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Symbiosis and Revolution: The Soviet Encounter with the War in Dhofar
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 August 2021
Abstract
This article discusses how the Soviet Union perceived and related to Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, using a case study from South Yemen and the War in Dhofar. This specific Soviet encounter will be analysed through selected Soviet material from published and archival sources. The article highlights how Soviet representatives assessed prospects for socialism in Yemen, and how they interacted with their partners on the ground. The article is divided into three parts: the first discusses the theoretical debates in Soviet academia and the press, the second section contrasts these theoretical views with Middle Eastern ‘socialist’ theories during the Cold War and the third shows how a symbiosis developed between Soviet and Yemeni institutions and organisations. The article argues that due to an Orientalist take on South Yemen and Dhofar, the Soviet side could not appreciate the political importance and potential of socialist currents in the region, reducing cooperation to ‘pragmatism’.
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References
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12 ‘The East’ does not refer to a specific geographic place but to a type of relation. Edward Said refers to the East as ‘being orientalised’. Thus, the East is to be understood as a power gap, which allowed the Orient to be made oriental: ‘The Orient was Orientalized not only because it was discovered to be Oriental in all those ways considered commonplace by an average nineteenth-century European, but also because it could be … made Oriental’. Said, Orientalism, 5–6. Furthermore, the Soviet notion ‘Vostok’ refers to multiple places itself, including to its own East. Hence, again, ‘the East’ should not simply be read in geographic terms but as denoting a kind of relationship; Arif Dirlik concurs: ‘it may not be fortuitous that the North-South distinction has gradually taken over from the earlier division of the globe into three worlds, unless we remember that the references of North and South are not merely to concrete geographic locations but are also metaphorical’. See Dirlik, Arif, ‘The Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global Capitalism’, Critical Inquiry, 20, 2 (1994), 328–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Boehmer, Elleke, ‘East Is East and South Is South: The Cases of Sarojini Naidu and Arundhati Roy’, Women: A Cultural Review 11, 1–2 (2000), 61–70Google Scholar. Historically, the South–North cultural axis was replaced by the East–West cultural axis in the eighteenth century, and the East became the place onto which European phantasies were projected. See Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995).
13 Russian and Soviet Orientalism have been discussed extensively with regard to Central Asia. However, there is a lack of literature that proves the usefulness of the concept in Soviet international relations. For the debate on Russian Orientalism, see David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, Russian Orientalism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010) and Vera Tolz, Russia's Own Orient (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); for Soviet Orientalism, see Michael Kemper and Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Reassessing Orientalism: Interlocking Orientologies during the Cold War (London: Routledge, 2015). Craig Brandist argues that ‘the Soviet characterization of a unitary bourgeois orientalism was one ideological product of this [Cold War] division and, via the Egyptian Marxist Anouar Abdel-Malek (1963), it became the model of Said's orientalism… . Though the Soviet model remained influential, Moscow's demand that liberation movements be subordinated to Soviet foreign policy interests alienated many intellectuals in the postcolonial world’, Craig Brandist, ‘Soviet Orientalism and Anti-Imperialism’, The Encyclopedia of Postcolonial Studies, doi:10.1002/9781119076506.wbeps388; Hamid Dabashi, Post-Orientalism (London: Transaction, 2015), 104, mentions ‘Soviet Orientalism’ without elaborating.
14 Anastas Mikoian, ‘Rech’ tov. Mikoiana’, XX. S’’ezd kommunisticheskoi partii Sovetskogo Soiuza, Stenograficheskii otchet, vol. 1 (Moscow, Gos. Izd. Politicheskoi Literatury 1956), 324.
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18 Jerry F. Hough, The Struggle for the Third World: Soviet Debates and American Options (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1986), 159. See also I.I. Filatova, Dolgii sled, Sovetskaia teoriia natsional'no-osvobotitel'nogo dvizhenia i iuzhnaia Afrika, https://publications.hse.ru/mirror/pubs/share/folder/k3i2vmhdlx/direct/95670443 (last visited 30 Aug. 2020).
