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² From Fichte's university lectures on “the role of the scholar,” in Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Gesamtousgabe, Series 1, Vol. III (Werke, 1794–-1796) (Stuttgart-Bad Canstatt, 1966), 47–49.Google Scholar

³ Fichte, , Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Series I, Vol. V (Werke, 1798–1799) (1977), 244, 285–317.Google Scholar

⁴ I am particularly indebted to Douglas, Richard M. “Talent and Vocation in Humanist and Protestant Thought,” in Action and Conviction in Early Modern Europe. Rabb, Theodore K. and Seigel, Jerrold E., eds. (Princeton: 1969), 261–98,Google Scholar which provides an excellent contrast of the two traditions. See also Conze, Werner, “Beruf,” in Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, Brunnet, Otto, Conze, Werner, and Koselleck, Reinhart, eds. (Stuttgart, 1972), I. 490–507.Google Scholar

⁵ The movement is conventionally dated from the publication of Philipp Jakob Spener's Pia desideria in 1675, and Spener's appointment as pastor of the Nikolaikirche in Berlin in 1691 heralded the brief but consequential ascendancy of the movement in Prussia. For introductions to Pietism, see Schmidt, Martin, Wiedergeburt und neuer Mensch, Vol. II of Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Pietismus (Bielefeld, 1969);Google ScholarStoeffler, F. Ernest, German Pietism during the Eighteenth Century (Leiden, 1973).Google Scholar On Francke and Pietism in Prussia, see especially Hinrichs, Carl, Preus-entum und Pietismus. Der Pietismus in Brandenburg-Preussen al.s religiossoziale Reformbewegung (Göttingen, 1971);Google ScholarDeppermann, Klaus, Der hallesche Pietismus und der Preussische Staat unter Friedrich I(111).(Göttingen, 1969);Google ScholarHofmann, Franzet al., August Hermann Francke. Das humanistische Erbe des grossen Erziehers (Halle, 1965).Google Scholar

⁶ Francke, A. H., Lectione. Paraenetikae, Oder Offenlliche Ansprachen An die Studiosos Theologiae auf der Universität cu Hylle, 7 vols. (Halle, 1726–1736).Google Scholar (cited hereafter as LP). is an abundant sample ranging from 1701 to 1725. published by Francke and his son. It is available on microhlni in German Baroque Literature, no. 1440, reel nos. 458, 459 (Research Publications, Inc., Woodbridge. Conn.). For a painstaking reconstruction of the chronology and themes of the Lectures, see Boor, F. de, “Die paränetischen und methodologischen Vorlesungen August Herman Franckes (1693–1727).” (Diss., Theologische Fakultät, Martin-Luther-Universitiit Halle-Wittenberg, 1968).Google Scholar The original manuscripts are no longer available, but de Boor concludes that revisions in the published sample seem to have been limited to stylistic improvements. Francke, returned to the subject of the “condition of the university” in 1709, 1710. 1713.Google Scholar and 1716, and the heading for 1716 specifically mentions that “the university is threatening to plunge into chaos because of the large number of students.” Ibid. II. 76, 85, 103, 119. A distillation of the Lectures is Francke's, Idea siudiosi Theologiae (1712),Google Scholar reprinted in August Hermann Francke. Werke in Ausivahl, Peschke, Erhard, ed. (Witten-Ruhr, 1969), 172ff.Google Scholar For a useful survey of Francke's views on theological studies and university reform, with copious references to the Lectures, see Peschke, Erhard, “A. H. Franckes Reform des theologischen Studiums,” in August Herrnanii Francke. Festreden und Kolloquium über den Bildungs-und Erziehungsgedanken hei August Hermann Francke aus Anlass der 300. Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages 22. Mär: 1963 (Halle-Wittenberg), 88–115.Google Scholar

⁷ There are particularly vivid depictions of the conversion experience in LP, I. 237–47, 261–308. See also the descriptions in Oschlies, Wolf, Die Arbeits-und Berufspad?gogik A. H. Franckes (1663–1727), Vol. VI of Arbeiten our Geschichte des Pietismus (Witten, 1969).Google ScholarPeschke, Erhard, Bekehrung und Reform: Ansat_ und Wurzeln der Theologie August Hermann Franckes, Vol. XV of Arheiten our Geschichte des Pietissmus (Bielefeld. 1977), 111–14.Google Scholar

