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² For the Middle East, see Allan, Nigel J. R., “Kuh Daman Periodic Markets: Cynosures for Rural Circulation and Potential Economic Development,” in Aktuelle Probleme der Regionalentwicklung und Stadtgeographie Afghanistans, Grötzbach, Erwin, ed. (Meisenheim am Glan: Verlag Anton Hain, 1976), 173–193;Google ScholarEhlers, Eckart, “Dezful and Its Hinterland: Observations on the Relationships of Lesser Iranian Cities and Towns to Their Hinterland,” Geography, 1:1 (1976), 20–30;Google ScholarEnglish, Paul, City and Village in Iran (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966);Google ScholarGaube, H. et al., “Wochenmärkte, Marktone und Martzyklen in Vordasien,” Erdkunde, 30:1 (1976), 9–31;CrossRefGoogle ScholarNorvell, D. G., Markets and Men in Afghanistan (Kabul: USAID, 1973);Google ScholarOettinger, B., Die Wochentnärkte des Westlichen Mittelanatolien (Postgraduate thesis, Erlangen, West Germany, 1975);Google ScholarThorpe, J. K., “Periodic Markets in the Caspian Lowlands of Iran,” in Market-Place Trade, Smith, R. H. T., ed., 81–98;Google ScholarWirth, E., “Periodic Markets and the Bazaar System in the Middle East,” in Market Distribution Systems, Gormsen, E., ed. (Mainz: Johannes Gutenberg University, 1976).Google Scholar For Morocco, see Fogg, Walter, “The Organization of a Moroccan Tribal Market,” American Anthropologist, 44:1 (1942), 47–61.CrossRefGoogle ScholarBenet, Francio, “Weekly Sugs and City Markets,” and “The Rural Suq Economy within the Market Economy,” in Research for Development in the Mediterranean Basin, van Nieuwenhuijze, C. A. O., ed. (The Hague: Mouton, 1961), 86–97, 118–24;Google ScholarMikesell, Marvin, “The Role of Tribal Markets in Morocco,” Geographical Review, 48 (10 1958), 494–511;CrossRefGoogle ScholarTroin, Jean F., Les souks marocains (Aix en Provence: Edisud, 1975).Google Scholar For Tunisia, see Stone, Russell, “Rural Markets: Organization and Social Structure,” in Change in Tunisia, Stone, R. A. and Simmons, John, eds., (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1976), 121–34;Google Scholar Laurence Michalak, “Vendor Strategies in Tunisian Weekly Markets,” and “World-View in Tunisian Weekly Markets,” mimeographs (1979). Egyptian periodic markets are represented by little more than casual references in village studies by Ammar, Hamed, Growing Up in an Egyptian Village (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1954);Google ScholarAyrout, Henry Habib, The Egyptian Peasant (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968);Google ScholarBlackman, Winifred S., The Fellahin of Upper Egypt (London: G. G. Harrap and Co., 1928);Google ScholarCritchfield, Richard, Shahhāt: An Egyptian (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1978);Google ScholarFakhouri, Hani, Kafr El-Flow: An Egyptian Village in Transition (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972);Google ScholarKennedy, John G., Struggle for Change in a Nubian Community (Palo Alto, California: Mayfield Press, 1977).Google Scholar

³ Smith, Carol A., “Exchange Systems and the Spatial Distribution of Elites: The Organization of Stratification in Agrarian Scieties,” in Regional Analysis, Smith, C. A., ed., II, 317.Google Scholar

⁴ For a good discussion of the assumptions and applications of central-place theory, see Smith, C. A., “Economics of Marketing Systems”;Google Scholar and Marshall, John U., The Location of Service Towns: An Approach to the Analysis of Central Place Systems (Geography Department, University of Toronto, 1969).Google Scholar