19 Evgenii S. Troitskii, Nemarsistskie kontsepcii sotsializma i borʹba za obshchestvennii progress v stranakh Azii i Afriki (Moscow: Myslʹ, 1974), 155–6; Ul'janovskii, Socialism, 43.
20 Hough, Struggle for the Third World, 17. Aleksey Levkovsky, The Developing Countries’ Social Structure (Moscow: Progress, 1987).
21 Filatova, Dolgii sled, Sovetskaia teoriia natsional'no-osvobotitel'nogo dvizhenia i iuzhnaia Afrika, 155.
22 E.B. Rashkovskii, V.G. Choros, Vostok-Zapad-Rossiia (Moscow: Progress-Tradiciia, 2002), 13.
23 Rashkovskii, Choros, Vostok-Zapad-Rossiia, 13.
24 Stoecker, R.A. Ulianovsky's Writings, 18.
25 Nodari Simonia quips that ‘it's worthless equating some countries of socialist orientation with Vietnam or even Laos… . Even in the most progressive countries of socialist orientation, the establishment of communist parties is a task for the future.’ See Mirskii, Georgii, Kiva, Aleksei, Simonia, Nodari, ‘Nekotorye voprosy differentsiatsii’, Aziia i Afrika segodnia, 6 (1978), 28–35Google Scholar, here 31–2.
26 Simonia, ‘Nekotorye voprosy’, 32.
27 Dina Fainberg, Cold War Correspondents (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2020).
28 Helen Hughes, News and the Human Interest Story (New York: Routledge, 1980).
29 Alan Richardson and Sonia Hofkosh, Romanticism, Race, and Imperial Culture, 1780–1834 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996).
30 Christian Kiening, Das wilde Subjekt. Kleine Poetik der Neuen Welt (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006), 264.
31 Igor’ P. Beliaev and Evgenii M. Primakov, Egipet: vremia prezidenta Nasera (Moscow: Mysl’, 1981); Igor P Beliaev, Amerikanskii imperializm v Saudovskoi Aravii (Moscow: Izd. Vostochnoi Lit., 1957); Leonid Ivanovich Medvedko, K vostoku i zapadu ot Suetsa (Moscow: Izd. Polit. Lit., 1980); Vitalii V. Naumkin, Tam, gde vozrozhdalas’ ptitsa feniks (Moscow: Nauka, 1977).
32 Larisa M. Rejsner and Karl Radek, Izbrannoe (Moscow: Chudozhestvennaia Literatura, 1980), 99–187; Kseniia N. Suvorova, Dva goda v Iemene; zapiski Sovetskogo vracha (Moscow: Nauka, 1964); Liudmila Gordon-Polonskaia, Musul'manskie Techeniia v Obshchestvennoi Mysli Indii i Pakistana (Moscow: Izdat. vost. lit., 1963).
33 The other prominent Soviet scholar that dealt extensively with Yemen was Vitalii Naumkin.
34 Aleksei Vasil'ev, Rossiia na blizhnem i srednem vostoke. Ot messianstva k pragmatizmu (Moscow: Nauka, 1993).
35 Aleksei Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie v Arabia Feliks (Moscow: Molodaia Gvardiia, 1974), 5–6.
36 Aleksei Vasil'ev, Trudnii pereval (Moscow: Nauka, 1977), 65.
37 Vasil'ev's first visit was in 1969: Takriti describes the reception ‘of two representatives from the Soviet Committee for Solidarity with the Countries of Asia and Africa to Dhufar in 1969. One of them was Pravda's Alexei Vassiliev. The other was a military intelligence officer’. See Takriti, Monsoon Revolution, 130. In Vasil'ev, Aleksei, ‘Buntuiushchie gory Dofara’, Pravda, 272 (1969), 4, the author underscores the backwardness of the region (‘it is difficult to name a more backward region [than] Dhofar’) and argues that the wish for modernity, which young Dhofari experienced in other countries in the Gulf, contributed to the emergence of the socialist insurgency.