⁸ By the mid-1720s Halle was nearly ten times as large as nearby Erfurt and more than twice the size of Wittenberg. another neighbor. In comparison with Halle the other Prussian universities—Duisburg. Frankfort/Oder, and Königsberg—were small outposts. For the enrollment figures for all German universities, including Halle, see Eulenberg, Franz, Die Frequenz der deulsehen Universitätem van Ihren Gründung bis zur Gegenwart (Leipzig, 1904).Google Scholar The early enrollment figures for Halle, divided according to faculty, are in Dreyhaupt, Johann Christoph von, Diplomatisch-hist?r?sche Beschreibung des Saalkrevses, 2 vols. (Halle, 1749–1750). II, 29–30;Google ScholarEckstein, Friedrich August, Chronik der Stadt Halle. Eine Fortfahrung der Drevhauptschen Beschrei?ung des Saalkreises (Erste Lieferung) (Halle, 1842). 57.Google Scholar On the early history of the university, see especially Schrader, Wilhelm, Geschichte der Friedrichs-Universiteit ru Holle, 2 vols. (Berlin. 1894).Google ScholarDyck, J., “Zum Funktionswandel der Universitäten vom 17. zum 18. Jahrhundert. Am Beispiel Halle,” in Stadt-Schule-Universitat-Buachwesen und die deutsche Literarur itn 17. Jahrhundert, Schöne, Albrecht, ed. (Munich, 1976), 371–82, concentrates on the significance of the legal faculty.Google Scholar

⁹ See especially the data on Halle, 1768–71 and 1785–87, in Conrad, Johannes E.. “Die Statistik der Universität Halle während der 200 Jahren ihres Bestehens.” in Fest.schrift der vier Fakultäten zum zweihundertjähriger Jubiläum der vereinigten Friedrichs-Universität Halle-Wittenberg (Halle, 1894), 7–8, 30–32.Google Scholar For data on the social origins of students at three other German universities in the late eighteenth century, see Jarausch, Konrad H., “Die neuhumanistische Universität und die bürgerliche Gesellschaft, 1800–1870. Eine quantitative Untersuchung zur Sozialstruktur der Studentenschaften deutscher Universitäten,” in Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte der deursc hen Einheitsbewegung im neunzehnten und zwanzigsten Jahrhundert, Probst, Christian. ed. (Heidelberg, 1981).Google Scholar XL 11–58. See also Ringer, Fritz K.. Education and Society in Modern Europe (Bloomington, Indiana. 1978),Google Scholar especially 8–91 The opportunities for upward mobility in the clergy are emphasized in Gerth, Hans. Bürgerliche Intelligenz um 1800: zur Soziologie des Deutschen Frühliberalismus, Vol. XIX of Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft (Göttingen. 1976). 29–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ The various career patterns in the Protestant clergy are well represented in the sixty-six autobiographies and biographies spanning 1789 to 1796 in Allgeineines Magazin fir Prediger nach den Bedürfnissen unserer Zeit (cited hereafter as AMP). For other examples of the obscure pastors sons who ascended to prominent positions, see Spalding, Johann Joachim, Lebensbeschreibung von ihm selbst aufgesetzt (Halle. 1804).Google ScholarHorn, Franz Christoph. Friedrich Gedike: eine biographic (Berlin. 1808).Google Scholar

¹¹ Jakobi, Johann Friedrich, “Gedanken über die gewöhnliche Erziehung junger Geistlichen” Journal fir Prediger (Halle), 5 (1774), 58.Google Scholar

¹² Schulze, Johann Daniel, Stipendien-Lexikon von und für Deutschland, Pt. I (A-L) (Leipzig. 1805).Google Scholar is a useful catalog of the various kinds of support available to pupils and students. Further examples are in J, G, B, , “Beitrage zur Geschichte der milden Gestiffte fur Studirende,” Mogazin der Sü?hsischen Geschichte (1785), 300–308:Google Scholar (1786), 92–100. 266–78. 350–56. 472–80, 53141, 661–64: (1787), 66–80, 286–95, 350–55. 450–56. On the Karrende, see especially Mertz, Georg, Das Schulwesen der deutschen Reformation (Heidelberg. 1902), 433–36. 457–648.Google Scholar On the free tables, see especially Kius, Otto, “Das Stipendiatenwesen in Wittenberg und Jena unter der Ernestinem im 16. Jahrhundert.” Ilgen's Zeitscluift für die historische Theologie. 35 (1865). 96–159;Google ScholarAsche, Marta. “Das Konvikt an der Universität Helmstedt” Braunschweigisches Jalu buch. 47 (1966). 52–124.Google ScholarSiebenkees, Johann Christian, Abhandlumg von Stipendien wed den Rechten derselben (Nürnberg, 1786), is a useful but limited discussion of legal questions.Google Scholar

¹³ Kurtze Nachricht von dem Gegenwärtigen Zustande der Frev-Tische Auf der König. Preuss. Friedrichs-Universität in Halle (Halle, 1720), 2–4;Google ScholarDreyhaupt, , Diplomatisch-historische Beschreibung. II, 31–35;Google ScholarEckstein, , Chronik, 58–61.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Francke's report in 1698, in Kramer, Gustav, August Hermann Francke. Em n Lehensbild, 2 vols. (Halle, 1880–1882). I, 275–76;Google Scholar Francke's report in 1727, in Kramer, , August Hermann Francke, II, 486;Google ScholarFrancke, A. H., “Ubersicht der wichtigsten Verhältnisse der mit dem Waisenhause verbundenen Anstalten,”Google Scholar in ibid., 11 (Appendix), 504–8; Francke, A. H., Der von Gott in dem Wavsenhause cu Glancha an Halle ietzo bey nahe für- 600. Personen zubereitete Tisch (Halle, 1722), 5–24Google Scholar cited hereafter as Francke, , Tisch (1722).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Podczek, Otto, ed., Der Grosse Aufsatz: August Hermann Francke.s Schrift ?ber eine Reform des Erziehungs-und Bildungswesens als Ausgangspunkt einer geistlichen und sozialen Neuordnung der Evaiigelischen Kirche des 18. Jahrhunderts. Vol. LIII, pt. 3Google Scholar of Abhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Philologisch-historische Klasse (Berlin. 1962), 44–45, 133–34.Google Scholar

¹⁶ LP, I, 96.Google Scholar See also LP, I, 36–40, 58, 162–64, 193–214;Google ScholarLP, II. 132–33. 334;Google ScholarLP, IV, 151–52. 243;Google ScholarLP, V. 105–6.Google Scholar In Francke's own litany, debauchery broke down into “scuffling, duelling, fighting, brawling, gluttony, boozing, singing whore songs. Runda-singing. immoderate tobacco smoking, nocturnal revelling, and the like.” For background on the student subculture, see Tholuck, August. Das akademis-che Lehen des 17. Jahrhunderts mit besanderer Beziehung auf die protestantisch-thealagischen Fakultdten Deutschlands (Halle, 1853–1854). 266–73.Google Scholar

¹⁷ LP, V. 258–59. 287–89.Google Scholar

¹⁸ LP. VI, 21–23.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Francke, , Tiark (1722), 51.Google Scholar

²⁰ LP, II, 145–49;Google ScholarLP, III, 172–75;Google ScholarLP, IV, 77–87, 113;Google ScholarLP, VII. 150.Google Scholar

²¹ The complete text of Francke's conversion account, with useful editorial information, is in August Hermann Francke, Peschke, , ed., 5–29. See especially 23–24, 28–29.Google Scholar

²² LP, III, 18–19;Google ScholarLP, IV, 32–33, 111–12, 164.Google Scholar

²³ LP, I. 42, 130–34;Google ScholarLP, II, 33. 201–4;Google ScholarLP, III, 126–27;Google ScholarLP, IV, 118–44.Google Scholar On Luther's view of prayer. see especially Asheim, Ivar. Glaube und Erziehung bei Luther. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Verhältnisses von Theologie und Pädagogik (Heidelberg, 1961), 168–74.Google Scholar

²⁴ LP, IV, 21.Google Scholar

²⁵ LP, I, 127:Google ScholarLP, II, 179–83, 221–22, 272–73, 336;Google ScholarLP, V. 17;Google ScholarLP, VI. 24–26, 257;Google ScholarLP, VII, 136–37, 275, 305–6, 370–73.Google Scholar

²⁶ See, e.g., “Von der Menge der Studienden in Teutschland,” Hannoverisches Magazin, 1:100 (1763),Google Scholar 1585–1600; “Veber die zu grosse Anzahl der Studierenden,” Berlinische Monatsschift, 12:9 (09 1788), 251–64.Google Scholar For an excellent discussion of eighteenth-century views of poor students, with emphasis on opinion favoring a severe limitation of their numbers, see Hans Herrlitz, Georg, Studium als Standesprivileg: die Entstehung des Maturitätsproblems im 18. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt/Main, 1973).Google Scholar

²⁷ These stereotypical images are culled from a wide variety of eighteenth-century sources. For convenient catalogs of the most salient characteristics, see Fest, Johann Samuel, über die Vortheile und Gefahren der Armuth für Jünglinge auf den Academien, 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1785);Google ScholarKrause, Johann Christian Heinrich, Beantwortung der Frage: wer hat Beruf, em Gelehrter zu werden? 2 vols. (Bremen, 1787–1788).Google Scholar On tutoring, see especially the excellent introduction and selections in Fertig, Ludwig, Die Hofmeister. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Lehrersiandes und der burgerlichen Intelligenz (Stuttgart, 1979).Google Scholar But cf. –Roessler, Wilhelm, Die Entstehung des modernen Erziehungswesens in Deutschland (Stuttgart, 1961), 134–42.Google Scholar Even Francke, who had little patience with the snobbery of parents, complained in 1704 that the reputation of the university was being damaged by the kind of tutor who, reared in straitened circumstances and suddenly finding himself in “a genteel tutoring position (Condition),” got a swelled head and angered the house by flaunting his learning. LP, VII, 133–34.Google Scholar

²⁸ LP, I, 128–29.Google Scholar See also LP, II, 366–71;Google ScholarLP, IV, 77–87;Google ScholarLP, V. 318–19;Google ScholarLP, VI, 20.Google Scholar

²⁹ LP, IV, 114–15.Google Scholar

³⁰ In many cases, he noted, the father had made the decision, and with the sole thought that “other employments in the world are very uncertain but there has to be a pastor in almost every village.” For others, the “fleshly motive” was simply to avoid learning a manual trade regarded as “contemptible.” LP, V. 62–63.Google Scholar

³¹ LP, III, 247–55;Google ScholarLP, IV, 29–32;Google ScholarLP, V. 64–68.Google Scholar It is striking that Francke diverged here from Christian Kortholt, one of his former teachers, who had felt that such unsuitable candidates should be encouraged to leave the clergy. Peschke, , Bekehrung und Reform, 47–48.Google Scholar

³² LP, VI, 240–47;Google ScholarLP, VII. 312–13. 331–42.Google Scholar See also August Hermann Francke, Peschke, . ed. 188–89.Google Scholar On Luther's view of “Gaben,” see Lieberg, Hellmut, Amt und Ordination bei Luther und Melanchthon (Göttingen, 1962), 79–80.Google Scholar

³³ LP, IV, 50.Google Scholar

³⁴ LP, VII, 312.Google Scholar

³⁵ Turner, Ralph H., “Sponsored and Contest Mobility and the Social System,” American Sociological Review, 25:6 (12 1960), 856–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁶ Herrlitz, , Studium als Standesprivileg, 36–40, 57–59. 99–108.Google Scholar On the importance of the small-town Latin schools in Prussia, see Jeismann, Karl-Ernst. Das preussische Gymnasium in Staat und Gesellschaft. Die Entstehung des Gymnasiums als Schule des Staates und der Gebildeten, 1787–1817, Vol. XV of Industrielle Welt. Schriftenreihe des Arbeitskreises fOr moderne Sozialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 1974),Google Scholar especially 163–70. Turner considered the “monopoly of credentials” in sponsored mobility to be typical of “societies with well entrenched aristocracies” or of “societies organized on large-scale bureaucratic lines permitting centralized control of upward social movement.” Turner, , “Sponsored and Contest Mobility,” 858.Google Scholar But cf. the attempt to refine Turner's typology, by relating variations in the structures of educational systems to “particularist” and “universalistic” ideologies of selection, in Hopper, Earl, “Educational Systems and Selected Consequences of Patterns of Mobility and Non-mobility in Industrial Societies. A Theoretical Discussion,” in Knowledge, Education, and Cultural Change. Papers in the Sociology of Education, Brown, Richard, ed. (London, 1973), 17–69.Google Scholar

³⁷ In addition to the AMP cited in note 10, see, e.g., Blomberg, Wilhelm Frhrn. von, Das Leben Johann Friedrich Reinerts, zuletzt Direktors des Archi-Gymnasiums zu Soest (Lemgo, 1822);Google ScholarHeeren, A. H. L., Christian Gottlob Heyne, biographisch dargestellt (Gattingen, 1813),Google Scholar esp. 5–27; Christian Wolffs elgene Lebensbeschreibung, Wuttke, Heinrich, ed. (Leipzig, 1841), 111–12;Google ScholarLéon, Xavier, Fichte et son temps, 3 vols. (Paris, 1924–1927), I, 29–71.Google Scholar On the importance of patronage at the higher levels of the administrative and judicial bureaucracies, see Rosenberg, Hans, Bureaucracy, Aristocracy, and Autocracy: The Prussian Experience, 1660–1815 (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), especially 75–87, 178–81.Google Scholar

³⁸ Schütz, Christian Gottfried, Geschichte des Erziehungsinstituts bei dem theol. Seminarium zu Halle (Jena, 1781), n. pag.Google Scholar

³⁹ LP, III, 372–75;Google ScholarLP. V. 157–58;Google ScholarLP, VII, 138–39.Google Scholar On the vocatio mediata, see especially Lieberg, , Amt und Ordination, 143–45.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ LP, IV, 44–46.Google Scholar

⁴¹ LP, V, 69–73.Google Scholar

⁴² LP, IV, 87, 103.Google Scholar See also LP, I, 171;Google ScholarLP, VII, 300–304.Google Scholar

⁴³ LP, III, 291.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Peschke, , Bekehrung and Reform, 39–40, 142–44. My reading of Francke's theology, it should be stressed, is limited to the Lectures, which may exaggerate his faithfulness to Luther. In the most thorough and careful treatment of the subject, Peschke characterizes Franke's thought as “einem eigenuilligen Lutherverstandnis,” corresponding considerably to Luther's intentions in the “formale Ansatz der Gedankenführung” but often diverging from them in the “inhaltiliche Durchführung.”Google ScholarIbid., 148–49.

⁴⁵ Francke, A. H., “Project zu einem Seminario universali.” in Kramer, August Hermann Francke, II (Appendix), 489–96.Google ScholarPodczek, , Der Grosse Aufsatz, is a careful edition of the 1704Google Scholar draft and subsequent revisions. See also Hinrichs, . Preussentum Lind Pietismus. especially 47–65.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Luther, Martin, “A Sermon on Keeping Children in School, 1530,” in The Christian in Society (pt. 3), Vol. XLVIGoogle Scholar of Luther's Works (Philadelphia, 1967). 222–23, 229–36.Google Scholar See also idem, “To the Councilmen of All Cities in Germany That They Establish and Maintain Christian Schools, 1524,” in The Christian in Society (pt. 2), Vol. XLVGoogle Scholar of Luther's Works (Philadelphia, 1962), 347–78.Google ScholarStrauss, Gerald, Luther's House of Learning. Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation (Baltimore, 1978), 24–25, 44, 177–79,Google Scholar concentrates on popular education, but notes views similar to Luther's among other reformers. Strauss also demonstrates that the humanist tradition had some influence on Protestant pedagogy—-although reformers incorporated it at the cost of tension with their evangelical morality. Ibid., 48–70.

⁴⁷ See, e.g., Luther's Works, XLVI, 250–51.Google Scholar See also the remarks on Luther's view of the social order and social mobility in Spitz, Lewis W., “Luther's Social Concern for Students,” in The Social History of the Reformation, Buck, Lawrence P. and Zophy, Jonathan W.. eds. (Columbus, Ohio, 1972), 258–62.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Kramer, , August Hermann Francke, II, 486;Google ScholarNiemeyer, August Hermann, Geschichte des königlihen Pädagogiums seit seiner Stifiung his zum Schluss des ersten Jahrhunderts (Halle, 1796).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Deppermann, , Der hallesnhe Pietismus, 89–90;Google ScholarKramer, . Francke. II (Appendix). 507.Google Scholar For descriptions of the entire complex, see Oschlies, , Arheits-und Berufspädagogik. 16–21, 41;Google ScholarHinrichs, , Preussentum und Pietismus.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The best theological explication of Luther's doctrine of vocation is still Wingren, Gustaf. Luther on Vocation, Rasmussen, Carl C., trans. (Philadelphia, 1957).Google Scholar See also Asheim, . Glaube und Erzieluang bei Luther;Google ScholarLieberg, , Amt und Ordination.Google Scholar

⁵¹ This increasing concern to restore authority is emphasized in Strauss, , Luther's House of Learning.Google Scholar

⁵² Kramer, , Francke, II (Appendix), 489–90;Google ScholarPodczek, , Der Grosse Aufsatz, 43. 70–76.Google Scholar

⁵³ Walzer, Michael, The Revolution of the Saints. A Study in the Origins af Radical Politics (New York, 1970), 210–11. See also Walzer's comments on the Puritan attitude toward social mobility (p. 215).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ LP, IV, 4–76;Google ScholarA. H. Francke. Pädagogische Schriften, Lorenzen, Hermann, ed. (Paderborn, 1957),Google Scholar especially 32. “When I begrudge someone an hour of my life,” Francke warned students who might want a private consultation with him, “I consider that I am extending him a great gift.” On Francke's view of work and Beruf see also Hinrichs, . Preussentum und Pietismus, 13–15, 342–45;Google ScholarOschlies, , Arbeits-und Berufspädagogik, especially 198–206.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ The rationalistic influence of seventeenth-century academies and utopian literature is given due emphasis in Hinrichs, , Preussentum und Pietismus, especially 45.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ A. H. Francke. Pddagogische Schrifren, Lorenzen, , ed., 15. 30–33. 45–47.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid., 17, 40–41. 51, 83.

⁵⁸ Oschlies, , Arbeits-und Berufspadagogik, 124–27;Google ScholarHinrichs, , Preussentuin und Pietismus, 65.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ In his magisterial study, Carl Hinrichs sees Halle Pietism as a cultural bridge for an ideal of rational progress, rooted in the utopian literature of the seventeenth century and assuming its modern, secular form in Enlightenment optimism. Hinrichs's detailed analysis of Francke's reform projects is not matched by due attention to the inner spirituality that was supposed to impel them. To scholars who have focussed on the psychological dynamics of conversion. Francke's Pietism, like other varieties, prepared the way for a fascination with the self and individual psychology at the end of the century. See, e.g., Stemme, Fritz, “Die Säkularisation des Pietismus zur Erfahrungsseelenkunde.” Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, 72, Heft 2 (1953), 144–58.Google Scholar Other important studies of Pietist influence are Kaiser, Gerhard, Pietismus und Patriotismus im literarischen Deutschland. Ein Beitrag zum Problem der Säkularisation (Wiesbaden, 1961).Google ScholarMinder, Robert, Glaube, Skepsis und Rationalismus. Dargestellt aufgrund der autohiographischen Schriften von Karl Philipp Moritz (1936; Frankfurt/Main, 1974).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Michaelson, Robert S., “Changes in the Puritan Concept of Calling or Vocation,” The New England Quarterly, 26 (06 1953). 315–36;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDouglas, , “Talent and Vocation.” 295–98.Google Scholar To judge by an excellent study of the Mathers, the evolution of Puritanism in New England was more complex. Cotton Mather, who was Francke's contemporary and conducted a correspondence with him, advocated an “American Pietism” which was open to “secular” trends in some respects but placed increasing emphasis on man's natural depravity and total helplessness in the conversion process. Middlekauf, Robert, The Mathers. Three Generations of Puritan Intellectuals, 1596–1728 (New York. 1971), especially 191–319.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Parsons, Talcott. trans. (New York. 1976),Google Scholar especially 132–39. For a corrective interpretation of Puritanism, see especially Walzer, , Revolution of the Saints;Google Scholar item. “Puritanism as a Revolutionary Ideology,” in The Protestant Ethic and Modern?atmon. A Comparative View, Eisenstadt, S. N., ed. (New York. 1968), 109–34.Google Scholar On the difference between Halle Pietism and Weber's version of Puritanism, see also Hinrichs, , Preussentum und Pietismns, especially 12. 342–51.Google Scholar

⁶² All of these differences informed divergent views of the relationship between “nature” and “art” (Kunst) in pedagogy. See especially Dohmen, Günther, Die Entstehung des pädagogischen Bildungsbegriffs und seines Bezugs zum Schuhmterrieht, Vol. II of Biltung und Schule, (Weinheim, 1965).Google Scholar

