογραφή Αντικυθηρίων 1844–1848, 1845.

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26 Hionidou, ‘“They used to go and come”?’.

27 On a larger sample, it would be perhaps useful to attempt estimates of fertility based on the ‘own children’ method (for example, Scalone, F. and Dribe, M., ‘Testing child-woman ratios and the own-children method on the 1900 Sweden census: examples of indirect fertility estimates by socioeconomic status in a historical population’, Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History 50, 1 (2016), 16–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar) but we have decided not to do so here given the small size of the overall population.

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30 Hionidou, ‘“They used to go and come”?’.

31 See also Leontsinis, The Island of Kythera, 202–03.

32 Hionidou, ‘“They used to go and come”?’.

33 Although we have not come across evidence for Antikythera specifically, it is worth noting that further means of financial improvement and geographic mobility for nineteenth-century females from the Ionian Islands was sex work. For example, there is evidence for Kytherans working as prostitutes in Hermoupolis, where 45 per cent of the prostitutes came from the Ionian Islands. See Dritsas, T., H πορνεία στην Ερμούπολη το 19o αιώνα (Athens, 2002), 24, 69Google Scholar.

34 For example, a letter mentioning the crisis by Antikythera's chief of police in 1824, TNA CO 136/1334; see also Leontsinis, The island of Kythera, 190–2.

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36 See Hionidou, V., ‘Nineteenth-century urban Greek households: the case of Hermoupolis, 1861–1879’, Continuity and Change 14, 3 (1999), 403–27CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

37 For British efforts to expand agricultural land, see Leontsinis. The island of Kythera, 217–41. The Ionian Islands present a potentially bewildering range of historical weights and measures, with further variation due to changing preferences from the end of the Venetian Republic into the period of British administration and union with the independent Greek state. In early records c. 1811–1814, family land parcels are referred to in misure. The Ionian misura could be both a dry capacity/weight measure and a unit of land area. As far as we can judge, it is the latter land area unit that is referred to in the documents, and contemporary manuals (for example, Waterston, W., A manual of commerce (Edinburgh, 1840), 165Google Scholar) suggested that one misura of land = 0.3 ha. A different unit, the squela, was sometimes used in the Antikytheran records for smaller parcels of non-arable cultivation (particularly vineyards) and it appears that six squele (AKA six zappade) = one misura. These are the assumptions behind the land calculations in Figure 3b. For later records from 1820s onwards, the final administrative documents use Imperial units and clearly distinguish annual volumetric production (for example, in bushels) from measures of total landholding (in acres), although there is clearly both some rounding of these statistics and occasionally suggestions for carry-over of less important statistics from year to year.

38 The survey was conducted in 2005–2007 with the raw data published in full as Bevan, A. and Conolly, J., ‘Intensive survey data from Antikythera, Greece’, Journal of Open Archaeology Data 1, 1 (2012), doi:10.5334/4f3bcb3f7f21dGoogle Scholar, and for wider discussion of results, see Bevan and Conolly, Mediterranean islands.

39 Tzortzopoulou-Gregory, L., ‘Remembering and forgetting: the relationship between memory and the abandonment of graves in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Greek cemeteries’, International Journal of Historical Archaeology 14, 2 (2010), 285–301CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an exception, see Anastasopoulos, A., ‘The Islamic gravestones of Ottoman Rethymno: preliminary remarks and thoughts about them’, in Anastasopoulos, A. ed., The eastern Mediterranean under Ottoman Rule: Crete, 1645–1840. Halcyon days in Crete VI. A symposium held in Rethymno, 13–15 January 2006 (Crete, 2008), 317–29Google Scholar.

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41 Bevan, A., Conolly, J., Colledge, S., Frederick, C., Palmer, C., Siddall, R. and Stellatou, A., ‘The long-term ecology of agricultural terraces and enclosed fields from Antikythera, Greece’, Human Ecology 41 (2013), 255–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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