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Comparative household morphology of stem, joint, and nuclear household systems: Norway, China, and the United States
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 November 2008
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1 The major collections of essays in comparative household history simply juxtapose a variety of studies of household structure in different societies. Laslett, Peter and Wall, Richard, eds., Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wall, Richard, ed., Family forms in historic Europe (Cambridge, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McC, RobertNetting, , Wilk, Richard R. and Arnould, Eric J., Households: Comparative and historical studies of the domestic group (Berkeley, 1984). Very few of the essays explicitly contrast different populations. The only prominent exceptions are:Google Scholar; Hajnal, John, ‘Two kinds of pre-industrial household formation’Google Scholar; Laslett, Peter, ‘Family and household as work group and kin group: Areas of traditional Europe compared’Google Scholar; Wall, Richard, ‘Introduction’, in Wall, ed., Family forms, 65–107, 513–64, 1–64.Google Scholar
2 The Chinese households were peasants who lived in a number of villages in Shenyang County surrounding the provincial capital of Liaoning (formerly Shengjing) Province. Most of them were well-off. Our data derive from eleven Eight Banner registers dated 1774, 1780, 1786, 1792, 1798, 1801, 1804, 1810, 1813, 1816 and 1819. These registers record for each person their names, age, occupation, family relationship, lineage relationship, birth date, physical health, recent demographic events and much more. They survive today in the Number Three Historical Archives in the Peoples Republic of China and are available on microfilm at the California Institute of Technology.
3 The Norwegian households were derived from individual level censuses of Leikanger and Balestrand counties conducted in 1801 and 1865. The bulk of the population were members of ‘middle class’ landed households. Sustained population growth, however, between 1801 and 1865 in conjunction with strict unigeniture inheritance led to widespread landlessness. The result was increasing emigration from these two counties to the United States.
4 The American households come from the 1880 and 1900 United States federal census for Filmore and Renville Counties, Minnesota. Previous censuses either do not indicate headship or relationship to the head. The 1890 manuscript census schedules were destroyed by fire. The population consists largely of ‘middle class’ farmers primarily of north-western European stock including Scandinavians, Germans, and Irish.
5 Manuel de demographie historique (Paris, 1967).Google Scholar
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8 To date, our work has been mainly latitudinal. We have begun our longitudinal analyses which will appear in a separate article on comparative household cycles.
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10 The classic text is Le Play, P. G. F., Les ouvriers Européens: l'organisation des families (Paris, 1855).Google Scholar
For an elaborate discussion of the stem household structure, see Mitterauer, M. and Sieder, R., The European family (Oxford, 1980).Google Scholar
11 For the purposes of these and other comparisons we include the conjugal units of servants and other workers in our definition of the household. Joint households often included kin as household workers. Stem households sometimes listed kin as servants and boarders. The result substantially modifies the distribution of household types.
12 Many people have proposed variant schemes, usually, however, for specific societies: Chudacoff, Howard, ‘Newlyweds and family extension: First stages of the family cycle in Providence, Rhode Island’, in Hareven, Tamara, ed., Transitions: The family and the life course in historical perspective (New York, 1978), 179–205Google Scholar; Hammel, Eugene, ‘Household structure in fourteenth-century Macedonia’, Journal of Family History 5 (1980), 242–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kolenda, Pauline, ‘Region, caste and family structure: A comparative study of the Indian joint family’, in Singer, Milton and Cohen, Bernard, eds., Structure and change in Indian society (Chicago, 1968), 339–96Google Scholar
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21 In defence of Hammel and Laslett, they are cognisant of the asymmetry of headship designation between joint and extended households. They contend that they would make appropriate changes to their scheme if they had universal knowledge of who indeed was household head ‘instead of being in the position of having to assume that the first named was always the head’. Our experience in working with three diverse populations is that headship is often clearly delineated within the document. We concur that any scheme based on headship faces difficulty in those cases where headship is assumed. But we contend that such an instance would adversely affect most schemes, including the Henry–Laslett–Hammel system itself.
22 The conjugal unit is identical in most instances with the conjugal unit as defined according to the Laslett–Hammel system. There are, however, two exceptions in that widowed offspring, without offspring of their own form part of the conjugal unit of the parent as do grandchildren residing with a grandparent in the absence of the intervening generation (see Figure 5 D, E). Under the Laslett–Hammel system any offspring included in the parental conjugal unit must be unmarried while the grandparent–grandchild combination constitutes one of the variants of the non-family household (see Laslett and Wall, eds., Household andfamily, 29, 4 1–2.)
23 Under the Laslett–Hammel system the conjugal unit is formed by the youngest generations present; see Laslett and Wall, Household and family, 29.
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