⁶³ See. e.g., Dommerich, M. Jo. Cph., “Gedanken von besserer Einrichtung der Lebensart junger Leute, zum Nutzen der Republik,”Google Scholar reprinted in Krünitz, Johann Georg. “Lebens-Art,” Oekonomisch-technologische Encvklopädie, 67 (1795), 88–99;Google ScholarBöttiger, Carl August, Ueber die besten Minel die Studliersuch derer, die zum Studieren Keinen Beruf haben, zu hemmen (Leipzig, 1789),Google Scholar especially 69–93; Villaume, Peter, “Ob und inwiefern bei der Erziehung die Vollkommenheit des einzelnen Menschen seiner Brauchbarkeit aufzuopfern sei?” in Bildung iind Brauchbarkeit. Texie von Joachim Heinrich Campe und Peter Villaume zur utilitärer Erziehung, Blankertz, Herwig, ed. (Braunschweig, 1965), 106–7Google Scholar (orig. pub. in Allgeineine Revision des gesammten Schul-und Erziehungsuesens, Campe, Joachim Heinrich. ed.. Vol. III (1785)).Google Scholar See also the excellent discussion of Friedrich Gedike's “progressive” reform thought in Müller, Detlef K., Sozialstruktur und Schulsystem: Aspekte zum Strukturwandel des Schulwesens im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1977), 98–109.Google Scholar For a suggestive discussion of the psychology of individual achievement among sons of the upper bourgeoisie, contrasted with the collective mentality of the lower bourgeoisie. see Schlumbohm, Jurgen, “‘Traditional’ Collectivity and ‘Modem’ Individuality: Some Questions and Suggestions for the Historical Study of Socialization. The Example of the German Lower and Upper Bourgeoisies around 1800.” Social History, 5:1 (01 1980), 71–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁴ Moritz, Karl Philipp. Anton Reiser. Em psvchologischer Roman (1785–1790; Frankfurt/Main, 1979).Google Scholar See also the fragments of Moritz's diary published in Gnothi sauton: oder, Maga:in zur Erfahrungsseelenkunde, 7:3 (1789), 25–52.Google Scholar The detailed correspondences between the Roman and Moritz's life have been demonstrated in Eybisch, Hugo, Anton Reiser. Untersuchungen zur Lebensgeschichte von K. Ph. Moritz und our Kritik seiner Autobiographic, (Leipzig, 1909).Google Scholar For a more general discussion of Moritz's relationship to Pietism, rich in insights, see Minder, . Glaube, Skepsis und Rationalismus,Google Scholar especially 118–81. On the social aspects of his work, see especially Grolimund, Josef, Dos Menschenbild in den autob??graphischen Schriften Karl Philipp Moritz (Zürich, 1967);Google ScholarBoulby, Mark, Karl Philipp Moritz. At the Fringe of Genois (Toronto, 1979), 35–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁵ See, e.g., Eckermann, J. C. R.. “Ueber die Erziehung der Kinder in Beziehung auf die Wahl ihres künftigen Standes,”Google Scholar in idem.Kleine vermischte Schriften, 2 vois. (Altona. 1799). II. 143–206;Google Scholar“Beruff,” Grosses volistdndiges Universal Lexicon Aller Wissenschaften und Künste, Zedler, Johann Heinrich, ed., 3 (1733), 1449 51;Google Scholar “Lebens-Art,” ibid., 16 (1737), 1272–77: Krünitz, , “Lebens-Art”: Böttiger, Ueher die besten Mittel. 29–45;Google ScholarKrause, . Beantwortung der Frage: iver hat Beruj, ein Gelehrter zu werden?Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See. e.g., Büsching, Anton Friedrich, Ausführliche Nachricht von der jetzigen Verfassung des berlinischen Gvnnnasii (Berlin, 1768);Google ScholarGedike, Friedrich, “Praktische Beitrag zur Methodik des öffentlichen Schulunterrichts,”Google Scholar in idem.Gesammlete Schulschriften, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1789 1795), I. 75–157.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See espcially LP, I, 241–45, 302–7;Google ScholarLP, II, 160, 340–41;Google ScholarLP, III, 191–93, 291;Google ScholarLP, VII, 124–25, 305–15.Google Scholar Cotton Mather, who was particularly aware of this tension, rejected the prevailing “preparationist” approach to conversion on the grounds that its preparatory stages admitted human merit in the guise of “psychological ‘works,’ accomplished by the self.” Middlekauf, , The Machers, esp. 233–46.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See, e.g., Fest, , über die Vortheile und Gefahren der Armuth,Google Scholar especially 10–33; Eyring, Jeremias Nicolaus, Gedanken zur Vertheidigung derer die ohne Reichthurn studiren (Göttingen, 1761),Google Scholar especially 23–24; Büsching, Anton Friedrich, “Beantwortung der Frage: Wer soll studieren,” Archiv für die ausubedde Erziehungskunst, I (1784), 191–92:Google ScholarBöttiger, , Ueber die besten Mittel, 56–57.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Moritz, , Anton Reiser, 20–21.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Jung-Stilling, Johann Heinrich, Heinrich Stiflings Jugend. Jünglingsjahre. Wanderschaft und häusliches Leben, Cunz, Dieter, ed. (Stuttgart, 1969),Google Scholar esp. 209–12, 232–33. See also Günther, Hans R. G., Jung-Stilling. Em n Beitrag zur Psychologie des Pietismus. 2d ed. (Munich. 1948).Google Scholar