⁵ In the Delta, the rights were to specific plots of land, but in Upper Egypt, only to shares of land, which was redistributed each year because of the shifting boundaries caused by the annual Nile flood. By the eighteenth century, usufruct rights could be purchased as well; this, along with mortgages and pawns, was one of the ways in which wealthy peasants could acquire more land. Cuno, Kenneth, “The Origins of Private Ownership of Land in Egypt: A Reappraisal,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 12:3 (1980), 245–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ I am using the term surplus here simply to refer to any production which the producing household does not reserve for itself. For a discussion of the difficulties of trying to arrive at a more technical definition of surplus, see Harris, Marvin, “The Economy Has No Surplus?” American Anthropologist, 61:2 (1959), 185–199;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDalton, George, “A Note of Clarification on Economic Surplus,” American Anthropologist, 62:3 (1960), 483–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Raymond, André, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIII^e siècle (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1973), I, 245,Google Scholar mentions that Cairo merchants go to the Delta to buy up local products. Gran, Peter, The Islamic Roots of Capitalism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979), 26–27, mentions foreigners making advances to Delta peasants against delivery of their crops.Google Scholar

⁸ Cuno, , “Origins of Private Ownership,” 253.Google Scholar

⁹ See Baer, Gabriel, Egyptian Guilds in Modern Times (Jerusalem: Israel Oriental Society, 1965), 2;Google Scholaridem, Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), ch. 9;Google ScholarRivlin, Helen, The Agricultural Policies of Muhammad Ali in Egypt (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), 5, on the importance of the merchant and transport guilds.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ There were also a few villages and towns that specialized in craft products which had a distribution wider than the immediate local area. This was true for reed mats from Sinûris, Ṭanṭa, and Minûf; pottery from Qina; distilled rose water from Fayyûm; and cloth from a variety of places (for example, blue-striped cotton shawls from Qina; wrapping cloth and white wool shawls from Fayyûm; silk luxury goods from Maḥallat al-Kubra; linen from Maḥallat al-Kubra, Ṭanṭa, and Shibîn; sails from Manṣûra and Rosetta). Other towns and some villages specialized in manufactures for local or regional use. al-Rahim, 'Abdal-Rahman, 'Abdal-Rahim, 'Abd, The Egyptian Countryside in the Eighteenth Century, in Arabic (Cairo: 'Ayn Shams University, 1974), 193–95;Google ScholarGirard, P. S., “Mémoire sur I'ag?culture, l'industrie, et le commerce de l'Egypte,” in France, Commission des sciences et arts d'Egypte, Description de l'Egypte, état moderne (Paris: Imprimerie impériale, 1812), vol. II, p. I, 594–600.Google Scholar

¹¹ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 245.Google ScholarGirard, , 621, “Mémoire,” also mentions town merchants buying up charcoal from the village of Resdyeh, and alum from Ababdeh.Google Scholar

¹² Cloth, Qina pots, and reed mats are mentioned by 'Abel al Rahîm, Egyptian Countryside, 193–95.Google Scholar

¹³ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 255, cites a multāzim's complaint that merchants were selling goods in the village sûgs rather than in the village wakâla (agency) as they were supposed to, thereby depriving him of his appropriate share. This suggests that the merchants were supposed to be acting as his agents.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 249, comments that Cairo merchants distributed coffee and spices in provincial towns, while provincial merchants often handled the cloth specialties of their own regions and also established wakâlas in Cairo.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Two French merchants sold cloth in Farshût in Upper Egypt in 1767 (Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 197);Google Scholar Greeks and French were involved in the rice trade, and they also financed crops (Gran, , Islamic Roots, 26–27).Google Scholar Foreigners from other parts of the Ottoman empire monopolized trade in a number of imported products: tarbushes were in the hands of Moroccans and Tunisians, soap and dried fruit were handled by Palestinians, imported cloth by Syrias and Christian Palestinians, tobacco by Syrians and Turks (Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 286).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Different villages held markets on different days, enabling merchants to visit several in a week. al-Rahim, 'Abd, Egyptian Countryside, 202–3.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Products from farther afield were likely to be bought only by wealthier peasants, and were more likely to be procured from the larger town or religious markets rather than at the village markets.

