¹ Dedeoğlu, Çağdas, “The Modern Is Not Secular: Mapping the Idea of Secularism in the Works of Steve Bruce, Charles Taylor, and Talal Asad,” in Ünsar, Seda and Ünal Eriş, Özgür, eds., Revisiting Secularism in Theory and Practice: Genealogy and Cases (Cham: Springer, 2020), 107 Google Scholar; Jose Casanova, “Secularization,” International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, vol. 21, James D. Wright, ed. (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2015), 384; Swatos, William H. Jr. and Christiano, Kevin J., “Secularization Theory: The Course of a Concept,” Sociology of Religion 60, 3 (1999): 209–28, 219CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³ Taylor, Charles, A Secular Age (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 3Google Scholar.

⁴ Müller, Tobias, “Secularisation Theory and Its Discontents: Recapturing Decolonial and Gendered Narratives. Debates on Jörg Stolz’s article on Secularization Theories in the 21^st Century: Ideas, Evidence, and Problems,” Social Compass 67, 2 (2020): 315–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 318.

⁵ T. N. Madan, Modern Myths, Locked Minds: Secularism and Fundamentalism in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), 6. See also Lewis, Bernard, What Went Wrong? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 96–97 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷ Josephson, Jason Ananda, The Invention of Religion in Japan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 251 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹ Goossaert, Vincent, “Republican Church Engineering: The National Religious Associations in 1912 China,” in Yang, Mayfair Mei-hui, ed., Chinese Religiosities: Afflictions of Modernity and State Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 209–32Google Scholar; Poon, Shuk Wah, Negotiating Religion in Modern China: State and Common People in Guangzhou, 1900–1937 (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2011)Google Scholar; Nedostup, Rebecca, Superstitious Regimes: Religion and the Politics of Chinese Modernity (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2009)Google Scholar.

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¹¹ See, for example, Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993); Jonathan Z. Smith, “Religion, Religions, Religious,” in Mark C. Taylor, ed., Critical Terms for Religious Studies (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1998), 269–84; David Chidester, Empire of Religion: Imperialism and Comparative Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013); Catherine Bell, “Paradigms behind (and before) the Modern Concept of Religion,” History and Theory 45, 4 (2006): 27–46.

¹² Romain Bertrand, L’Histoire à parts égals: Récit d’une rencontre, Orient-Occident (XVI^e–XVII^e siècle) (Paris: Seuil, 2011).

¹³ Ricci, Matteo, China in the Sixteenth Century: The Journals of Matthew Ricci, 1583–1610, Nicolas Trigault, trans . (New York: Random House, 1953), 82–86 Google Scholar, 93–105.

¹⁴ Goossaert, Vincent, “The Concept of Religion in China and the West,” Diogenes 52, 1 (2005): 13–20, 13–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁶ Hsi-yuan Chen, “Confucianism Encounters Religion: The Formation of Religious Discourse and the Confucian Movement in Modern China” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1999), 1.

¹⁷ Hsia, R. Po-Chia, A Jesuit in the Forbidden City: Matteo Ricci 1552–1610 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 92–93 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁹ Liu, Yu, “The Dubious Choice of an Enemy: The Unprovoked Animosity of Matteo Ricci against Buddhism,” European Legacy 20, 3 (2015): 224–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²¹ Matteo Ricci, Tianzhu shiyi (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), 1603, cited in Carl S. Kilcourse, Taiping Theology: The Location of Christianity in China, 1843–64 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 31.

²² Kilcourse, Taiping Theology, 32.

²³ Pingyi, Chu, “Piwang xingmi: Ming Qing zhiji de Tianzhujiao yu mixinzhi jiaogou (Enlightening the deluded and awakening the bewildered: Christianity and the term minxin in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century China),” Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica 84, 4 (2013): 695–752 Google Scholar, 719.

²⁴ Ko-wu, Huang, “Zhongguo jindai sixiang zhong de mixin (Mixin in modern Chinese thoughts),” Higashiajia niokeru chiteki kōryū: kī konseputo no sai kentō 44 (2013): 185–200, 190 Google Scholar.

