¹ For a general introduction to the problem of Europeanisation of Sweden see Göran, Rystad ed., Europe and Scandinavia. Aspects of integration in the 17th century (Lund, 1983).Google Scholar For a presentation of the demographic changes among the nobility, see Elmroth, Ingvar, För kung och fosterland. Studier i den svenska adelns demografi och offentliga funktioner 1600–1900 (Lund, 1981).Google Scholar

² The theoretical perspectives that form the bases for this text are inspired by the works of scholars like Eugene Genovese, Raymond Williams, Antonio Gramsci and Michael Foucault. It is not, in this context, possible to present a detailed account of the theoretical considerations. Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 25–40; Peter Burke's study of élite and popular culture, presented in , Swedish in Folklig kultur i Europa (Författarförlaget, 1983)Google Scholar has been a source of great inspiration as well as Eric, Hobsbawm and Terence, Ranger eds., The invention of tradition (Cambridge, 1983).Google Scholar

³ With this law (Folkskolestadgan 1842), elementary education in schools was, in principle, made compulsory for all children in Sweden. For further qualification of this statement see below. This legislation will be referred to as the School Law of 1842.

⁴ Pleijel, Hilding, Frân hustavlans tid (Stockholm, 1951).Google Scholar Sandin, Hemmet, tatan, fabriken, 50–9; Johansson, Egil, ‘Den kyrkliga lästradtionen i Sverige – en konturteckning’ in Rapport III till del XVIII Nordiska historikermōtet (Jyväskyle, 1981)Google Scholar, also published in English ”The history of literacy in Sweden’ in Graff, Harvey J. ed., Literacy and social development in the west; a reader (Cambridge, 1981) 151–82.Google Scholar

⁵ See Gawthorp, Richard and Strauss, Gerald, ‘Protestantism and literacy in early modern Germany’, Past & Present 104 (1984) 32–8.Google Scholar

⁶ Nilsson, S. A., ‘Krig och folkbokföring under svenskt 1600-tal’, Scandia 1 (Lund, 1982) 5–25.Google Scholar

⁷ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 59–77; Odén, Birgitta, ‘Läskunnighet och samhällsförändring’ in Forskning om utbildning 1 (1975) (Stockholm).Google Scholar

⁸ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 50–3, 68–9; Egil Johansson, ‘Den kyrkliga lästraditione i Sverige’, 199; Hilding Pleijel, Frân hustavlans tid.

⁹ For a general presentation see Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 52–3, 72–4; also Österberg, Eva, ‘Den gamla goda tiden. Bilder och motbilder i ett modern forskningläge om ett āldre agrarsamhälle’, Scandia 1 (Lund, 1982)Google Scholar; Ankarloo, Bengt, Häxprocesserna i Sverige (Lund, 1982) 273–75Google Scholar; Gaunt, David, Familjeliv i Norden (Gidlunds, 1983) 66–84, 123–43.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 46–77.

¹¹ The Swedish ‘klockare’ was supposed to be a man of some learning, being able to read and write. He was expected to be able to assist the minister in the church, play the organ, ring the bells, lead the singing of songs as well as to teach the children to read. The latter was an important aspect of his work. Thus, the English word ‘beadle’ only in parts corresponds to the meaning of klockare.

¹² The argument is based on an analysis of local diocese regulations as well as the protocols from consistories in different parts of Sweden. Sandin, Hemmel, gatan, fabriken, 53–9.

¹³ Ibid. For a different argument see Johansson, ‘Den kyrkliga lästraditionen’, 199–206.

¹⁴ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 63–74; Bengt Ankarloo, ‘Europe and the glory of Sweden: the emergence of a Swedish self-image in the early 17th century’ in Rystad ed., Europe and Scandinavia.

¹⁵ Bulstrode Whitelock, A journal of the Swedish embassy in the years 1653 and 1654 1 (London, 1855) 396–403.

¹⁶ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 68–74.

¹⁷ Ibid. 74–7.

¹⁸ Wetterberg, Gunnar ed., Jesper Swedbergs lefwernes beskrifning (Lund, 1941) 390.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bogren, Yngve, Den kyrkliga försvenskningen av Skânelandskapen och Bohuslän (Stockholm, 1937) 121–293Google Scholar; Odén, ‘Läskunnighet och samhällsförändring’. The effects of this policy can be demonstrated in the changes of ability to read recorded by the clergy, see Johansson, Egil, The history of literacy in Sweden in comparison with some other countries (Educational reports no 12 1977, Umeâ) 56.Google Scholar

²⁰ Johansson, ‘Den kyrkliga lästradditionen’ and Johansson, Egil ‘Literacy studies in Sweden: some examples’ in Egil, Johansson ed., Literacy and society in a historical perspective – a conference report (Umeâ, 1973).Google Scholar

²¹ Odén, ‘Läskunnighet och samhällsförändring’.

