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Infant mortality in an ‘Age of Great Cities’: London and the English provincial cities compared, c. 1840–1910
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
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1 Law, C. M., ‘The growth of the urban population of England and Wales, 1801–1911’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 41 (1967), 142.Google Scholar
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3 For instance, Nolan, C. M., ‘Infant mortality as an indicator of social and environmental change, 1880–1930: with special reference to Derby’ (unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Cambridge, 1982)Google Scholar; Buchanan, I. H., ‘Infant mortality in British coal-mining communities, 1880–1911’ (unpublished Ph.D thesis, London School of Economics, 1983)Google Scholar; Thompson, B., ‘Infant mortality in nineteenth-century Bradford’, in Woods, R. I. and Woodward, J. H. eds., Urban disease and mortality in nineteenth-century England (London, 1984), 120–47Google Scholar; and for London, Birmingham and Liverpool see Woods, , Watterson, and Woodward, , ‘The causes of rapid infant mortality decline. Part I’, 359–60.Google Scholar
4 The Municipal Borough of Blackburn, for instance, constituted only 51 per cent of the total RD population in 1851; in Bolton this figure was 53 per cent, whereas in Preston and Oldham the proportions were 72 per cent and 83 per cent respectively.
5 This makes the comparison of individual RDs over tirne problematic. For example, the population of Sheffield RD was only part of the total municipal population. To compare IMRs for Sheffield RD in the 1850s with those of the 1890s would be misleading because of class-specific mobility and the movement of middle-class inhabitants out of the RD area, into the neighbouring RD of Ecclesall Bierlow (which was also included within the municipal limits of the town). A full list of RDs which make up individual towns, together with a list of the boundary changes, can be found in Williams, N. J., ‘Infant and child mortality in urban areas of nineteenth-century England and Wales: a record-linkage study’ (unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Liverpool, 1989), 192–8.Google Scholar
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9 In these three RDs institutional deaths accounted for over 50 per cent of all deaths in 1901. It is clear that IMRs in the remaining districts may be slightly under-stated, because they supplied ‘deaths’ to these three districts. We shall return to this issue shortly.
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14 While the possibility cannot be discounted that some of these low rates were due to the ‘export’ of institutional deaths, Woods, Watterson and Woodward have also noted that by 1900 IMRs in suburban districts were as low as those in rural parts of southern England, whereas the IMRs for districts situated to the immediate west and east of the City equalled the worst northern towns.
15 In Table 4 Weber gives two estimates for the total number of cities in Germany and England. He does not account for this; however, it is likely that the number of cities in these urban categories increased during the period under observation and the two figures may reflect this.
16 The issue of London's lower mortality is discussed further in Woods, R. I., Williams, N. J. and Galley, C., ‘Infant mortality in England, 1550–1950: Problems in the identification of long-term trends, geographical and social variations’, in Corsini, Carlo A. and Viazzo, Pier Paulo eds., The decline of infant mortality in Europe, 1800–1950 (Florence: International Child Development Centre and Istituto degli Innocenti, 1993), 35–50.Google Scholar
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