²⁵ Ibid. These translations are not literal, since the Chinese words and their translations are embedded in two different cultural, sociopolitical, and even legal contexts that also evolved over time. Although I translate yiduan as heresy, the two terms are not absolutely commensurable. For the discussion in this section, it is sufficient to say that yiduan was a common condemnation of practices, beliefs, and doctrines strongly at variance with Confucian teachings during the imperial era. Nevertheless, the Ming-Qing Christian communities began to regard yiduan as Christian branches with distinct theologies from the one they personally followed. In other words, yiduan was believed to originate from within the Christian orthodoxy but had to be denounced to solidify the latter. As such, Catholics and Protestants could discredit each other as followers of yiduan, whereas for anti-Christian Confucians of the time, both Catholicism and Protestantism constituted yiduan. During the Republican period, the dominant scientific discourse belittled religions and popular folk beliefs as remnants of China’s “feudal” past and, consequently, as superstitious. As a result, this rhetorical strategy was adopted by other religious believers who sought to distinguish themselves from followers of superstition by denouncing heterodox rituals and affirming the benefits that religion could bring to society. See Chu Ping-yi, “Zhengjiao yu yiduan: Ming, Qing shiqi ‘Da Qin Jingjiao liuxing Zhongguo bei’ de zhushu yanjiu’ (Orthodoxy and heresy: exegeses of the Nestorian Stele in the Ming and Qing dynasties),” Bulletin of Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 91, 2 (2020): 187–226, 219–20; Chu, “Piwang xingmi,” 699.

²⁶ DuBois, Thomas David, “Local Religion and Festivals,” in Kiely, Jan, Goossaert, Vincent, and Lagerwey, John, eds., Modern Chinese Religion II: 1850–2015 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 371 Google Scholar.

²⁷ See, for example, Jami, Catherine, “Revisiting the Calendar Case (1664–1669): Science, Religion, and Politics in Early Qing Beijing,” Korean Journal for the History of Science 27, 2 (2015): 459–77Google Scholar.

²⁸ MacDonnell, Joseph, Jesuit Geometers (St . Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1989), 66 Google Scholar.

²⁹ Udia, Agustin, Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit Observatories (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003), 43–44 Google Scholar.

³⁰ Ferdinand Verbiest, “Shan’e bao lüeshuo” (On the rewards for good deeds and punishment of bad deeds), in Nicolas Standaert and Andrian Dudink, eds., Yesuhui Luoma dang’anguan Ming Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian (Sources of Catholicism of the Ming and Ding dynasties from the Archives of the Society of Jesus in Rome) (Taipei: Taibei lishi xueshe, 2002), vol. 5, 509.

³¹ This definition of xiejiao was provided by the Shunzhi Emperor in a 1656 imperial edict. He enumerated the Luo Teaching (無為教, Wuweijiao), the White Lotus (白蓮教, Bailianjiao), and the Incense Smelling Teaching (聞香教, Wenxiangjiao) as typical xiejiao. See Wenhai, Li, Qingshi biannian (Chronological account of the Qing dynasty) (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 1985), 464 Google Scholar.

³² Li Yuerui, Chunbingshi yecheng (Li Yuerui’s anecdotes), vol. 3, in Song Liankui, ed., Guanzhong congshu (Series of the central Shaanxi plain) (Shanxi Tongzhiguan, ed., 1936), vol. 8, 65.

³³ Luo Zhitian, “Xuezhan: Chuanjianshi yu jindai Zhong Xi wenhua jingzheng” (Knowledge warfare: missionaries and the cultural competition between modern China and the West), in Luo Zhitian, ed., Minzu zhuyi yu jindai Zhongguo sixiang (Nationalism and modern Chinese thoughts) (Taipei: Dongda, 1998), 131–42; DuBois, Thomas David, Empire and the Meaning of Religion in Northeast Asia: Manchuria 1900–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 60 Google Scholar.

³⁴ Luo, “Xuezhan,” 131–42.

³⁵ Josephson, Invention of Religion, 254.

³⁶ Ibid., 163.

³⁷ Fang Yizhi, “You Ziliu Tianjing huowen xu” (Preface of You Ziliu’s Questions about the Principles of Heaven), in Research Center of Qing History, Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, ed., Qingshi ziliao (Materials of Qing history) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), vol. 6, 50.

³⁸ Wailu, Hou, Zhongguo sixiang tongshi (History of Chinese ideas) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1960), 1143‑52Google Scholar.

³⁹ Yangzong, Wang, “‘Xixue Zhongyuan’ shuo zai Ming Qing zhiji de youlai jiqi yanbian” (The emergence and evolution of the theory of the Chinese origin of Western knowledge during the Ming-Qing transition), Dalu zazhi 90, 6 (1995): 39–45 Google Scholar; Huters, Theodore, Bringing the World Home: Appropriating the West in Late Qing and Early Republican China (Honolulu: University of Hawai`i Press, 2005), 23–42 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joachim Kurtz, “Framing European Technology in Seventeenth-Century China: Rhetorical Strategies in Jesuit Paratexts,” in Dagmar Schäfer, ed., Cultures of Knowledge: Technology in Chinese History (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 219–32.