²² Sandin, Hemmel, gatan, fabriken, 55–6; Sandin, Bengt, ‘Folkundervisning under 1700–talet. Problem och utvecklingslinjer’ in NORDLUND 7Google Scholar; Ulf, Teleman ed., Det offentliga sprâkbrukel och dess villkor i Sverige under 1700–talet (Lund, 1985).Google Scholar

²³ Johansson, ‘Den kyrkliga lästraditionen i Sverige’.

²⁴ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 144–53; Thunander, Gunnar, Fattigskola – medborgarskola. Studier i den svenska folkskolans historia med särskild hänsyn till Malmö (Malmö, 1946).Google Scholar

²⁵ Sandin, ‘Folkundervisning under 1700–talet’, 43–57.

²⁶ For a general presentation, see for example Thunander, Fattigskola – medborgarskola, 17–154; or Sandin, Bengt, ‘Samhället tar över folkundervisningen’ in Forskning och Framsteg (1977) 5–6 (Stockholm).Google Scholar

²⁷ See Johansson, ‘Den kyrkliga lästraditionen i Sverige’, 193–222 and John Patterson’ statement ibid. 194, and compare the local church-board protocol and documents from Uppakara parish outside the city of Lund. The records are kept in the provincial archives of Lund (Uppâkra kyrkoarkiv K Ia: l Landsarkivet i Lund, Sweden).

²⁸ Lunds stifts prästmoteshandlinar 18/4 1814 (Lund, 1814) 15–16.

²⁹ Bengt Ankarloo, ‘Sine ordine vita: the clergy, the judiciary and popular culture in early modern Sweden.’ Paper prepared for the History of crime and criminal justice. Dept of History, Lund, 1982.

³⁰ This section (I) draws on Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 77–82.

³¹ Gaunt, David, Utbildning till statens tjänst (Uppsala, 1975)Google Scholar; Elmroth, För kung och fosterland, 193–8.

³² Elmroth, Ingvar, Nyrekryteringen till de hörgre ämbetena 1720–1809 (Lund, 1962).Google Scholar

³³ Carlsson, Sten, Bonde, präst, ämbetsman. Svensk stândscirkulation frân 1600 till våra dagar (Prisma, 1962).Google Scholar

³⁴ Jensen, Kristian, Latinskolens dannelse (Köbenhavn, 1982)Google Scholar; Spufford, Margaret, Contrasting communities. English villagers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Cambridge, 1978)Google Scholar; Wrightson, Keith & Levine, David, Poverty and piety in an English village. Terling 1525–1700 (London, 1979).Google Scholar

³⁵ Sandin, Hemmet, gaum, fabriken, 78.

³⁶ Ibid. 85–8.

³⁷ The Letter of Privilege is published in Årsböcker i svensk undervisningshistoria 58 (Lund, 1939) 199.Google Scholar

³⁸ This and the following text refers to Sandin, Hemmet, galan, fabriken, 88–104. The primary sources are kept at the city archive of Stockholm in the holdings of the consistory archives or the school archives. For a detailed documentation, see ibid.

³⁹ Hildebrand, B., ‘Catalogum puerorum Clarensi 1690’, Stockholms konsistorii acta och protokoli 5, 280.Google Scholar Manuscript collection at Kungliga biblioteket, (Royal library) Stockholm (hereafter SKAP KBS).

⁴⁰ Unless otherwise indicated this and the following text refers back to Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 104–13. This discussion is based primarily on an analysis of the regulations of the city magistrates, the debates and decisions of the consistory of Stockholm, reports by the governor of Stockholm, reports and complaints from the school teachers and comments in the school ledgers as well as some statistical analyses of the structure of the population.

