¹ These figures should be considered approximations, since there is variation from source to source in reported magnitudes. The size and population figures are from the World Almanac and Book of Facts, 1973 Edition (New York: Newspaper Enterprise Association, 1972), pp. 542–617.Google Scholar The rural percentages are calculated from the 1970 estimates of rural and urban population in Statistical Office of the United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Yearbook, 1972 (New York: United Nations, 1973), pp. 80–8.Google Scholar The area farmed figures are from the following sources: (a) for Tanzania, Tanzania, Statistical Abstract, 1965 (Dar es Salaam: Government Printer, 1967),Google Scholar Table A.3; (b) for China, Chen, Nai-Ruenn, Chinese Economic Statistics, A Handbook for Mainland China (Chicago: Aldine, 1967),Google Scholar Table 5.1 (estimated from the 1957 figure of 111,830 hectares); (c) for the U.S.S.R., Paxton, John, ed., The Statesman's Year-book, 1972, 1973 (London: Macmillan, 1972), p. 1407;Google Scholar and (d) for Mexico, Exterior, Banco Nacional de Comercio, S.A., Mexico 1970, Facts, Figures and Trends (Mexico, 1970), p. 63Google Scholar (1960 figure). The estimates for the percentage in collective farms were derived from sources given for Figure 1, footnote 16.

² Cunningham, Griffiths, “The Ruvuma Development Association, an Independent Critique,” Mbioni, Vol. III, No. II (06 1966), p. 47.Google Scholar

³ Ibbott, Ralph, “The Ruvuma Development Association,” Mbioni, Vol. III, No. II (06 1966), p. 14.Google Scholar

⁴ Nyerere, Julius K., “Socialism and Rural Development,” Nyerere, Freedom and Socialism (Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 337–66.Google Scholar “Post- Arusha” refers to the important ideological statement, the Arusha Declaration, issued in early 1967.

⁵ Special Correspondent, “Socialist Land Reform in Tanzania,” The African Communist, No. 45 (Second Quarter 1971), p. 75,,Google Scholar and the percentage of Ujamaa villages registered as multi-purpose producer cooperatives was 3.57 in 1972 and 6.08 in 1973, Daily News (Dar as Salaam), 21 06 1972Google Scholar and Sunday News (Dar es Salaam), 1 06 1973, respectively.Google Scholar

⁶ Approximately 5% of the land, though, is in state farms according to Deleyne, Jan, The Chinese Economy (London: Andre Deutsch, 1973), p. 84.Google Scholar

⁷ This is not to say there was no resistance. See, for example, Wilson's, DickAnatomy of China, Second Revised Edition (New York: Mentor, 1969), pp. 28–30.Google Scholar But “voluntarism” was more frequently involved than violence in inducing compliance to government and Party decisions in China. See Vogel, Ezra F., “Voluntarism and Social Control,” Treadgold, Donald, ed., Soviet and Chinese Communism, Similarities and Differences (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967), pp. 168–84.Google Scholar

⁸ Vasilyev, V., “The Socialization of Agriculture in Russia,” Soviet Russia, Vol. II, No. 20 (06 1920), p. 493.Google Scholar

⁹ Stalin, J. V., “Dizzy With Success, Concerning Questions of the Collective-Farm Movement,” Stalin, Works, Vol. XII (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1955), pp. 197–205.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Conquest, Robert, Agricultural Workers in the U.SJS.R. (New York: Praeger, 1968), pp. 28–30.Google Scholar

¹² Only about 3.2% of the sown land in the U.S.S.R. in 1969 was under private cultivation. See Wadekin, Karl-Eugen, The Private Sector in Soviet Agriculture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p. 45.Google Scholar

¹³ In Landsberger, Henry and Alcantara, Cynthia Hewitt de, “From Violence to Pressure-Group Politics and Cooperation: a Mexican Study,” Worsley, Two Blades of Grass (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1971), p. 294,Google Scholar an ejido is defined as “the basic, collective, land-holding unit in the Mexican agricultural reform system, as the ownership of land is not given to the individual campesino but to the ejido....”

¹⁴ Simpson, Eyler N., The Ejido, Mexico's Way Out (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1967), p. 75.Google Scholar

¹⁵ This figure is given for 1950 by Jensen, J. Granville, “The Ejido in Mexico, A Contrast in Land Tenure,” Highsmith, Richard, Jr., ed., Case Studies in World Geography: Occupance and Economy Types (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1961), p. 20.Google Scholar A figure of 3.2% for 1960 is given by Chevalier, Francois, “The Ejido and Political Stability in Mexico,” Veliz, , ed., The Politics of Conformity in Latin America (J-ondon: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 159.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The Tanzanian figures were calculated from total rural population and Ujamaa village population. The former was determined from the 1967 census data given in Tanzania, Background to the Budget, 1968/69 (Dar es Salaam: Government Printer, 1968), pp. 103–5,Google Scholar as follows: yearly population changes were assumed to be at the rate of 3.1% (i.e., the average annual increase in the population since the 1957 census) and the rural proportion was assumed to be 93% (the % urbanized in 1967 was 6.2%). The Ujamaa village population was taken from the following sources: for 1969 and 1970, Ellman, A. O., “Progress, Problems and Prospects in Ujamaa Development in Tanzania,” paper delivered at the East African Economic Society Conference,Dar es Salaam,march 31 to April 4, 1970, mimeo., p. 4; for 1971Google Scholar, Odede, S. O., “Some Notes on Tanzania Rural Development Strategy: A Case of Vijiji Vya Ujamaa of Tanga Region,” in Kampe, M. I. and Smith, L. D., eds., Strategies for Improving Rural Welfare, Occasional Paper No. 4, Institute for Development Studies, University of Nairobi, 1971, p. 1;Google Scholar for 1972, Daily News (Dar es Salaam), 21 06 1972;Google Scholar and for 1973, Exhibit of the Office of the Prime Minister and the Second Vice President of Tanzania at the 1973 Saba Saba Fair, Dar es Salaam which are repeated in the Sunday News (Dar es Salaam), 1 July 1973, except the figure for Kilimanjaro Region is five more. The China data were determined from basic data in Walker, Kenneth R., Planning in Chinese Agriculture, Socialization and the Private Sector, 1956–1962 (Chicago: Aldine, 1963), p. 14;Google ScholarWalker, Kenneth R., “Collectivization in Retrospect: the ‘Socialist High Tide’ of Autumn 1955-Spring 1956,” The China Quarterly, No. 26 (03–06 1966), p. 35;Google Scholar and adjusted for the state farms noted in Deleyne, , op. cit., p. 84.Google Scholar The Soviet figures for 1927–35 are from Volin, Lazar, “Agrarian Collectivism in the Soviet Union I,” The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. XLV, No. 5 (10. 1937), p. 615;Google Scholar those for 1940–68 and estimates to 1973 are based on Stuart, Robert C., The Collective Farm in Soviet Agriculture (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1972), p. 3.Google Scholar In mid-1930 a brief relaxation in the collectivization drive brought a substantial exodus of members according to Conquest, op. cit., p. 24.Google Scholar The Mexican figures for 1930, 1940, 1950 and 1960 are calculated from Dovring, Folke, “Land Reform and Productivity in Mexico,” Land Economics, Vol. XLVI, No. 3 (08. 1970), p. 264CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Chevalier, Francois, op. cit., p. 177.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Nyerere, , op. cit., pp. 137–9.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Nyerere, Julius K., “Introduction,” Nyerere, Freedom and Socialism (Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Raid, J., “Ujamaa, Problems of Implementation (Experiences from West Lake),” BRALUP, Research Report No. 10 (06 1970), pp. 24–5.Google Scholar

²⁰ Mushi, A. Sangale, “The Problems of Starting Ujamaa Villages in Kilimanjaro District,” Institute of Adult Education, University of Dar es Salaam, Diploma Course 1971/72, Specialized Studies, mimeo., p. 3.Google Scholar

²¹ Kavura, Dicky, “Problems and Prospects of Establishing Ujamaa Villages in Kibondo District,” University of Dar es Salaam, n.d., mimeo., p. 5.Google Scholar

²² Kazimoto, A. A., “Prospects for Building Ujamaa Villages,” Mbioni, Vol. V, No. 3, pp. 3–12.Google Scholar

²³ Kisula, P. A., “Prospects of Building Ujamaa Villages in Mwanza District,” Political Science Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam, March 1973, mimeo., p. 3.Google Scholar Mushi makes a similar implication when he states that the President was calling for rural development “by ‘traditionalizing’ the structural and organizational aspects of rural life” in “Modernization by Traditionalization: Ujamaa Principles Revisited,” Taamuli, Vol. I, No. 2 (03 1971), pp. 13–29.Google Scholar

²⁴ Geoffrey Shillinglaw, “Traditional Rural Cooperation and Social Structure: the Communist Chinese Collectivization of Agriculture,” Worsley, , op. cit., pp. 142–3.Google Scholar

²⁵ Schurmann, Franz, Ideology and Organization in Communist China, Second Edition, Enlarged (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), p. 413.Google Scholar

²⁶ In areas of Great Russian settlement the fields were periodically redivided among households. Wesson, , op. cit., p. 42.Google Scholar

²⁷ Blanc, Elsie Terry, Cooperative Movement in Russia (New York: Macmillan, 1924), p. 17.Google Scholar

²⁸ Lee, Frederic E., The Russian Cooperative Movement (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1920), pp. 7–8;Google Scholar and Bubnoff, J. V., The Cooperative Movement in Russia: Its History, Significance, and Character (Manchester: Cooperative Printing Society, 1917), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

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³² Ibid., p. 15.