¹⁸ Girard, “Mémoire,” 556, 621.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The villages of Aba in Upper Egypt, and Sri?bu and I?shâs in the Delta, specialized in livestock trade. al-Rahim, 'Abel, Egyptian Countryside, 202.Google Scholar

²⁰ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 255 n.Google Scholar

²¹ al-Rahîm, 'Abd, Egyptian Countryside, 203, suggests that village markets also had fees and tax farmers, but it is not clear whether he is careful to distinguish between villages and towns. His example and one of his sources refer only to town markets; there is no description of a village market with sufficient detail to ascertain whether it has this form of organization or not.Google Scholar

²² Girard, “Mémoire,” 622;Google ScholarRaymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 197, 249;Google ScholarLawson, Fred H., “Rural Revolt and Provincial Society in Egypt, 1820–1824,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 13:2 (1981), 139.Google Scholar

²³ Shaw, Stanford, Ottoman Egypt in the Age of the French Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), 133–34.Google Scholar

²⁴ The major regional division was between Upper and Lower Egypt, with Cairo at the border between them. Within each of these regions, there was further specialization of production as mentioned earlier; but the exchange of these specialized goods seems also to have taken place mainly in the major towns and entrepôts, because they usually consisted of luxury goods which ordinary people could not afford to buy.

²⁵ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 243.Google Scholar

²⁶ The most famous celebration was that of al-Sayyid Ahmad al-Badawî in Ṭanṭa, but there were many others of renown, such as those of Sidi Ibrâhîm al-Disûgî in Disûq, al-Sayyid Aḥmad al-Farghanî in Abû Tîj, 'Abd al-Rahîm a1-Qinâwî in Qina, and Sidi Ibrahim al-Shilgâmî al-Umrânî in the village of Shilgâm. al-Rahîm, 'Abd, Egyptian Countryside, 211.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid., 202.

²⁸ Smith, C. A., “Exchange Systems,” 334.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid., 337.

³⁰ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 255.Google Scholar

³¹ See Baer, Gabriel, Fellah and Townsman in Ottoman Egypt: A Study of Shirbini's Hazz alQuhuf, in Princeton Near East Papers, no. 16 (Princeton, 1973), 221–53.Google Scholar

³² Cuno, Kenneth, personal communication, June 1982.Google Scholar

³³ al-Rahîm, 'Abd, Egyptian Countryside, 203–205,Google Scholar citing aI-Raḥman al-Jabarti, 'Abd, History of Egypt ('Ajâ'ib al-Athâr) (Cairo: Bulaq, 1880), 11, 190; III, 238–89.Google Scholar

³⁴ Shaw, Ottoman Egypt, 124.Google Scholar

³⁵ Owen, E. R. J., Cotton and the Egyptian Economy 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 16.Google Scholar

³⁶ John, J. A. St., Egypt and Nubia, Their Scenery and Their People (London: Chapman and Hall, 1845), 73;Google ScholarJohn, Bayle St., Village Life in Egypt (New York: Arno Press, 1973), 70–72;Google ScholarMichaud, M. and Poujoulat, M., Correspondence d'Orient (Paris: Ducollet, 1834), V, 80–81.Google Scholar

³⁷ Owen, , Cotton, 29.Google Scholar

³⁸ This was spurred on by the tremendous boom in European demand as a result of shortages caused by war.

³⁹ Owen, , Cotton, 20–21.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Owen, , Cotton, 52, indicates that prices were generally fixed at less than half the free market price.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Rivlin, , Agricultural Policies, 112–13,Google Scholar claims this was the normal practice; Owen, , Cotton, 32, mentions it in connection with cotton in the 1820s.Google Scholar

⁴² Of course some categories of people were able to escape taxes. Shaykhs did not pay taxes on some of their land; bedouin received exemptions in return for settling, cultivating the land, and serving as auxiliaries in the army. Cuno, “Origins of Private Ownership,” 263. Fellahin did their best to hide whatever amount of their production they could, though with varying degrees of success.Google Scholar

⁴³ Michaud, and Poujoulat, , Correspondence d'Orient, V, 78; VII, 36, 70.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid., VII, 58.

⁴⁵ See John's, J. A. St. account, Egypt and Nubia, 61.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ By 1833, one ninth of the adult male population had been conscripted for the war in Syria. Owen, , Cotton, 35.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid., 33–35, 58–59. By 1832, three quarters of assessed tax revenues were in arrears.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 59.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 67.

⁵⁰ For the complexities of this process, see Baer, , Studies in Social History, ch. 4;Google ScholarRichards, Alan, Egypt's Agricultural Development, 1800–1980 (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1982), 27–29.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Mustafa, Ahmed Abdel-Rahim, “The Breakdown of the Monopoly System in Egypt after 1840,” in Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt, Holt, P. M., ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 301–3.Google Scholar

⁵² The concentration of landholdings increased because peasants, unable to meet tax obligations, gave up their land. This was made easier by the introduction of mortgages on land in 1876. Prior to that, peasants might mortgage crops, but usually did not mortgage land. Owen, , Cotton, 241. The government also made land concessions to those who could pay taxes in advance.Google Scholar

⁵³ Owen, , Cotton, 144–49.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ibid., 71, 107.

⁵⁵ Saleh, Mohammed, La petite propriété rurale en Egypte (Grenoble: Joseph Allier, 1922), 104–5;Google Scholar 'Abd el 'Aziz el Sherbini and Ahmad Fuad e1 Sherif, “Marketing Problems in an Underdeveloped Country-Egypt,” L'Egypte contemporaine, 47 (07 1956), 42–43.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Owen, , Cotton, 228.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Sherbini, El and Sherif, el, “Marketing Problems,” 43.Google ScholarIssawi, Charles, Egypt at Mid-Century (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), 114, estimates that local merchants handled 55 percent of the cotton crop before 1914; only 20 percent in the 1920s; and 40 percent after the 1931 slump.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Issawi, Charles, Egypt in Revolution: An Economic Analysis (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), 148.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ In 1938 the company's markets were taken over by the government, which at first administered them directly, then decided to auction them off to the highest bidder. Personal communication from Ahmad Othmân al-Khûlî, who worked with the Egyptian Market Company and later for the government as a concessionaire of local markets from 1940 to 1956. This practice of auctioning off the rights to government-owned markets continues today.

⁶⁰ Saffo, Samir, “Exploitation economique et agricole d'un domain rural égyptien,” L'Egypte contemporaine, 40 (04 05 1949), 353–55;Google Scholarel Sherbini, and el Sherif, , “Marketing Problems,” 42–43.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Owen, , Cotton, 212–17.Google Scholar

⁶² The net value of major crops increased 150 percent between 1887 and 1913, while costs held more or less steady. Owen, , Cotton, 264.Google Scholar

⁶³ Ibid., 271.

⁶⁴ Smith, C. A., “Exchange Systems,” 335.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid., 336–37.

⁶⁶ By 1864, cotton was planted on 40 percent of Egypt's cultivated land. By 1911–12, one half of Egypt's cotton crop was exported by four large foreign houses, and most of the rest was sent abroad by a further thirty-one firms. Owen, , Cotton, 103, 221.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Growth in port towns was centered in Alexandria once the Mahmûdia Canal completed the water link between Cairo and Alexandria in 1820, and in Suez and Port Saîd after the railway connected Cairo and the Suez Canal in 1867. Ṭanṭa, Manṣûra, Damanhûr, and Zagâzîg grew in importance as rural bulking centers with the spurt of agricultural growth in the Delta between 1846 and 1882. Middle Egyptian towns grew after completion of the Aswan Dam in 1902 and the subsequent shift to perennial irrigation. Asyût expanded during the 1842 to 1882 period as a major entrepôt for trade with the Sudan, but then declined with the suppression of the slave trade around the turn of the century. The population of these towns in 1882 was between 19,000 and 35,000 for Ṭanṭa, Mansûra, Damanhûr, Zagâzîg, Asyût, and Madinat Al-Fayyûm; between 10,000 and 17,000 for the port towns. Baer, , Studies in Social History, ch. 3.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Skinner, G. William, cited in Smith, C. A., “Regional Economic Systems,” 36, also makes the point that rive?ne systems may produce a dendritic distribution of market centers.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Boinet, A., Géographie économique et administrative de l'Egypte: Basse-Egypte (Cairo: Imprimerie Nationale, 1902).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Baer, , Studies in Social History, ch. 2.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ibid., 149.