⁴⁰ Kilcourse, Taiping Theology, 32–33.

⁴¹ Sun Jiang, “Representing Religion: ‘Chinese Religions’ at the 1893 Chicago World Parliament of Religions,” Oriens Extremus 54 (2015): 59–84, 64.

⁴² Ibid., 66.

⁴³ Chen, “Confucianism Encounters Religion,” 40–41.

⁴⁴ Li Hsiao-t’i, Qingmo de xiacengshehui qimeng yundong (Movement of social enlightenment of the inferior society at the end of the Qing) (Taipei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1998).

⁴⁵ Kang Youwei, “Qing zun Kongsheng wei guojiao lijiaobujiaohui yi kongzijinian er fei yinsiqi zhe” (Memorial concerning the establishment of Confucianism as the state cult, the creation of a ministry of religion and shrines, the adoption of the Confucian calendar, and the ban on worships in illicit temples), in Tang Zhijun, ed., Kang Youwei zhenglunji (Political comments of Kang Youwei) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 279–83.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 282; Peng Chunling, Rujia zhuanxing yu wenhua xinming: yi Kang Youwei, Zhang Taiyan wei zhongxin (1898–1927) (The transformation of Confucianism and the New Culture Movement: On Kang Youwei and Zhang Taiyan [1898–1927]) (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2014), 171.

⁴⁷ Qichao, Liang, “Fu youren baojiao shu” (Letter to a friend concerning the protection of religion), in Pinxing, Zhang et al., eds., Liang Qichao quanji (Complete work of Liang Qichao) (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1999), 150 Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Kang Youwei, “Yingguo Jianbuliezhu daxue Huawen zongjiaoxi Zhailushi huijianji” (On the meeting with Herbert Giles, professor director of Chinese at the University of Cambridge), in Jiang Yihua and Zhang Ronghua, eds., Kang Youwei quanji (Complete work of Kang Youwei) (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2007), vol. 8, 34.

⁴⁹ Kuo, Ya-pei, “‘Christian Civilization’ and the Confucian Church—The Origin of Secularist Politics in Modern China,” Past and Present 218 (2013): 235–64, 253CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁰ Youwei, Kang, “Yidali youji” (Account on the trip to Italy), in Yihua, Jiang and Ronghua, Zhang, eds., Kang Youwei quanji (Complete work of Kang Youwei) (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2007), vol. 8, 398 Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Cited in Kuo, “‘Christian Civilization,’” 255.

⁵² Kuo, Ya-pei, “Redeploying Confucius—The Imperial State Dreams of the Nation, 1902–1911,” in Yang, Mayfair Mei-hui, ed., Chinese Religiosities: Afflictions of Modernity and State Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 80–83 Google Scholar.

⁵³ Chen, “Confucianism Encounters Religion,” 173–86.

⁵⁴ Yang, C. K., Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and some of Their Historical Factors (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961), 294–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁵⁶ Ibid., 302.

⁵⁷ See, for instance, Liang Qichao, “Fu youren baojiao shu,” 150.

⁵⁸ Kuo, “‘Christian Civilization,’” 256–59.

⁵⁹ See, for example, Cheng Dazhang, “Zhonghua minguo xianfa yi guiding Kongjiao wei guojiao reng xu xinjiao ziyou xiuzheng’an” (The constitution of the Republic of China should endorse Confucianism as the state cult while guaranteeing the freedom of religion), Changming kongjiao jingshibao 7 (1923): 1–4.

⁶⁰ See, for instance, Chen Huanzhang, “Mingding yuanyou zhi guojiao wei guojiao bing bu aiyu xinjiao ziyou zhi xin mingci” (Endorsing the historical state cult as the state cult of the Republic does not counter freedom of religion), in Shanghai Jingshi Publishing, ed., Minguo jingshi wenbian (Collection of articles on social and political affairs of the republican era) (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2006), vol. 8, 5056–57.

⁶¹ DuBois, Thomas David, Religion and the Making of Modern East Asia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 180 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶³ DuBois, “Local Religion,” 395.

⁶⁴ Jia Ying, Da Ming lü shiyi (The Great Ming code with explications), repr. in Zhongguo lüxue wenxian (Materials on Chinese legal studies) (Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 2005[1549]), vol. 2, 561–62. A guan equals 1,000 cash coins (or wen).

⁶⁵ DuBois, “Local Religion,” 395.

⁶⁶ Huang, “Zhongguo jindai sixiang zhong de mixin.”

⁶⁷ Deity worship did not necessarily constitute a defining element of religion, regardless of how the term was understood by Chinese elites at the time. Kang Youwei’s ideal religion, analyzed in this section, took the form of atheism. Some intellectuals found it unproblematic to qualify Buddhism as an atheistic religion. But deity worship was generally regarded as a characteristic of religion, as Wang Jingfang’s observation cited in the next section clearly shows. For Buddhism and religion, see, for instance, Zhang Taiyan, “Jianli zongjiao lun” (On the creation of religion), Minbao 9 (1906): 1–26.

⁶⁸ de Lacouperie, Terrien, Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilisation, from 2,300 B.C. to 200 A.D. (London: Asher & Co., 1894)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ See, for example, Deng Shi, “Guoxue zhenlun” (On the truth of the national learning), in Deng Shi and Huang Jie, eds., Guocui xuebao (Journal of national essence) (Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 2005[1907]), vol. 7, 3025.

⁷⁰ See, for instance, Deng Shi, “Guxue fuxing lun” (On the renaissance of ancient learning), in Deng Shi and Huang Jie, eds., Guocui xuebao (Journal of national essence) (Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 2005[1905]), vol. 1, 112.

⁷¹ Liu Jinzao, Qingchao xu wenxian tongkao (Supplement to the documents of the Qing dynasty), cited in Huang, “Zhongguo jindai sixiang zhong de mixin,” 189.

⁷² The word “secular” was listed in major English-Chinese dictionaries published in the late-Qing period, which often translated the term as 俗世 (sushi, worldly affairs), 世事 (shishi, worldly affairs), 風俗 (fengsu, customs), and 世俗 (shisu, earthly minded, not pertaining to the spiritual world). “Coming once in a century” is also a common interpretation. In the late-Qing dictionaries I was able to find, only the 1908 An English and Chinese Standard Dictionary includes the term “secularism,” which the author explained, in English and in Chinese, as “the principles of the Secularists, which are founded on an exclusive regard to the interest of this life (祇注重今生利益不信來生之學說, 惟俗論),” and a synonym of “secularity,” which, according to the same dictionary, means “worldliness (俗心, suxin)” and “supreme attention to things of the present life (一心注重於現在生中事物, 祇知今世不信來生).” The secular/religious binary is conveyed in the translation of “secularize”: “to convert from a regular or monastic into secular (還俗)” and “to convert from spiritual appropriation to secular or common use (抄聖物爲世用).” None of these explanations related the notions to a political regime, and the Chinese words chosen to translate these terms were easily understandable and commonly used by Chinese readers at the time, sometimes in a somewhat pejorative manner (a person only interested in pettiness, for instance). This nuance is also reflected in the translation of certain other entries in the dictionary. See Yen, Wei-Ching Williams, An English and Chinese Standard Dictionary (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1908), 2018 Google Scholar.

⁷³ Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes, 4–5.

⁷⁴ A classic study on individual intellectuals is Benjamin I. Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yan Fu and the West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964). For a general study on the triumph of nationalist ideology, see Li Zehou, “Qimeng yu jiuwang de shuangchong bianzou” (The double changes between enlightenment and national salvation), in Zhongguo xiandai sixiangshi lun (On modern Chinese intellectual history) (Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1987), 25–41.

⁷⁵ Xu, Aymeric, From Culturalist Nationalism to Conservatism: Origins and Diversification of Conservative Ideas in Republican China (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021), 102–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁷⁷ Jingwei, Wang, “Yanjiu minzu yu zhengzhi guanxi zhi ziliao” (On the relationship between nation and politics), Minbao 13 (1907): 17–37, 31Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Zhongshan, Sun, “Zai Zhongguo Guomindang benbu teshe zhu Yue bangongchu de yanshuo” (Speech given at the bureau of the headquarter of the Kuomintang in Guangdong), in Sun Zhongshan quanji (Complete work of Sun Zhongshan), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), vol. 5, 473–74Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Chen, “Confucianism Encounters Religion,” 176.

⁸⁰ Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes, 38.

⁸¹ Ibid., 38.

⁸² Goossaert, “Republican Church Engineering,” 211.

⁸³ Chen, “Confucianism Encounters Religion,” 149, 190.

⁸⁴ Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes, 27–28.

⁸⁵ Goossaert, “Republican Church Engineering,” 213.

⁸⁶ Chucai, Li, ed., Diguo zhuyi qin Hua jiaoyushi ziliao—Jiaohui jiaoyu (Materials on the history of education during the imperialist invasion of China—education in Christian schools) (Beijing: Jiaoyu kexue chubanshe, 1987), 15 Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Xiaochun, Yang, “Jidujiao zhi xuanchuan yu shouhui jiaoyuquan yundong” (Christian propaganda and the restoration of educational rights), Zhonghua jiaoyujie 14, 8 (1925): 1–9, 3Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ See, for example, Li Huang, Xuedunshi huiyilu (Memoire) (Taipei: Zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1978), 32.

⁸⁹ Li, Kaiyi, Transnational Education between The League of Nations and China: The Interwar Period (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 17–18 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁹¹ Langlois, “Catholiques et laïcs,” 150.

⁹² Nedostup, Superstitious Regimes, 9.

⁹³ Ibid., 176–77.

⁹⁴ Goossaert, Vincent and Palmer, David A., The Religious Question in Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 155 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁵ Yang, Mayfair Mei-hui, “Introduction,” in Yang, Mayfair Mei-hui, ed., Chinese Religiosities: Afflictions of Modernity and State Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 25 Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ “Zhonggong zhongyang yinfa Guanyu woguo shehui zhuyi shiqi zongjiao wenti de jiben guandian he jiben zhengce de tongzhi” (Notice on the issuance of Basic Viewpoints and Policies on Religious Issues during Our Nation’s Socialist Period by the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party), in Zhonggong Zhongyang Wenxian Yanjiushi Zonghe Yanjiuzu, ed., Xinshiqi zongjiao gongzuo wenxian huibian (Selection of documents on religious work during the new period) (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2014), 58–59.

⁹⁷ See, for example, Jiang Zemin, “Baochi Dang de zongjiao zhengce de wendingxing he lianxuxing” (On maintaining the stability and continuity of the religious policy of the party), in Zhonggong Zhongyang Wenxian Yanjiushi Zonghe Yanjiuzu, ed., Xinshiqi zongjiao gongzuo wenxian huibian (Selection of documents on religious work during the new period) (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2014), 210.

⁹⁸ “Guanyu woguo shehui zhuyi shiqi zongjiao wenti de jiben guandian he jiben zhengce” (On the principles and policies on religion during the socialist period of our nation), in Zhonggong Zhongyang Wenxian Yanjiushi Zonghe Yanjiuzu, ed., Xinshiqi zongjiao gongzuo wenxian huibian (Selection of documents on religious work during the new period) (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2014), 54–72.

⁹⁹ Kang, Xiaofei, “Women and the Religious Question in Modern China,” Kiely, Jan, Goossaert, Vincent, and Lagerwey, John, eds., Modern Chinese Religion II: 1850–2015 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 491–92Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Fuller, Graham E. and Lipman, Jonathan N., “Islam in Xinjiang,” in Starr, S. Frederick, ed., Xinjiang: China’s Muslim Borderland (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2004): 324–25Google Scholar; Wenger, Jacqueline E., “Official vs. Underground Protestant Church in China: Challenges for Reconciliation and Social Influence,” Review of Religious Research 46, 2 (2004): 169–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰² Thoraval, Joël, “The Western Misconception of Chinese Religion: A Hong Kong Example,” China Perspective 3 (1996): 58–65 Google Scholar; Yang, “Introduction,” 18.

¹⁰³ Josephson, Invention of Religion, 4.

¹⁰⁴ Bruce, Steve, Secularization: In Defense of an Unfashionable Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 189–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ “Zangchuan Fojiao huofo zhuanshi guanli banfa” (Measures on the management of the reincarnation of living buddhas in Tibetan Buddhism), http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/content/2008/content_923053.htm (accessed 8 Sept. 2022).

¹⁰⁶ “Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui changwu weiyuanhui guanyu qudi xiejiao zuzhi, fangfan he chengzhi xiejiao yundong de guiding” (Notice of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on the ban on evil organizations, and prevention and suppression of the activities of evil cults), effective 30 October 1999, in Zhongguo fazhi chubanshe, ed., Xinbian xingshi shiyong fadian (A practical manual of the criminal code) (Beijing: Zhongguo fazhi chubanshe, 2005), 186–87.

¹⁰⁷ Palmer, David A., “Heretical Doctrines, Reactionary Secret Societies, Evil Cults: Labeling Heterodoxy in Twentieth-Century China,” in Yang, Mayfair Mei-hui, ed., Chinese Religiosities: Afflictions of Modernity and State Formation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 134 Google Scholar.

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¹⁰⁹ Jean-Pierre Chantin, “Les sectes en France. Quel questionnement sur la laïcité?” in Patrick Weil, ed., Politiques de la laïcité au XX^e siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2007), 553–69.