38 This film was later used for propaganda purposes in Yemen. In June 1972 the film was sent to the Soviet Embassy in Aden by the SKSSAA, which requested a confirmation of receipt and asked to return it within one month: Gosudarstvenny Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF) f. 9540, op. 1, d. 328 (1972), l. 45.
39 Ul'ianovskii, Socialism, 188.
40 Citino, ‘The Middle East’, 455.
41 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 3–5.
42 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 5.
43 A clear example of such a Soviet attitude is the internal report about a Yemeni official treated in a Soviet hospital. This report reduced his ‘pathologies’ to sexual deviations from Soviet (heterosexual) norms. The report and the retelling of its contents talks more about the homophobia, racism and disrespect of the Soviet authors than about the Yemeni official in question. See Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World (London: Basic Books, 2015), 216. Former head of the Middle East department of the Soviet MFA (1978–83), Oleg Grinievskii, also writes with condescension about Arab leaders, repeatedly calling them ‘cunning’, ‘treacherous’ or insidious’. See Oleg Grinievskii, Tainy sovietskoi diplomatii (Moscow: Vargius, 2000), 76, 138, 140, 194, 299, passim.
44 In the 1980s the notion of ‘proletarian internationalism’ came under fire by Soviet scholars as being too tightly connected to a class approach. See Hough, Struggle for the Third World, 180.
45 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 27.
46 ‘Guda’ possibly refers to school founder Leila Fakhro (Huda Salem). See Takriti, Monsoon, 238.
47 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 47–9.
48 Justin D. Edwards, Exotic Journeys: Exploring the Erotics of U.S. Travel Literature, 1840–1930 (Hanover: University Press of New England, 2001), 106.
49 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 53. The veil was a Soviet obsession that underwent various forms and phases during the Russian-imperial and the Stalinist period, and that had French and US-American ramifications. For the Stalinist Hujum, see Edgar, Adrienne, ‘Emancipation of the Unveiled’, Russian Review, 62, 1 (2003), 132–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the US discourse around Afghanistan see Abu-Lughod, Lila, ‘Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others’, American Anthropologist, 104, 3 (2002), 783–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an extended discussion, see Anna-Mari Almila and David Inglis, The Routledge International Handbook to Veils and Veiling Practices (London: Routledge, 2018).
50 Takriti, Monsoon, 238.
51 The male gaze is not only a way of looking at and of objectifying women. The male gaze can equally be directed at men. See Mulvey, Laura, ‘Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema’, Screen, 16, 3 (1975), 6–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Frederick Luis Aldama, The Routledge Companion to Gender, Sex and Latin American Culture (London: Routledge, 2018).
52 The three institutions are the Institute of Oriental Studies, the Institute of African Studies and the SKSSAA.
53 bell hooks, ‘Eating the Other: Desire and Resistance’, in Meenakshi Gigi Durham and Douglas M. Kellner, eds., Media and Cultural Studies – Key Works (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 366–72.
54 When Vasil'ev arrived in Yemen he statistically reached midlife. In 1971–2, average life-expectancy for Soviet men was 64.5 years; see Ryan, Michael, ‘Life Expectancy and Mortality Data from The Soviet Union’, in British Medical Journal (Clinical Research Edition), 296, 6635 (1988), 1513–5CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.
55 hooks, ‘Eating the Other’, 369.
56 Aziia i Afrika segodnia, 2 (1962), 2.
57 Aziia i Afrika segodnia, 7 (1968), front cover.
58 Aziia i Afrika segodnia, 2 (1977), front cover.
59 Writing in 2000, Oleg Grinevskii similarly has no positive views on South Yemen: ‘how can people manage to live here, let alone build socialism… . Still Yemeni leaders loudly declared that the PDRY successfully builds a new, socialist society, and the International Department … enthusiastically confirms it,’ Grinevskii, Tainy, 109.