⁴¹ Utterström, Gustav, Fattig och föräldralös i Stockholm pâ 1600– och 1700–talen (Umeâ, 1978) 52–60, 112–13.Google Scholar

⁴² Utterstrôm, Gudrun, Tillnamn i den karolinska tidens Stockholm (Umeâ, 1976) 170–81.Google Scholar

⁴³ Politiekollegiets protokoll 22 Sept 1677 quoted from Müller, J., Fattigâdrden i Stockholm (Stockholm, 1906) 56.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ ‘Stockholm's storskolas journal’, Årsböcker i svensk undervisningshistoria 83–84 (Stockholm, 1951) 74–99.Google Scholar SKAP. KBS 5 and 6. Viking. Rendahl, , ‘Undervisningsväsendet i Stockholm 1649–1724’, Sludier och handlingar rörande Stockholms historia 3 (Stockholm 1966) 189–90Google Scholar, 190 footnote 7.

⁴⁵ Unless otherwise indicated, the following section draws from Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 113–26.

⁴⁶ Whitelock, A journal of the Swedish embassy, 401–3.

⁴⁷ The little tradition is defined as the expressions of a locally defined and much varied popular culture, while the great tradition is the outgrowth of an international and fairly universal cultural tradition of similar character in many countries. The latter was generally confined to the upper-class groups and institutions associated with them such as schools and universities. The little tradition, during the early modern times, was shared by both nobles and commoners alike. The upper and lower classes shared a common cultural and physical environment as well as superstitions and games, etc. Burke, Folklig kultur, 38–44.

⁴⁸ Unless otherwise indicated, this and the following section draws on Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 126–40. The sources are mainly local city legislation, the discussions in the consistory of Stockholm, together with the debates in the parliament.

⁴⁹ Regnards, Jean-Franscios, Resa i Lappland (Helsingfors, 1946) 125–30.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 127–34, 290; Karlsson, William, ‘Ett bidrag till högrestândsbegravningens kulturhistoria’, RIG (Lund, 1940) 78–96Google Scholar; see also some of the accounts in the collection of Gardie, Dela, Dela Gardieska samlingenGoogle Scholar, Släktarkiven, Lillie fasc 49; as well as Jacop Dela Gardie vol 5c and 88f, Manuscript collection at the university library at the University of Lund (LUB), Sweden. The costly burials and other types of conspicuous consumption tended to be a strain on the resources of the nobles. However, other groups, such as some of the crafts profited. See Revera, Margateta, ‘1600–talsbönderna och deras herrar’, in Göran, Ingers ed., Den svenska juridikens uppblomstring i 1600–talets politiska, kulturella och religiösa stormaktsamhälle, Rättshistoriska studier, serie II, band 9. (Stockholm, 1984) 39–4.Google Scholar The author of this article intends to return to the issue of changing economic relationships involved in the seventeenth-century burials in a future study.

⁵¹ Sofie Brahes regnskapsbok 1627–40. Jysk selskab for historie 1955; see, for example, 14–24.

⁵² Burke, Folklig kultur, 233–74.

⁵³ Kongl Majestäts nâdiga resolution och förklaring uppâ ridderskapets och adelns wid denne rijksdagen öfwerlamnade beswärspunkter och angelägenheter. Stockholm den 18 Nov. 1693, in A. Stiernman, Alia riksdagars och mölens beslulh 3 (Stockholm, 1723–43) 2083. Closest kin was this way defined and limited to parents, parents-in-law, sisters and brothers (full and half), children and grandchildren, daughters and sons-in-law and the closest of sisters and brothers-in-law.

⁵⁴ Burke, Folklig kultur, 233–74.

⁵⁵ Stone, Lawrence, The crises of the aristocracy 1558–1641 (Oxford, 1965) 178–90.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ For studies of this new class, see, for example, Elmroth, För kung och fosterland; and Margareta Revera, ‘1600–tals bönderna och deras herrar’, 39–42, passim.

⁵⁷ For a different argument see Ariés, Phillippe, Western attitudes towards death from the middle ages to the present (London, 1976).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ I. C. Lüning, ‘Theatrum Ceremoniale 1719–1720’, in Johan Ihre, De usu ceremoniarum civile (Upsala, 1748), quoted from Johannesson, Kurt ‘Bellman och ceremonierna’ in ‘Tio forskare om Bellman’, Filologiskt arkiv 20 (Stockholm, 1977) 99.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Section V is based on Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 141–265, unless footnoted with other references. The text is based on a wide variety of primary sources: school ledgers, consistory protocols, government reports, school and teachers’ reports, public debates and pamphlets, as well as government statutes and social statistics.

