Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gvvz8 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-31T17:41:27.308Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Illicit trades and smuggling activities on the island of Stromboli, 1808–1816: gender roles during a commercial crisis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 May 2020

Ida Fazio
Ida Fazio*
Affiliation:
Professoressa Ordinaria di Storia Moderna, Dipartimento di Scienze Umanistiche, Università di Palermo, Viale delle Scienze
*
Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article examines the impact of the Continental Blockade upon a local fishing and agricultural economy in the Mediterranean by focusing on the illicit trades that flourished on Stromboli. The island became a strategic location for smuggling between the warring kingdoms of British allied Naples and French ruled Sicily. This paper argues that the Blockade allowed Stromboli to join the network of maritime traffic that had been dominated by the two biggest islands in the archipelago. Although equally integrated into agriculture and fishing, women participated in the fraudulent sale of prize goods but were excluded from large-scale smuggling operations.

French abstract

French Abstract

Commerces illicites et activités de contrebande sur l'île de Stromboli, 1808-1816: rôles genrés au long d'une crise commerciale

L'étude examine l'impact du Blocus continental sur l'économie locale de la pêche et de l'agriculture en Méditerranée. Elle est centrée sur les échanges commerciaux illicites qui ont prospéré à Stromboli. L'île devint en effet un lieu stratégique de contrebande entre les deux puissances en guerre qu'étaient le Royaume de Naples d'un côté, allié des Anglais et celui de Sicile alors aux mains des Français. L'auteur soutient que le Blocus ouvrit Stromboli à l'ensemble du réseau de trafic maritime qui, jusque-là, était dominé par les deux plus grandes îles de l'archipel Eolien. Les femmes, bien intégrées aux activités agricoles et à celles liées à la pêche, participèrent à la vente frauduleuse de produits de butin, mais furent par contre exclues des opérations de contrebande à grande échelle.

German abstract

German Abstract

Illegale Gewerbe und Schmuggel auf der Insel Stromboli, 1808-1816: Genderrollen in einer Handelskrise

Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Auswirkungen der Kontinentalsperre auf die lokale Fischerei und die Landwirtschaft im Mittelmeer, indem er sich auf die illegalen Gewerbe konzentriert, die auf Stromboli florierten. Die Insel wurde zu einem strategischen Schmuggelplatz zwischen den im Verfall befindlichen Königreichen Neapel (mit Großbritannien verbündet) und Sizilien (unter französischer Herrschaft). Die These lautet, dass die Kontinentalsperre es Stromboli erlaubte, sich in das Schiffsverkehrsnetzwerk einzufügen, das von den beiden größten Inseln innerhalb des Archipels dominiert worden war. Obwohl sie gleichermaßen im der Landwirtschaft und der Fischerei engagiert waren, nahmen Frauen am betrügerischen Verkauf von Beutegut teil, blieben aber von groß angelegten Schmuggelaktionen ausgeschlossen.

Type
Research Article
Information
Continuity and Change , Volume 35 , Special Issue 1: Coping with Crisis: Labour Markets, Institutional Changes and Household Economies , May 2020 , pp. 11 - 31
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2020

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

The section ‘Salt smuggling between Stromboli and Calabria’ is based on research carried out within the PRIN (Progetto di Ricerca di Rilevante Interesse Nazionale) 2015 project Alla ricerca del negoziante patriota. Mercantilismi, moralità economiche e mercanti nell'Europa mediterranea (secc. XVII–XIX).

References

Notes

1 This resulted in a decrease in the volume of trade through the ports involved: see Marzagalli, Silvia, ‘Formes et enjeux de la contrebande et de la fraude à l’époque napoléonienne’, in Figéac-Monthus, Marguerite and Lastécouères, Christophe eds., Territoires de l'illicite: ports et îles. De la fraude au contrôle (XVIe–XXe siècles) (Paris, 2012), 189–201Google Scholar, 190.