60 Takriti, Monsoon, 113.
61 This might be the contrast between the Chinese and the Soviet approach outlined by Takriti: the Chinese ideologues were more willing to accept local interpretations of socialism, while the Soviet side was less inclined to do so.
62 Vasilʹev, Puteshestvie, 35.
63 Vasilʹev, Puteshestvie, 26.
64 Kelly, Arabia, 121.
65 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 22–3. The narrative of illness and backwardness, on the one hand, and the arrival of the Soviet doctor who promises health and progress, on the other, is a recurring topic, which again draws on the Central Asian experience, and which was later picked up by Soviet propaganda on Afghanistan. See Paula Michaels, Curative Powers – Medicine and Empire in Stalin's Central Asia (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2003). All the pitfalls of colonial medicine are implicit in this context.
66 Abu-Lughod, ‘Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?’.
67 Vasil'ev, Puteshestvie, 89.
68 Such a posture echoes the French position in Algeria in the 1950s or US-American approaches in Afghanistan after 2001. Frantz Fanon, ‘Algeria Unveiled’, 35–67 in A Dying Colonialism (New York: Grove Press); Abu-Lughod, ‘Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?’.
69 This stance about the Soviet Union as bearer of a universal modernity is reminiscent of Dostoyevsky's stance about Russia in Asia: ‘in Europe we were hangers-on and slaves, while in Asia we shall be the masters. In Europe we were Tatars, while in Asia we too are Europeans’, quoted in Stephanie Cronin, ‘Introduction: Edward Said, Russian Orientalism and Soviet Iranology’, Iranian Studies, 48, 5 (2015), 647–62.
70 Vasil'ev, Rossiia na blizhnem i srednem vostoke; Karen Dawisha, ‘Soviet Decision-Making in the Middle East: The 1973 October War and the 1980 Gulf War’, International Affairs, 57, 1 (1980), 43–59.
71 Westad, Global Cold War, 286.
72 Dulles offered to finance the Aswan dam; see Heikal, Commissar, 64–5.
73 Westad, Global Cold War, 264.
74 Nasser, Egypt's Liberation, 26; Maxime Rondinson, Marxism and the Muslim World (London: Zed, 2015), 164.
75 Ziegler and Nasser, Le socialisme arabe (Lormont: Le bord de l'eau, 2019), 32.
76 Heikal, The Sphinx, 73–4.
77 Ibid., 115.
78 Ibid., 117.
79 Baha Abu-Laban, ‘The National Character in the Egyptian Revolution’, The Journal of Developing Areas, 1, 2 (1967), 179–98.
80 Mohamed Said El Attar, Le Sous-Développement Économique et Social du Yemen (Algiers: éd. Tiers-Monde, 1964); Jesse Ferris, Nasser's Gamble: How Intervention in Yemen Caused the Six-Day War and the Decline of Egyptian Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013).
81 Heikal, The Sphinx, 117. The importance of a vanguard party was a recurring item of contestation itself in the Soviet Union: Galia Golan, ‘The Vanguard Party Controversy’, Soviet Studies, 39, 4 (1987), 599–609.
82 Georgii Mirskii, Arabskie Narody Prodolzhaiut Borbu (Moscow: Izd. Mezhdunar. Otnosheniia, 1965), 51.
83 Fayez Sayegh, ‘The Theoretical Structure of Nasser's Socialism’, in Middle Eastern Affairs, 17, St. Antony Papers 4 (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 15.
84 ‘Marxism-Leninism in all its non-Soviet varieties became increasingly popular within the movement. Vietnam, Cuba and China were all sources of inspiration, torch-bearing tricontinental nations that seemed to be charting an independent revolutionary path’, Takriti, Monsoon, 93.