⁶⁰ Manufakturkommissarie Salander 1754 from Gösta Walldén,’ Manufakturarbetarnas sociala förhâllanden’ in Nyström, Per, Stadsindustrins arbetare före 1800–talet (Stockholm, 1955) 340–50.Google Scholar Carl Ehrensvärds,'Defensionsdep protokoll 17 juni 1756’, from Utterström, Gustav, ‘Stockholms folkmängd 1663–1763’ in Historiska studier tillägnade Nils Ahnlund 23 9 1949 (Stockholm, 1949) 262Google Scholar; J. B. Hallman, Betänkande om fattighusinrättningen (Stockholm, 1745) 4–9; Olsson, Lars, Dâ barn var lönsamma (Stockholm, 1980) 103Google Scholar; Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken 149–50, 155–56, 233–40.

⁶¹ Kongliga commitèns till öfwerseende och förbättring af fattigvârden i Stockholm, underdâning skrifwelse (Stockholm, 1807) 98–102; Sandin, Hemmet, gatan, fabriken, 180–92.

⁶² The eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth witnessed the introduction of capitalism into the countryside, a pre-condition for the industrial revolution in the latter half of the nineteenth century. This transformation altered the circumstances of the rural social classes. The school system introduced in 1842 cannot be seen therefore as an answer to the growing demand for qualifications. It was rather the case that hard work, frequent migrations from one place of work to another, and the difficulty of obtaining enough food and necessities, meant that landless families could scarcely meet the demands of the upper classes for a proper moral upbringing for their children. Upper-class groups, influenced by various motives, called for tighter control over the norms and values of the lower classes. Against the background of outbreaks of social unrest in Sweden and in the light of the great upheavals on the continent, proletarian child-rearing was felt to be a crucial social problem. Schools were established in order to compensate for deficient parental education and to introduce children to the structure of values that was considered essential for the preservation of society. Farmers, on the other hand, felt an increased need for knowledge in order to run their farms on an ever more commercial basis. They also needed knowledge in order to assert themselves on the political scene. If they were to retain their social position in the next generation, the family had to ensure that the children acquired such knowledge. However, the school reform of 1842 had the result of producing a catechetical school for the children of the proletarianised strata, while farmers’ children had to look for other forms of education to meet their special requirements. Later they founded so-called folk high schools for this purpose. See Sandin, ‘Samhallet tar over folkundervisningen’ and Thunander, Fattigskola – medborgarskola.

⁶³ It was left open to local schoolboards to define the number of years in schools. In Stockholm, Gothenburg, Norrköping, Malmo and other urban environments the school age was defined as being between 7 and 12. In the discussions on this matter it was openly stated that the school age was directly related to the need to keep the children off the streets rather than to a need Tor knowledge and skills in an urban environment. See for example the statement by Bergvall in the Parliament. Prästeståndets protokoll 1840–41 13 (Stockholm) 233–4.

⁶⁴ Sandin, ‘Om skolans nu sâ svaga makt! Barnarbetslagstiftning och folkundervisning i Sverige under 1860–och 1870–talen”, in Norrlid, I., Olsson, L., Sandin, B. and Thelander, J. eds., Över Gränser. Festskrift till Birgitta Odén (Lund, 1987) 367–95.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Fria lankar om del Stockholmska polisväsendet (Stockholm, 1819) 36–7.

⁶⁶ Lindgren, Torgny, ‘Anteckningar om kastpenningar frân och med drottning Kristinas kroning 1650’, Nordisk numismalisk ârsskrift 1947 (Stockholm, 1949) 116–51Google Scholar; Rasmusson, Nils Ludvig, ‘Auswurfsmünzen. Eine skizze’, Congresso internazionale di numismatica Roma 1961 2 (Roma, 1965) 623–35Google Scholar; Nathorst-Böös, Ernst, ‘Auswurfmünzen – noch einmal’, in LAGOM: Festschrift fur Peter Berghaus (Münster, 1981) 269–75Google Scholar; Rasmusson, Nils Ludvig, ‘Kröningspenningar till bondestândet’, Fataburen (Stockholm, 1940) 77–82.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Lindgren, ‘Anteckningar om kastpenningar’, 149–52. Rasmusson, ‘Kröningspenningar till bondestandet’, 77–78; Svensson, Sigfrid, ‘En skânsk skomakeregesäll i 1840–talets Stockholm’, Samfundet St Eriks ârsbok (Stockholm, 1957) 47–52.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid.