¹ Malinowski, B., Dynamics of Culture Change (1943),Google Scholar Chap. Ill, criticized by Gluckman, M., “Malinowski's Functional Analysis of Social Change”, Africa, XVII (1947),Google Scholar and by Balandier, G., Sociologie Actuelle de l'A frique Noire (1955),Google Scholar Chap. I; on religious movements, Linton, R., “Nativistic Movements”, Amer. Anthr., XLV (1943),Google Scholar A. F. C. Wallace, “Revitalization Movements”, ibid., LVIII (1956), and Lanternari, V., The Religions of the Oppressed (1963), are typical.Google Scholar

² Cf. Parrinder, E. G. S., Religion in an African City (1951)Google Scholar or Little, K., West African Urbanization (1966).Google Scholar Even Bishop Sundkler, in his memorable book, Bantu Prophets in South Africa (rev. ed., 1961) tends to make this assumption – “new wine in old wineskins”.Google Scholar

³ For mission history in Nigeria cf. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, Christian Missions in Nigeria 1841–1891 (1965),Google Scholar and Ayandele, E. A., Missionary Enterprise and the Evolution of Modern Nigeria 1875–1914 (1967).Google Scholar

⁴ This is told by Ajisafe, A. K., A History of Abeokuta (Abeokuta, 1924).Google Scholar

⁵ Cf. Forde, C. D., The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of South Western Nigeria (1951)Google Scholar for a bibliography of the vast literature on Yoruba religion and society; Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas (1921), is of basic importance as an account of nineteenthcentury practices among the Oyo Yoruba.Google Scholar

⁶ Such as those cited by Fortes, M., Oedipus and Job in West African Religion (1959), pp. 19–25.Google Scholar

⁷ Cf. Maupoil, G., La Géomancie de l'Ancienne Côte des Esclaves (1943).Google Scholar

⁸ On Greece, cf. the great compilation of Farnell, L. R., The Cults of the Greek States (5 vols., 1896–1909);Google Scholar for a similar situation in India, cf. the essay by Marriott, McKim in Village India: Studies in the Little Community (1955), pp. 195–200.Google Scholar

⁹ Herodotus, , Histories, II. 42–45.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Cf. Bascom, W. R., The Sociological Role of the Yoruba Cult Group (1944).Google Scholar

¹¹ On this aspect of Ifa, cf. Abimbola, Wande, “Ifa”, African Notes, II (1965).Google Scholar

¹² Gouldner, A. W., “Reciprocity and Autonomy in Functional Theory”, Chap. VIII of Gross, L. (ed.), Symposium on Sociological Theory (1959).Google Scholar

¹³ Cf. Dodds, E. R., Christian and Pagan in an Age of Anxiety (1965), p. 107. The story is told in the Historia Augusta, written by pagan sympathizers in the late fourth century; even if, as Mr. T. D. Barnes of The Queen's College Oxford has suggested to me, the story is not true (Prof. Dodds accepts it), it illustrates the same attitude of mind in certain circles of the fourth century.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “There cannot be only one path to such a great secret”: cited by Nock, A. D., Conversion (1933), p. 260.Google Scholar

¹⁵ On Christian villages, cf. Ajayi, , op. cit., pp. 114–117; they appealed more to the Catholic than to the Protestant missions.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cf. Ajayi, , op. cit., pp. 189, 225, on Christian attitudes to Ogboni; some laymen did in fact join.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Idowu, E. B., Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief (1962), argues that Olodumare was not as remote as other African High Gods, and shows that in places there is a cultus to him.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cf. Abiola, A. A., Isipaya Asiri Adura (Revelation of the Secret of Prayer) (Ibadan, n.d.),Google Scholar by an Apostle in the Seraphim; or the Anglican Rev. Abiodun's, S. M., Akojo Oruko Olorun (Collection of the Names of God) (Lagos, 1919).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Quoted in “Complaint against Cherubim and Seraphim Society by the Bales of Agodo, Alatare and other village people, 4th June 1931”, before the Alake of Abeokuta, typescript proceedings, Sosan Papers (University of Ibadan Library).

²⁰ On daimones cf. Dodds, , op. cit., pp. 37, 124–125.Google Scholar

²¹ Ajayi, , op. cit., p. 264.Google ScholarTrevor-Roper, H. R., “The Witch Craze”, Encounter, XXVIII (1967), shows changes in the attitude of the Church in Europe to the existence of witches.Google Scholar

²² For example, Rev. J. S. Adejumo, Anglican pioneer at Ife, Dr. N. D. Oyerinde, leading founder of the Baptist Seminary at Ogbomosho, and A. K. Ajisafe, a prominent layman in the African Church, all of whom exchanged recipes with the father of an acquaintance of mine, the late Mr. E. M. P. Dada, of Ibadan.

²³ Such as Adejumo, , described as “The Yoruba Philosopher of Ife”, in the West African Nationhood, 21 Aug. 1931;Google Scholar cf. Archdeacon T. A. J. Ogunbiyi's booklet Iwe ltan Ifa etc. (Story of Ifa) (Lagos, n.d.)Google Scholar or Rev. Epega's, D. O.The Mystery of Yoruba Gods (1932).Google Scholar

²⁴ Tempels, R. P., Bantu Philosophy (1959).Google Scholar

²⁵ Schmidt, W., Die Ursprung der Gottesidee, 12 vols. (1912–1955).Google Scholar

²⁶ Cf. Brokensha, D. W., Social Change at Larteh, Ghana (1966), chap. II.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ogunbiyi, , op. cit., p. 40.Google Scholar

²⁸ Cf. editorial of the Lagos newspaper Akede Eko for 30 May 1931 on the Aladura revival – “Adura l'ebo” (prayer is the sacrifice).

²⁹ Thus Epega in an article “Ifa Amona Baba wa, Jesu Kristi Amona wa” (Ifa Guide of our Fathers, Jesus Christ our guide), in Akede Eko, 3 Dec. 1932.Google Scholar

³⁰ This account is based very largely on Webster, J. B., The African Churches among the Yoruba, 1888–1922 (1964).Google Scholar

³¹ Coker, J. K., A Review of the Problem of Polygamy (Lagos, 1934).Google Scholar

³² Cf. Field, M. J., Search for Security (1960), p. 52, about the clientele of shrines in southern Ghana.Google Scholar

³³ In this section I draw on material from Peel, J. D. Y., “A Sociological Study of Two Independent Churches among the Yoruba” (unpublished London Ph.D. thesis, 1966); Dr. H. W. Turner and Mr. R. C. Mitchell have also done research on the Aladuras.Google Scholar

³⁴ Awo: the Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo (1960), pp. 9–11, on the early Christians of Ijebu Remo.Google Scholar

³⁵ Thus Akindele, J. M., The Use and Efficacy of the Psalms (Lagos, n.d.).Google Scholar

³⁶ Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim, , The Order (Lagos, n.d.), p. 52, ostensibly quoting a sermon by Moses Orimolade, their founder, in 1925; I suspect, from internal evidence, that these sentiments were not uttered until some years later, but they still represent the authentic attitude.Google Scholar

³⁷ Thus Prophet Adeleke of Abeokuta in 1932 (ms. account of his vision in Sosan Papers), and Adeniji, Timothy (Iran ti Brother Timothy, pamphlet of his vision, Abeokuta, 1932).Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. Dodds, , op. cit., pp. 123–127.Google Scholar

³⁹ Cf. Grattan, J. H. G. and Singer, C. (eds.), Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine, 2 vols. (1952), an edition and commentary on the semi-pagan text called Lacnunga.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Bede, , A History of the English Church and People, Penguin, ed., trans, by SherleyPrice, L. (1955),Google Scholar especially I. 7, III. 9, IV. 3 (miracles of healing), III. 30 (where a plague causes the East Saxons to lapse into idolatry), with which cf.Colgrave, B., ”Bede's Miracle Stories”, in Thompson, A. H. (ed.), Bede: his Life, Times and Writings (1935), chap. VIII; the convert is a pagan priest, addressing King Edwin and Archbishop Paulinus of York (Bede, II. 13).Google Scholar

⁴¹ On the Oke family, cf. Webster, , op. cit., pp. 93, 137, 154.Google Scholar

⁴² Oke, S. A. (Adeniran), The Ethiopian National Church: a Necessity (Lagos, 1932).Google Scholar

⁴³ In a personal interview, June 1965, at Ibadan.

⁴⁴ Dosumu, G., African Religion (Ibadan, 1959); another pamphlet of his is devoted to showing that the Queen of Sheba was a native of a village near Ijebu Ode, in Western Nigeria.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ On this aspect of Orunmila, see Parrinder, E. G., “An African Saviour God”, in The Saviour God: Essays presented to E. O. James (1963).Google Scholar The emergence, within a preworld religion, of the concept of personal salvation of some kind, is a token of a decisive step in religious evolution; cf. Weber, Max, The Sociology of Religion (1965),Google Scholar Chs. IX–XII, and Bellah, R. N., “Religious Evolution”, Amer. Soc. Rev., XXIX (1964).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Lagos Weekly Record, 14 Apr. 1917, in a review of S. A. Coker's pamphlet Rights of Africans to organize Independent Churches.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Report in West Africa, 22 Apr. 1967, p. 531.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Apuleius, Metamorphoses XI, discussed at length in Nock, , op. cit., pp. 138–155.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ “African Prophets”, Race, V (1963).

⁵⁰ There is a file on the Ijo Orunmila in the Nigerian National Archives, Ibadan, Oyo Prov. 1565; it cited such distinguished patrons as Herbert Macaulay and the Alake of Abeokuta. Idowu, , Olodumare, pp. 212–215, attacks this church and its branches, F. Sowande, Ifa, defends them; both seem to me to exaggerate their popular appeal.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Editorial, “An Indigenous Organization”, Nigerian Daily Telegraph, 14 Oct. 1937.Google Scholar

⁵² Editorial, “Joseph Babalola again?”, Ibid., 10 Sept. 1937.

⁵³ In a personal interview, Aug. 1965, at Ile Ife.

⁵⁴ Minutes of Western Conference of Cherubim and Seraphim, 10 Apr. 1940, when a leading Apostle successfully attacked Fawole on the grounds that Idapo Adulawo was for Africans only, whereas the Seraphim Society was for all men.

⁵⁵ Cf. Pope Gregory's advice to Abbot Mellitus (601 A.D.), Bede, I. 30.

⁵⁶ Cf. the valuable discussion by Goody, J. and Watt, I., “The Consequences of Literacy”, CSSH, V (1963–1964).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Cf. the discussion by Gellner, E. A., Thought and Change (1965), pp. 86, 90–92,Google Scholar and also Walzer's, M. analysis of Puritanism in The Revolution of the Saints (1966).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ As is explicitly done by Fernandez, J. W., “African Religious Movements: Types and Dynamics”, Journ. Mod. Afr. Stud., II (1964); the Aladuras can no more be assigned a definite place along this continuum than they can along his other one, expressive/instrumental.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ This is well said by Brokensha, D. W., Social Change at Larteh, pp. 264–269; it is perhaps more true of West Africa than of other places in Africa.Google Scholar