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Service and the coming of age of young men in seventeenth-century England

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

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References

ENDNOTES

1 For earlier accounts on the theory and practice of family discipline and governance see Laslett, P., The world we have lost (New York, 1965), 26Google Scholar; Schochet, G., ‘Patriarchalism, politics, and mass attitudes in Stuart England’, Historical Journal 12 (1969), 413–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morgan, E. S., The Puritan family (New York, 1966)Google Scholar; Hill, C., Society and puritanism in pre-revolutionary England (London, 1964)Google Scholar; Stone, L., The family, sex and marriage in England 1500–1800 (abridged edn., New York, 1979), 109–27.Google Scholar For the demographic and economic analysis see, Laslett, P., ‘Mean household size in England since the sixteenth century’, in Laslett, P. and Wall, R., eds., Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), 125–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Laslett, P., ‘Characteristics of the Western family considered over time’, in Family life and illicit love in earlier generations (Cambridge, 1977), 1249CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kussmaul, A., Servants in husbandry in early modern England (Cambridge, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hajnal, J., ‘Two kinds of pre-industrial household formation system’, in Wall, R., Robin, J. and Laslett, P., eds., Family forms in historic Europe (Cambridge, 1983), 65104Google Scholar; Wall, R., ‘Leaving home and the process of household formation in pre-industrial England’, Continuity and Change, 1(2) (1987), 77101.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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8 Quoted and discussed in Smith, S. R., ‘The ideal and reality: apprentice-master relationships in seventeenth-century London’, History of Education Quarterly 21 (1981), 451–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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10 Smith, Thomas (ed. Aston, L.), De Republica Anglorum (1565), (Cambridge, 1906), 137–39.Google Scholar

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15 Chamberlayne, E., Anglia Notitia, 458.Google Scholar By the time Chamberlayne wrote, in the 1660s, some of these rights, i.e. the rights to choose a guardian or to claim land held in socage, had been eroded in legal practice, or altogether abolished by law. See Thomas, , ‘Age and Authority’, 221–23.Google Scholar

16 [Young men's] lives are regulated more by moral feelings than by reasoning; and whereas reasoning leads us to choose what is useful, moral goodness leads us to choose what is noble.’ Aristotle, Rhetoric, Bk. II, chaps. 1214Google Scholar, cited in Burrow, , The ages of man, 192.Google Scholar

17 Of the 32 autobiographies and journals used, 26 were of craftsmen and traders who had been apprentices in their youth; the remainder (6) were of men who entered the university, the law, or a military profession. Data on Bristol apprentices consists of a sample of apprentices bound in the town in the first half of the seventeenth century, and of apprentice cases, a total of 124 petitions, presented in Quarter Sessions throughout the century. For further discussion of the data see Ben-Amos, I. Krausman, Apprenticeship, the family and urban society in early modern England (Unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Stanford University, 1985), 25–6.Google Scholar

18 For premiums in London's greater companies see Grassby, R., ‘Social mobility and business enterprise in seventeenth-century England’, in Pennington, D. and Thomas, K., eds., Puritans and revolutionaries: essays in seventeenth-century history presented to Christopher Hill (Oxford, 1978), 364–65.Google Scholar Evidence on premiums paid for apprenticeship in a town such as Bristol shows a range of 1/4 s paid to a buttonmaker, to 70 pounds paid to a mercer. In 39 cases indicating premiums 31 (79.5%) were between 2–14 pounds. BRO, 04445–04447(2); 04352(2)–(6). For the exemption from legal qualifications in some towns, and the conflict between local authorities interested in maintaining the viability of urban economies and the central government, keen to maintain a labour force for agriculture, see Woodward, D., ‘The background to the Statute of Artificers: the genesis of labour policy, 1558–63’, Economic History Review, 2nd series, 33 (1980), 3244, esp. 42–3.Google Scholar

19 Fretwell, James, ‘A family history journal’ in Yorkshire diaries and autobiographies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Durham, 1877), 184–87Google Scholar; Marshall, J. D., ed., The autobiography of William Stout of Lancaster (1665–1752) (Chetham Society, Manchester, 1967), 72Google Scholar; Lubbock, B. ed., Barlow's journal (London, 1934), 15.Google Scholar

20 Wall, R., ‘The age at leaving home’, Journal of Family History 2 (1978), 191Google Scholar; Kussmaul, , Servants in husbandry 70–2Google Scholar; Laslett, , ‘Characteristics of the Western Family’, 34.Google Scholar In 26 autobiographies indicating ages of departure from home for apprenticeship, 22 were between 13–18, the remaining 4 were at the ages of 9, 11, 19, and 20. In London, however, young men entering apprenticeship in the large companies were in their late teens. Rappaport, S., ‘Social structure and mobility in sixteenth-century London: Part I’, The London Journal 9 (1983), 115–16.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 In some accounts of the divisions of life, youth fell under the age category of 14–28, in others between the ages of 9–18, or 9–25. The Office of Christian Parents. 135Google Scholar; The Differences of the Ages…, 118.Google Scholar

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23 Kussmaul, , Servants in husbandry, 71–2.Google Scholar

24 Oxley, Joseph, Joseph's Offering to his Children Being Joseph Oxley's Journal, in Barclay, J. ed., A Select Series…of the Early Members of the Society of Friends (London, 1837), 5, 207.Google Scholar