³³ Shillinglaw, , op. cit., p. 156.Google Scholar

³⁴ Wesson, , op. cit., p. 45.Google Scholar

³⁵ Infield, Henrik F. and Freier, Koka, People in Ejidos, A Visit to the Cooperative Farms of Mexico (New York: Praeger, 1954), p. 16.Google Scholar

³⁶ The term “land reform” is used here to refer to the removal of lands from the control of large landowners.

³⁷ The blurred division between land reform and collectivization in Tanzania is illustrated by the title to an article of Ujamaa villages, “Socialist Land Reform in Tanzania.” See Special Correspondent, op. cit., pp. 71–84.Google Scholar

³⁸ Wilson, , op. cit., p. 25.Google Scholar

³⁹ Nove, Alec, “Collectivization of Agriculture in Russia and China,” Szczepanik, (ed.), Symposium on Economic and Social Problems of the Far East (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1962), p. 17.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid., p. 18.

⁴¹ Ibid., 16.

⁴² Ellman, , op. cit., p. 2Google Scholar, summarizes several of these economic and socio-political objectives.

⁴³ From mimeographed student reports on visits to Ujamaa villages, Institute of Adult Education, University of Dar es Salaam.

⁴⁴ Cooperative Education Centre, Cooperative Union of Tanganyika, Ujamaa Vijijini, Barua 1 (Moshi: CUT, n.d.), pp. 6–7.Google Scholar To promote equality and thwart the development of rural classes is also a prime objective as specified by Nyerere in “Socialism and Rural Development,” op. cit., p. 348.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Lewin, Roger and Cunningham, Griffiths, “The Prospects for Ujamaa Villages,” Svendsen, and Teisen, , eds., Self-Reliant Tanzania (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1969), p. 275,Google Scholar and Special Correspondent, op. cit., p. 74.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ From mimeographed student reports on visits to Ujamaa villages, Institute of Adult Education, University of Dar es Salaam.

⁴⁷ Chuo Cha Elimu ya Ushirika, “Vijiji vya Ujamaa, Mafunzo Maalum Kwa Vikundi Vya Kujifunza, 1972” (Moshi: Chuo Cha Ushirika, 1972), mimeo., p. 7.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ Walker, , Planning in Chinese Agriculture, Socialization and the Private Sector, 1962, op. cit., p. 7.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Shivji, Issa G., “Tanzania: The Class Struggle Continues,” Development Studies, University of Dar es Salaam, 1973, mimeo., pp. 46–99;Google ScholarNgotyana, B., “The Strategy of Rural Development, Tanzania's Second Five-Year Plan,” The African Communist, No. 39 (4th Quarter 1969), p. 31;Google Scholar and Odede, , op. cit., p. 307.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Nyerere, , “Socialism and Rural Development,” op. cit., pp. 342–4.Google Scholar

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⁶² Nyerere, Julius K., “After the Arusha Declaration,” Nyerere, Freedom and Socialism (Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 407.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Ibid., p. 19.

⁶⁵ Infield, and Freier, , op. cit., p. 16.Google Scholar

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⁶⁸ Chamber's, Robert review of Building Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania by Proctor, J. H., ed. (Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House, 1971), Taamuli, Vol. II, No. 2 (06 1972), p. 65.Google Scholar In 1967 the police force on the mainland numbered only 6,639 and the army between 4 and 5,000, according to Herrick, Allison Butler et al. , Area Handbook for Tanzania (Washington: Superintendent of Documents, 1968), pp. 442 & 449.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Odede, , op cit., p. 303,Google Scholar and Ellman, , op. cit., pp. 6–7,Google Scholar indicate the variety of approaches used.

⁷⁰ For example, Hill, Frances R., “Mobilization and Participation in Tanzania,” unpublished Harvard Ph.D. thesis in political science, 08 1973, p. 378;Google ScholarChale, , op. cit., p. 21;Google Scholar and Odele, , op. cit., p. 302.Google ScholarJames, R. W. in “Implementing the Arusha Declaration—the Role of the Legal System,” University of Dar es Salaam, n.d., mimep.,Google Scholar observes that when the law gets in the way of an act whose purpose is to establish an Ujamaa village, the law is disregarded.

⁷¹ Walker, , “Collectivization in Retrospect: the 'Socialist High Tide' of Autumn 1955–Spring 1956,” op. cit., p. 6.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ Shrivji, , op. cit., p. 100.Google Scholar An example of this situation is provided by pictures on the front of a series of pamphlets designed to teach people about Ujamaa villages. They show a “city-dressed” Tanzanian going to poor peasants and telling them about the glories of Ujamaa villages. See Cooperative Education Centre, op. cit., cover.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ Conquest, , op. cit., p. 20.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ For example, ibid., and Yaney, , op. cit., p. 31.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ The PNR was established in 1929; it became the PMR (Party of the Mexican Revolution) in 1938 and the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) in 1946.

⁸⁸ Padget, L. Vincent, The Mexican Political System (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), pp. 110–12.Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ Ibid., pp. 330–1.

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¹⁰² Walker, , Planning in Chinese Agriculture, Socialization and the Private Sector, 1956–1962, op. cit., p. 93.Google Scholar

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