⁷¹ Büsching, Anton Friedrich, Eigene Lebensgeschichte (Halle, 1789),Google Scholar especially 36–63. 71–78, 89–94, 99, 102–8. One advantage of private tutoring, Büsching had noted in his handbook on the subject, was “an acquaintance with various people … of whom divine providence will make use for further advancement of [the tutor's] exterior welfare.” Idem, Grundas efnes Unterrichts wie besondere Lehrer und Hofmester der Kinder und Jünglinge sich pf chtmeissig, wohlanständig und klüglich verhalten müssen (Altana, 1760), 25, 48, 29–36.Google Scholar

⁷² See, e.g., the life histories in AMP, 4:2 (1790), 216–24Google ScholarPubMed (Christian Wilhelm Gemler); AMP, 3:6(1790). 634–36Google ScholarPubMed (Karl Christian Tittmann); AMP, 11:4 (1795), 83–94Google ScholarPubMed (Johann Samuel Fest): AMP, 6 (1798), 241–47Google ScholarPubMed (Samuel Friedrich Nathanael Morus); AMP. 11:5 (1795), 97–112Google ScholarPubMed (Johann Wilhelm Schmid); AMP, 7:4 (1792), 456–90Google Scholar (Heinrich Gottlieb Zerenner). See also Spalding, Johann Salomo, Lebensbeschreibung,Google Scholar especially 130–33; Semler, , Lebensbeschreibung (Halle, 1781),Google Scholar especially 295–98. See also background on the view of conversion in the Enlightenment in Schings, Hans-Jurgen, Melancholie und Aufklärung (Stuttgart, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷³ Moritz, , Anton Reiser, especially 161–67. It is perhaps no accident that Anton incurs disapproval by nearly tearing a page in Cicero's De Officiis, one of the more important classical treatises arguing for the cultivation of natural talent.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Jeismann, , Das preussische Gymnasium, 156–62;Google ScholarHerlitz, , Studium als Standesprivileg, 99–108.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See, e.g., Lachmann, Carl Ludwig Friedrich, Ueber die Umschaffung vieler unzweekmässigen so genannten lateinischen Schulen in zweckmässig eingerichtete Bürgerschulen (Berlin, 1800), 75–77, 124–29;Google ScholarGedike, Friedrich, “Ueber Berlin. Zwei und zwangzigster Brief,” Berlinische Monatsschrft, 4:10 (10 1784), 341–44.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See, e.g., “Ueber die Göttlichkeit des Rufs eines evangelischen Lehrers zum Predigtamt,” Journal für Prediger, 12 (1782), 264–65, 286–89, 296–303;Google ScholarGlörfeld, Christian Benedickt, “Ueber die dem Landpredigerstande eigenen Uebel und deren Abhelfung,” Journal für Prediger, 18:4 (1787), 416–18, 440–41.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Typical in this regard is the hair-splitting essay that Peter Villaume, a Reformed clergyman and professor in the Joachimsthal Gymnasium in Berlin, devoted to reconciling the individual's right to “realization of his powers” with the state's expectation of “usefulness” from its subjects. Villaume, “Ob und inwiefern bei der Erziehung,” 106–7, 136. See also Krünitz, , “Lebens-Art,” 31–33, 57, 82–87.Google Scholar In his university lectures at Jena, Fichte avoided the usual étatisme only by transferring the overriding concern with the public welfare from the state to the individual conscience and subjecting the conscience to an extraordinarily rigorous standard, very reminiscent of Francke's ethic. While the choice of an occupation should be “a choice through freedom,” it must be made Out of a sense of duty to “the goal of reason in human society,” and not to satisfy “natural preferences and inclination.” Fichte, , Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Series I, Vol. III (Werke, 1794–1796).(1966), 46–49; Series I, Vol. V (Werke, 1798–99).(1977), 285–317.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See, e.g., Böttiger, , Ueber die besten Mittel,Google Scholar esp. 4–17; Ehlers, Martin, “Von der bey Zulassung und Beförderung der Jugend zum Studiren nöthigen Behutsamkeit,”Google Scholar in idem, Sammlung kleiner das Schul-und Erziehungswesen betreffender Schriften (Flensburg, 1776), 1–21;Google ScholarLachman, . Ueber die Umschaffung, 6–8, 35–38;Google ScholarLieberkühn, Philipp Julius, Kleine Schriften. Gedike, Friedrich Gottlob Ernst, ed. (Züllichau, 1791), 282–99.Google Scholar