25 B.R.O. 04378(2), fo. 38; 04417(1), fo. 85.Google Scholar

26 Fretwell, , A family history, 187–88Google Scholar; Coxere, Edward, Meyerstein, E. H. W. ed., Adventures by sea (New York, 1946), 45Google Scholar; Brink, A. W. ed., Life of the Rev. Mr. George Trosse (Montreal and London, 1974), 48–9.Google Scholar

27 For example, in a sample of 1,512 apprentices in Bristol between 1600–1645, 88 (5.8%)were sons of gentlemen, 193 (12.8%) of yeomen, 40 (2.7%) of merchants, 210 (13.9%) of traders, 48 (3.2%) of professionals, 634 (41.9%) of craftsmen, 285 (18.8%) of husbandmen, and 14 (0.9%) were sons of labourers.

28 Vries, Jan de. European urbanization 1500–1800 (London, 1984), 221–2.Google Scholar

29 While many sons of husbandmen were among urban apprentices, sons of craftsmen and traders could be bound servants in agriculture. Kussmaul, , Servants in husbandry, 77–8.Google Scholar

30 Kussmaul, , Servants in husbandry, 5859, 6465.Google Scholar

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32 A Letter of John Woodhouse to his cousin, cited in Fretwell, A family history, 206Google Scholar. In a sample of 1,945 apprenticeship indentures recorded in Bristol between 1600–1645, 119 (6.1%) included bonds of security; of the 119, 74 (62.2%) were in the distributive trades, the rest in a variety of crafts and industrial occupations.Google Scholar

33 Calculations based on a sample of 1,512 apprenticeships in which parental occupation was recorded. B.R.O., 04352 (2)–(6).

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35 For cases of apprentices who became ill during their service and were sent back to their parents or kin by an order of court, see B.R.O. 04434(1), fos. 532, 490Google Scholar; 04445, fo. 141Google Scholar; 04447(1), fos. 2, 22.Google Scholar

36 Lubbock, ed., Barlow's Journal, 16.Google Scholar The conclusion to a popular handbook for apprentices in the mercantile trades included a ‘historic very profitable and delightful for a youth to reade and meditate’, which told the story of a lion who died in his youth having neglected the ‘good counsell and instructions of [his] aged father.’ Browne, John, (McGrath, P., ed.) The Marchants Avizo (1589), (Harvard, 1957), 57–9.Google Scholar

37 Goodwick, A. T. S., ed., The Relation of Sydenham Poyntz 1624–1636 (Royal Historical Society, 1908), 45.Google Scholar

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40 Fretwell, , A Family History, 197–8.Google Scholar

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42 Parkinson, R. ed., The Life of Adam Martindale (Chetham Society, old series, 4 1845), 24.Google Scholar

43 See section III.

44 Bangs, B, Memoirs of the Life…, 11.Google Scholar

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46 Ibid.; Coxere, Adventures by sea, 6.

47 Ben-Amos, , Apprenticeship, the family…, 229–30.Google Scholar

48 Bangs, , Memoirs of…, 12.Google Scholar

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52 Kussmaul, , Servants in husbandry, 4969.Google Scholar

53 Ibid. 32–3.

54 Tryon, Thomas, A New Method of Educating Children (London, 1695), 83Google Scholar; The Apprentices of London's Petition Presented to the Honourable Court of Parliament (1641); Relief of Apprentices Wronged by their Masters, 2Google Scholar; Rappaport, , ‘Social structure and mobility’, 117.Google Scholar

55 Of 92 petitions presented in Quarter Sessions in Bristol, 48 (52.2%) were petitions of masters complaining about their apprentices, 34 (47.8%) petitions were presented by apprentices.

56 B.R.O., 04447(1), fo. 39. On the whole, 6 (6.5%) of the 92 cases which were discharged by the court in Bristol were the result of the master's death.

57 B.R.O., 04445, 04447(1), 04447(2), passim. Of the 92 petitions presented at court, 9 (20.7%) were released on economic grounds or as a result of the master's departure from the town. For petitions stating the departure of a master, at times indicating his departure to the countryside or overseas, 04434(1), fos. 533, 532, 531, 527, 517, 465.

58 B.R.O., 04352(5)a, fo. 106; 04359(2)a, fo. 215.

59 In a sample of 99 apprentices who were discharged in Bristol between 1600–1645, only 46 were at the same time recorded as transferred to another master.

60 In the mid-sixteenth century between a fifth and a quarter of the number of young men admitted as apprentices were recorded as new freemen; in the 1610s the proportion of new freemen to the no. of apprentices annually registered was 23.6%, in the 1620s–16.5%; and in the 1630s–24.7%. B.R.O., 04352(l)–04352(5)b, 04358–04359(2) a–b.

61 In a sample of 99 apprentices who were discharged by the local court, 59 (59.6%) were discharged within the first two years of their term.

62 Kussmaul, , Servants in husbandry, 7883.Google Scholar

63 In a sample of 136 apprentices bound in Bristol between 1600–1645, whose fathers were engaged in the distributive trades (merchants, draper, mercers), 35 (25.7%) entered one of the crafts (in textile, building, leather, metal, wood or transport occupations). Of 87 sons of gentlemen, 21 (24.1%) were likewise bound to one of the crafts.

64 Marshall, , The Autobiography of William Stout, 88–9.Google Scholar

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