2 Marzagalli, ‘Formes et enjeux de la contrebande’: ‘La France Napoléonienne impose à ses vassaux éuropéens des contraintes commerciales et des obligations supplémentaires qui visent à mettre l’économie éuropéenne au service de l'Empire et qui créent autant de situations incitant à la fraude’. See also the chapters included in Section III, ‘Local, regional and European experiences’, in Katherine B. Aaslestad and Johan Joor eds., Revisiting Napoleon's continental system. Local, regional and European experiences (Basingstoke, 2015), in particular: Margrit Schulte Beerbühl, ‘Trading networks across the Blockades’, 135–52; Jann M. Witt, ‘Smuggling and Blockade-Running during the Anglo-Danish War 1807–1814’, 153–70; Bård Frydenlund, ‘Defying the continental system in the periphery: political strategies and protests by Norwegian Magnates’, 171–86; Section III, ‘Local, regional and European experiences’, Rowe, Michael, ‘Economic warfare, organized crime, and the collapse of Napoleon's Empire’ in Katherine, and Aaslestad, John Joor eds., Revisiting Nepoleon's continental system: Local regional and European experiences, (Basingstoke, 2015), 187–207Google Scholar.

3 For appreciation of these issues and a critique of Mediterranean anthropology, see Albera, Dionigi, ‘Anthropology of the Mediterranean: between crisis and renewal’, History and Anthropology 17, 2 (2006), 109–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Schneider, Jane, ‘Of vigilance and virgins: honor, shame and access to resources in Mediterranean societies’, Ethnology 10, 1 (1971), 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and ‘Trousseau as treasure: some contradictions of late Nineteenth century change in Sicily’, in Eric B. Ross ed., Beyond the myths of culture: essays in cultural materialism (New York, 1980), 323–56; Fiume, Giovanna, ‘Making women visible in the history of the Mezzogiorno’, in Dal Lago, Enrico and Halpern, Rick eds., The American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno: essays in comparative history (Houndmills/New York, 2002), 173–96Google Scholar; Fazio, Ida, ‘The family, honour and gender in Sicily: models and new research’, Modern Italy 9, 2 (2004), 263–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Jean Pierre Poussou, ‘Du role economique et social positif de la fraude, essentialement aux XVII et XVIII siècles’, in Figéac-Monthus and Lastécouères eds., Territoires de l'illicite, 39–53.

6 Marguerite Figéac-Monthus and Christophe Lastécouères, ‘Introduction. Ports et iles, espaces indisciplinés de l'echange’, in Figéac-Monthus and Lastécouères eds., Territoires de l'illicite, 29–37.

7 Montenach, Anne, ‘Une économie de l'ombre? La fraude dans le commerce alimentaire à Lyon au XVIIe siècle’, in Béaur, Gérard, Bonin, Hubert and Lemercier, Claire eds., Fraude, contrefaçon, contrebande de l'Antiquité à nos jours (Geneva, 2007), 515–38Google Scholar.

8 Jean-Yves Grenier, L'économie d'Ancien Régime. Un monde de l'échange et de l'incertitude (Paris, 1996).

9 Silvia Marzagalli, Les boulevards de la fraude. Le négoce maritime et le Blocus continental 1806–1813: Bordeaux, Hambourg, Livourne (Villeneuve D'Ascq, 1999).

10 Biagio Salvemini, ‘Virtù, mercantilismi e mercanti dell'Europa settecentesca. Qualche considerazione introduttiva’, in Biagio Salvemini ed., Alla ricerca del «negoziante patriota». Moralità mercantili e commercio attivo nel Settecento, monographic issue of Storia Economica 2 (2016), 369–84, 380. Some recent publications on Italy have had a combined interest in economic practices, relationship networks and institutional dynamics: Biagio Salvemini and Roberto Zaugg eds., Frodi marittime tra norme e istituzioni (sec. XVII–XIX), special issue of Quaderni storici 143 (2013); Livio Antonielli and Stefano Levati eds., Contrabbando e legalità: polizia a difesa di privative, diritti sovrani e pubblico erario (Soveria Mannelli, 2016); Paolo Calcagno ed., Per vie illegali. Fonti per lo studio dei fenomeni illeciti nel Mediterraneo dell'età moderna (secoli XVI–XVIII) (Soveria Mannelli, 2016). For an updated international bibliography, see Introduzione by Calcagno in Per vie illegali, 5–14.

11 See François Crouzet, L'économie britannique et le Blocus Continental, 1806–1813, 2 vols. (Paris, 1958), and Crouzet, ‘Wars, Blockade, and economic change in Europe, 1792–1815’, The Journal of Economic History 24, 4 (1964), 567–88; Aaslestad and Johan Joor eds., Revisiting Napoleon's continental system.

12 Marc Heurgon, ‘Le contreband en Calabre durant la période napoléonienne’, in Atti del secondo Congresso storico calabrese (Naples, 1961), 123–37, 125.

13 Ibid., 125.

14 Reported by Heurgon, ‘Le contreband’, 126; see also Alida Clemente, ‘Quando il reato non è “peccato”. Il contrabbando nel Regno di Napoli tra conflitti diplomatici, pluralismo istituzionale e quotidianità degli scambi (XVIII secolo)’, Quaderni storici 143 (2013), 359–94. On smuggling in the Strait of Messina and the southern Tyrrhenian in the 1710s, see Ida Fazio, ‘Rappresentazioni di un'economia urbana. Le proposte all'amministrazione sabauda e il rilancio economico di Messina dopo la crisi di fine Seicento’, Bollettino storico bibliografico subalpino 94, 1 (1996), 213–72, 229; and Vincenzo Cataldo, ‘Commercio e contrabbando di sale in provincia di Calabria Ultra agli inizi del Settecento’, Incontri Mediterranei 22 (2012), 65–73, 66. For other eighteenth-century cases, see Saverio Di Bella and Giovanni Iufrida, Di terra e di mare. Itinerari, uomini, economie, paesaggi nella costa napitina moderna (Soveria Mannelli, 2004), 110-1.

15 Defined by Marzagalli, Les boulevards de la fraude, the ‘fraude douce’, 195–203.

16 Heurgon, Le contrebande en Calabre, 129–32, identified the cases of Generals Cavaignac and Manhes, Pietro Colletta, Intendant in Calabria Ultra, and Antoine Christophe Saliceti, Minister of War, Navy and Police. They were rumoured to be in collusion with John Broadbent, the United States’ Consul in Messina and using police vessels for smuggling.

17 Marzagalli, Les boulevards de la fraude, 149–52. The United States Consul, John Broadbent (Heurgon, Le contrebande en Calabre, 131) imported salt from Naples to Sicily and had authorisation from the Neapolitan government to load products from the town in return. See also Michela D'Angelo, Mercanti inglesi in Sicilia (Milan, 1988), 129–36.

18 Biagio Salvemini and Annastella Carrino, ‘Porti di campagna, porti di città. Traffici e insediamenti sulle coste del Regno di Napoli nella prospettiva di Marsiglia (1710–1846)’, Quaderni storici 121 (2006), 209–54, 234.

19 Salvemini and Carrino, ‘Porti di campagna, porti di città’, 235.

20 Salvemini and Carrino, ‘Porti di campagna, porti di città’, 232–3.

21 Angelantonio Spagnoletti, Storia del Regno delle Due Sicilie (Bologna, 2008).

22 Crouzet, ‘Wars, Blockade, and economic change’, 567.

23 Michela D'Angelo, ‘The Mid-Mediterranean as an alternative market: British merchants, ships and merchandises during the Napoleonic Wars’, Proceedings of the 4th International Conference of Maritime History, Corfu, 21–27 June 2004, CD-ROM.

24 Domenico Ligresti, Dinamiche demografiche nella Sicilia moderna (Milan, 2002), 190. In 1806, in Sicily there were 1,584,749 inhabitants.

25 D'Angelo, Mercanti inglesi in Sicilia; Rosario Lentini, ‘British merchants and goods in Palermo (1797–1816)’, in Michela D'Angelo, Gerlina Harlaftis and Carmel Vassallo eds., Making waves in the Mediterranean (Messina, 2010), 483–91; Raleigh Trevelyan, La storia dei Whitaker (Palermo, 1988); Michela D'Angelo, Comunità straniere a Messina tra XVIII e XIX secolo: alle origini del British Cemetery (Messina, 1995); Maria Cristina Ventimiglia, ‘Investimenti a cambio marittimo di operatori stranieri a Messina (1819–1862)’, Archivio Storico Messinese 63 (1993), 125–50.

26 Quantitative data which allow goods traded between Sicily and Great Britain to be distinguished from those traded between Britain and Italy as a whole only exist for the years between 1807 and 1815. There are only scanty and piecemeal data on the export of pumice, raisin and capers from Sicily between 1809 and 1815. The evidence that Malvasia wine was being sent from the Aeolian archipelago to supply the British troops stationed at Messina, as well as to the urban population and for export is also erratic. D'Angelo, Mercanti inglesi in Sicilia, 198–216, reports the value in Pounds Sterling of British exports and imports to Sicily between 1809 and 1815. See also Giuseppe La Greca, Passolina, uva passa e malvasia. L'economia vitivinicola delle isole Eolie (Lipari, 2016), 85; Marcello Saija and Alberto Cervellera, Mercanti di mare. Salina 1800–1953 (Messina, 1997) on ships arriving in Messina from the Aeolian Islands in 1810–1811 and on exports of Malvasia in 1815, 22–4.

27 Saija and Cervellera, Mercanti di mare.

28 Angelo Adornato, Due millenni di storia eoliana. Sintesi cronologica comparata (Messina, 2000); Giuseppe Arena, Bibliografia generale delle isole Eolie. Seconda edizione riveduta e continuata sino alla fine del XX secolo (Messina, 2003).

29 Ida Fazio, ‘Parentela e mercato nell'isola di Stromboli’, in Renata Ago and Benedetta Borello eds., Famiglie. Circolazione di beni, circuiti di affetti in età moderna (Rome, 2008), 123–63, 125–7; Saija and Cervellera, Mercanti di mare, 19–27.

30 Notarial records for the entire Aeolian Archipelago are held in the Archivio di Stato di Messina (thereafter ASM), but only begin in 1809 as a result of the loss of earlier records when the Archive repository was destroyed during WWII. Civil records (i.e. registrations of births, marriages and deaths) start from 1812. No census of the islands was carried out before Italian unification in 1860.

31 A complete list of reports in Ettore Barnao, Appunti per servire alla storia di Stromboli (Lipari, 2017), 127–84.

32 The first post-Unification census (1862–1864) counted 1828 people on the island. Ludwig Salvator von Österreich-Toskana, Die Liparischen Inseln, 8 vols. (Prague, 1893–1896); Italian translation: Pino Paino ed., Le isole Lipari: riproduzione litografica dall'originale con traduzione in italiano (Lipari, 1979–1987), Vol. VII, ‘Apparato’; Vol. VIII, 12–3.

33 Barnao, Appunti per servire alla storia di Stromboli, 223–319.

34 Fazio, Parentela e mercato, 127–8.

35 Alexis de Toqueville, Correspondance et oeuvres posthumes de Alexis de Tocqueville (Paris, 1866), 149–53.

36 von Österreich-Toskana, Le isole Lipari, VII, 6.

37 von Österreich-Toskana, Le isole Lipari, VIII, 120.

38 von Österreich-Toskana, Le isole Lipari, VII, 6.

39 von Österreich-Toskana, Le isole Lipari, VIII, 120.

40 Michele Lojacono Pojero, Le isole Eolie e la loro vegetazione (Palermo, 1878).

41 ASM, notary Angelo Florio, vols. 2458–2461 (1809–1814) and vols. 2472–2492 (1829–1868); notary Angelo Florio Pajno, vols. 3318–3319 (1860–1861).

42 Ida Fazio, ‘Brothers, sisters and the rearrangements of property on the Sicilian island of Stromboli in the nineteenth century’, European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 17, 5 (2010), 805–15.

43 Mauro Rosi et al., ‘Geo-archaeological evidence of middle-age tsunamis at Stromboli and consequences for the tsunami hazard in the southern Tyrrhenian Sea’, Scientific Reports 9 (2019), Article number 677.

44 On the wars between Christians and Muslims in the Early Modern Mediterranean, see Michel Fontenay, La Méditerranée entre la Croix et le Croissant. Navigation, commerce, course et piraterie (XVIe-XIXe siècle) (Paris, 2010); Géraud Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade. Mythes et réalités de la lutte contre les Turcs aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Paris, 2004).

45 Giuseppe Iacolino and Bartolo Famularo eds., Pietro Campis, Disegno historico, o siano l'abbozzate historie della nobile e fidelissima Città di Lipari (1694) (Lipari, 1980); Giuseppe Restifo, ‘Un drammatico sradicamento e un convulso ripopolamento. Lipari dopo il 1544’, in Sergio Todesco ed., Atlante dei beni etno-antropologici eoliani (Messina, 1995), 45–59.

46 Some letters from Christian captives in Barbary, kept at the Arciconfraternita per la redenzione dei captivi in Palermo, show that at the end of the sixteenth century, some corsairs stopped over at Stromboli in order to trade slaves: Giovanna Fiume, Schiavitù Mediterranee. Corsari, rinnegati e santi di età moderna (Milan, 2009), 33–5; Giovanna Fiume, ‘Lettres de Barbarie: esclavage et rachat de captifs siciliens (XVIe–XVIIIe siècle)’, Cahiers de la Méditerranée 87 (2013); Barnao, Appunti per servire alla storia di Stromboli, 61–82 and 185–222. See also Giuseppe Bonaffini, La Sicilia e i Barbareschi. Incursioni corsare e riscatto degli schiavi (1570–1606) (Palermo, 1983).

47 Rita Foti, Giudici e corsari nel Mediterraneo. Il Tribunale delle prede di Sicilia 1808–1813 (Palermo, 2016), 165.

48 Foti, Giudici e corsari. On the control the Secretary for War and Navy, the Police, and the Prize Court of Kingdom of Sicily, had over the Aeolian Islands and Stromboli; see, pp. 164–7.

49 Ida Fazio and Rita Foti, ‘Scansar le frodi. Prede corsare nella Sicilia del decennio inglese’, Quaderni storici 143 (2013), 497–539, 506–11. The source, an inquiry by the Prize Court of the Kingdom of Sicily in 1810–1811, is in Archivio di Stato di Palermo (herein ASPa), Consultore del Governo, Tribunale delle Prede (Prize Court), Vol. 270, Camerale processo ammanito per le vendite delle robbe fatte dai corsari nell'Isole di Lipari.

50 Foti, Giudici e corsari, 536–8.

51 See Simona Laudani and Brigitte Marin, Introduzione a Polizia-Polizie, special issue of Polo Sud 2 (2012), 11–22, and bibliography; Filippo Fiorito, ‘«Oggetti e ministri dei governi dispotici». Capitani di giustizia, Inquisitori di Alta polizia e Direzione generale di polizia di Palermo’, Polo Sud 2 (2012), 41–62; Fazio and Foti, ‘Scansar le frodi’, 538–9.

52 Pietro Simone Canale, La riforma doganale siciliana del 1802: conflitti e resistenze nella ‘grande trasformazione’. VII Congresso dell'Associazione Italiana di Storia Urbana ‘Food and the City’, 2015; http://www.storiaurbana.org/index.php/it/component/content/article/9-congressi/682-il-cibo-e-la-citta-paper-food-and-the-city.

53 Information on these points comes from testimonies recorded in Camerale processo, 16–16 v, 23, 26, 37 v–38, 41, 61, 67 v, and from notaries’ records: ASM, Fondo Notarile, notary Angelo Florio, Vol. 2458, 11 May 1810, Procura di capitan Filippo Carpanzano comandante del legno corsaro siciliano La Felice a don Aniello Di Gregorio di Stromboli; 28 May 1810, Capitan Giovanni Radonic comandante del legno corsaro siciliano La Vittoria riceve da Giuseppe Pajno di Stromboli pane vino e denaro; 31 May 1810, Altro debito di Capitan Radonic.

54 The file on the Camerale Processo records 72 testimonies given between 31 December 1810 and 6 April 1811. These allow us to identify 148 individuals and their roles in these illicit activities. They include 18 corsairs, the Deputy of Police and the Deputy of Health, some City Councilors from Lipari, the Military Governor of the garrison of Lipari, and some priests and nuns. The majority were boat owners and sailors. Of the 148, 127 were men and 21 women.

55 ASPa, Real Segreteria Incartamenti (hereafter RSI), Vol. 1821, August–September 1807 and 10 December 1807, 82 and 97–98; Vol. 4869, 30 November 1807 and 21 December (Foti, Giudici e corsari, 162).