85 Michel Aflaq, The Starting Point: Speeches Delivered after June 5th (Baghdad: Arab Ba'th Socialist Party, 1978), 212–13; Shibli Aysami, Le Parti Ba'th: l’étape de sa fondation (1940–1949) (Baghdad: Arab Ba'th Socialist Party, 1977), 86–7.
86 Mirskii, Arabskie Narody, 72.
87 Troitskii, Nemarsistskie kontseptsii, 323.
88 John F. Devlin, The Ba'th Party: A History from Its Origins to 1966 (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1976), 215.
89 Reese Erlich, Inside Syria: The Backstory of Their Civil War and What the World Can Expect (New York: Prometheus Books, 2014), 129; Keilany, Ziad, ‘Land Reform in Syria’, in Middle Eastern Studies, 16, 3 (1980), 209–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 218.
90 E Reese Erlich, Inside Syria, 64. Syria's ‘embroilment in the Lebanese civil war’ and its support for Teheran in the Iran-Iraq war undermined Assad's reputation in the region. See William L. Cleveland and Martin Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East (Philadelphia: Westview, 2009), 405. In a 1984 speech Assad depicted a very functional role of socialism as a means to achieve wider policy goals, such as justice and liberation, not as an aim in itself. See Hafez el-Assad, Paroles d'Assad: discours et propos du Président de la République arabe syrienne (Paris: JA conseil, 1986), 39.
91 Naumkin, Red Wolves, vii.
92 ‘The nature of the regime and its distance from Arab Socialism can be gauged through its relationship with Iraq's Ba'athist regime, which was generally bad and sometimes extremely so’, quoted in Lackner, Helen, ‘The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen: Unique Socialist Experiment in The Arab World at a Time of World Revolutionary Fervour’, Interventions, 19, 5 (2017), 677–691CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 683. See also Christopher Paul et al., ‘Oman (Dhofar Rebellion), 1965–1975’, Paths to Victory, Detailed Insurgency Case Studies (RAND Corporation, 2013), 278.
93 Takriti, Monsoon, 111.
94 Casula, Philipp, ‘The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee and Soviet Perceptions of the Middle East during Late Socialism’, Cahiers du monde russe, 59, 4 (2018), 499–520CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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97 Karen Brutents, Tridtsat’ let na staroi ploshchadi (Moscow: MO, 1998), 163; Schapiro, Leonard, ‘The International Department of the CPSU: Key to Soviet Policy’, International Journal, 32 (1977), 43Google Scholar. However, former SKSSAA employees claim to have had a certain degree of independence from the Party CC: see Aleksandr S. Dzasokhov, Chelovek i politika (Moscow: Rossiiskaia Gazeta, 2009), 30. SKSSAA officials needed to be more flexible, more culturally agile and more linguistically proficient than many of their Soviet counterparts.
98 Samandar Kalandarov, ‘Dorogi Solidarnosti’, https://rossnaa.ru/way-solidarity.html (last visited 30 Aug. 2020).
99 Such a symbiosis has already been analysed in the context of the 1980 Olympics, see Jenifer Parks, Red Sport, Red Tape (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina), 13.
100 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d. 458 (1980), l. 19.
101 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d. 464 (1980), l. 111–12.
102 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d. 373 (1974), l. 48.
103 Ibid.
104 Takriti, Monsoon, 236.
105 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d 355 (1973), l. 24.
106 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d. 433 (1977/78), l. 126–9.
107 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d. 433 (1977/78), l. 126–9.
108 Quoted in Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way, 217.
109 GARF, f. 9540, op. 1, d. 464 (1980), l. 97–100.
110 Takriti, Monsoon, 4.
111 Ibid., 234.
112 ‘Its revolutionary subjects relocated their struggle from regional to global history, now viewing themselves not just as agents in the realm of pan-Arabism but as participants in the universal march of humanity’, Takriti, Monsoon, 131.