56 Fazio and Foti, ‘Scansar le frodi’ 506–9.

57 Foti, Giudici e corsari, 199–225.

58 Foti, Giudici e corsari, 162–5.

59 Camerale processo, 12, 25, 43 v, 53, 54.

60 Camerale processo, passim.

61 Camerale processo, 24, 30 v, 33 v, 43.

62 Camerale processo, 6 v, 7, 7 v, 26.

63 Amongst the many documents referring to the Pajno brothers in the ASM, Fondo Notarile, notary Angelo Florio, see Vol. 2458, 28 May 1810, which shows them suppling corsair captain Giovanni Radonic, from Dalmatia, with money, bread, wine and pasta ‘for the crew and for the voyage’.

64 Camerale processo, 24, 33, 45 v, 68.

65 Camerale processo, 15, 16 v, 19, 25, 25 v, 36 v, 37, 38, 40 v, 54 v, 59 v, 60, 65 v, 66, 67, 70, 70 v.

66 The following women were mentioned by the inquiry: Giuseppa D'Albora Moleti, 33 years old (yrs.), ironer; Maria D'Albora, 20 yrs., silk winder; Eleonora Lo Curcio D'Albora, 44 yrs., silk winder; Maria Moleti, widow; Catarina Russo; Maria Tesoriero, 33 yrs.; Rosalia Cincotta, fisherman; Maria Bartolo, daughter of a corporal; Giuseppa Lambrosa, 26 yrs.; Maria Palmisano, 23 yrs.; Maria Russo, daughter of a sergeant, 34 yrs., ‘maestra’ silk-winder; Francesca Giannone, 60 yrs., wife of a soldier of the garrison on Lipari, ‘maestra’ silk-winder; Maria Felice; Maria Di Francesco, 26 yrs.; Concetta La Jana; Maria Tesoriero, 50 yrs., nun; Maria Galletti, nun; Maria Giannone; Maria Bongiorno; Giovanna Costa and Maria Cincotta.

67 ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440, Prospetto del processo de’ controbandi, immissioni ed estrazioni del sale in Stromboli, summarises 27 different episodes of smuggling between 1814 and 1817, listing the individuals questioned: Nota delle persone inquisite per controbandi, e dei modi con cui si è cautelato il Regio Erario.

68 ASM, Fondo Notarile, notary Angelo Florio, Vol. 2458, 20 July 1810. Don Giovanni Bongiorno sold some palms (an ancient Sicilian unit of measurement) of land along the seashore at Ficogrande, to Giuseppe and Gaetano Pajno, Vincenzo Di Navi, Antonino Panittieri, Maestro Vincenzo Cusolito and Gaetano Di Mattina, so that they could build some warehouses.

69 The Prince of Sant'Elia, who was Chief of Customs in Messina, drew up a plan to do away with the smuggling associated with the free port in 1817. ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440, passim, but see too his correspondence with Minister Ferreri: Il Segreto P.pe di Sant'Elia a S.E. il Segretario Ministro di Stato presso il Luogotenente Generale il Signor marchese Don Gioacchino Ferreri, 11 September1817 e 30 November 1817.

70 ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440, describes the smuggling carried out by the people from Messina and Calabria and from the coastal villages of Divieto and Bauso in October 1816.

71 Luigi De Rosa, Studi sugli arrendamenti del Regno di Napoli. Aspetti della distribuzione della ricchezza mobiliare nel mezzogiorno continentale (1649–1806) (Naples, 1958), 3–99. See also Stefano D'Atri, Il sale di Puglia tra marginalità e mercato. Monopolio e commercio in età moderna (Salerno, 2001). On salt arrendamenti in Calabria Ultra, Vincenzo Cataldo, Commercio e contrabbando di sale, 65–7.

72 On Customs reform between 1791 and 1813, see Pietro Simone Canale, ‘La Suprema Giunta delle Dogane (1786–1813)’ (unpublished Master's thesis, University of Palermo, 2009–2010), 61–130.

73 ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440, Sovereign resolution of 28 September 1803; dispatch 18 August 1807; rewritten 7 November 1807. With the occupation of Reggio, Procida and Ischia in 1809, and ‘communication with Calabria being reopened’ the resolution of 1803 was called up again, with dispatch of 15 June 1809.

74 The character and multiple activities of Colonel Giuseppe Castrone, from Naples, the chief of the High Police in Palermo and of the corsair fleet ‘on behalf of the King’ are laid out in Foti, Giudici e corsari, passim.

75 ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440, Dispatch of 7 July 1815 of the Secretary of the Inland Revenue.

76 The account of events can be reconstructed from a collection of 94 loose documents in ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440, and the Prospetto del processo de’ controbandi, immissioni ed estrazioni del sale in Stromboli, included in the same Vol. 5440.

77 In October 1816, the Prince informed the King, through the Royal Secretary of State and Finance, that he had chosen Dr. Don Pasquale Cicala, a judge at the Regia Udienza (a Royal Court) in Messina to represent the Inland Revenue and undertake the enquiry.

78 ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440.

79 ASPa, RSI, Vol. 5440.

80 Foti, Giudici e corsari, 13.

81 Vincenzo Di Giovanni, Scritti letterari e filosofici postumi di Antonino Franco (Palermo 1875), XXXIII.

82 ASPa, Real Segreteria di Stato presso il Luogotenente Generale in Sicilia, Ripartimento Polizia, 11, 396, 5 September 1822.

83 ASPa, Real Segreteria di Stato presso il Luogotenente Generale in Sicilia, Ripartimento Polizia, 70, 1635, 22 December 1825.

84 Giusepper Tricoli's will, 23 November 1836, notary Giacomo Caserta, in Collezione delle Leggi e de' Decreti Reali del Regno delle Due Sicilie (Naples, 1838), 98.

85 Antonino Blando and Rita Foti, ‘Guerra di corsa e trattative diplomatiche per il riscatto del principe di Paternò’, Quaderni storici 126 (2007), 841–75.

86 The concessions on salt lasted until the mid-twentieth century. During the early- to mid-nineteenth century, criminal trials for smuggling were held by the Giudicature Circondariali of Calabria, whose records are filed in the State Archives of Reggio Calabria, Lamezia Terme and Vibo Valentia.

87 See Saija and Cervellera, Mercanti di mare, passim.

88 Ruff, Julius R., Violence in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1800 (Cambridge, 2001), 240–6Google Scholar.

89 Marzagalli, Les Boulevards de la fraude, 195–203.

90 Montenach, Anne, ‘Uncontrolled crossings. Gender and illicit economic territories in eighteenth-century French towns’, in Chalus, Elaine and Kaartinen, Marjo eds., Gendering spaces in European towns, 1500–1914 (New York, 2019), 135–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 A government official, reporting from Calabria at the beginning of eighteenth century, described the small-scale smuggling of salt across the Strait of Messina on ‘barchette’, or small boats, which ‘even the women (could) sail’: Vincenzo Cataldo, Commercio e contrabbando di sale, 66. Women from Bagnara, on the Calabrian side of the Strait, were famous for salt smuggling until the mid-twentieth century, but there are few academic studies on this topic.

92 Farge, Arlette and Zysberg, André, ‘Les theatres de la violence à Paris au XVIIIeme siècle’, Annales. Economies, Sociétés, Civilizations 34, 5 (1979), 984–1015CrossRefGoogle Scholar: ‘ … la violence qui sourd de tous les actes et de tous les gestes de l'existence quotidienne, violence banale’, 984.

93 Fiume, Giovanna, ‘Violenza femminile nella Sicilia dell'Ottocento: la criminalità banale’, Incontri meridionali, 3 (1984), 7–27Google Scholar.

94 Vasta, Cristina, ‘Per una topografia della violenza femminile (Roma, secoli XVI–XVII)’, Genesis. Rivista della società italiana delle Storiche XIV, 2 (2015), 59–82Google Scholar.

95 Peristiany, John G. ed., Honour and shame: the values of Mediterranean society (London, 1965)Google Scholar. In the 1980s, a new generation of anthropologists specializing in the Mediterranean, led by Michael Herzfeld, deconstructed the concepts of honor and shame: Herzfeld, Michael, ‘Honour and shame: problems in the analysis of moral systems’, Man (N.S.) 15 (1980), 339–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.