⁷² However, many peasants still preferred going through traditional middlemen to avoid the costs of transport involved. Saleh, , La petite propriété, 105.Google Scholar

⁷³ Issawi, , Egypt in Revolution, 36.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Dethier, Jean-Jacques, Food Supply and Agricultural Policy in Egypt (Cairo: USAID, 1981), 9.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Moursi, Tarek, “Agricultural Pricing Policy in Egypt: An Empirical Study 1965–1977” (M.A. thesis, Cairo University, n.d.), 31.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Issawi, , Egypt in Revolution, 144–45.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ State intervention in production includes regulating and specifying the crop rotation and broad outlines of crop allocation, allocation of irrigation water, and use of fertilizer and pest control.

⁷⁸ Richards, Alan, “Egypt's Agriculture in Trouble,” MERIP Reports, 84 (01 1980), 8,Google Scholar said they were sold to the government at only 20–25 percent of their international market value. Abdel-Fadil, Mahmoud, Development, Income Distribution and Social Change in Rural Egypt, 1952–1970 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), claims it was at 70 percent to 80 percent of their value. Ahmed Hassen, “Impact of Some Agricultural Policies on Income Distribution in Egyptian Agriculture,” mimeograph, Princeton-Egypt Income Distribution Project (1979), says that the range was 44–76 percent for onions, 50–71 percent for rice, 85–98 percent for wheat, 72–82 percent for lentils, and 54–83 percent for fava beans over the 1971–77 period.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Dethier, , Food Supply, 21b.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ In provincial capitals, like that of Zagâzîg, there are large government-supervised wholesale markets which concentrate in one place many wholesale merchants (forty-three in Zagâzîg), who each evening auction off the produce brought to them in the course of the day. They take a commission from both buyer and seller, and, like the private wholesale agencies, often sell on credit.

⁸¹ This material on rural markets is based on field work carried out by the author in the governorates of Shargiyya and Bani Suwayf in 1981–82. For a more detailed treatment of this material, see Larson, Barbara K., “The Structure and Function of Village Markets in Contemporary Egypt,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 19 (1982).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸² For discussions of the functions or purposes of periodicity, see Bohannon, Paul and Dalton, George, “Introduction,” in Markets in Africa, Bohannon, P. and Dalton, G., eds. (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1962);Google ScholarSkinner, “Marketing and Social Structure”;Google ScholarSmith, C. A., “Economics of Marketing Systems”;Google ScholarSmith, R. H. T., “Periodic Market-Place, Periodic Marketing, and Travelling Traders,” in Market-Place Trade, Smith, R. H. T., ed., 11–26.Google Scholar

⁸³ Sûgs are actually larger than this description indicates. Peasant women selling small amounts of poultry, butter, and cheese are not included in my tally, however, because an accurate count is not possible and anything less would render comparisons between sûgs meaningless. Sellers of animals are not included in the general count for similar reasons, though I was able to obtain estimates of the number of livestock sold in some of the markets from the owner or concessionaire of the market who collects the fees. These estimates range from 30 head of small livestock in some of the smaller markets to 1,800 head in some of the larger markets. Generally livestock does not appear in markets having fewer than 150 vendors of other types.

⁸⁴ Peasants account for about half of the fruit and vegetable sellers, three quarters of the livestock sellers, and virtually all of the women selling poultry, butter, and cheese. However, the rest of the fruit and vegetable sellers and most of the craft and manufactured goods vendors are full-time traders who buy their goods from town or from city wholesalers, and claim commerce as their major source of income.

⁸⁵ Michalak, “World-View,” writing on Tunisia, notes the popularity and utility of weekly markets there. The number of markets has doubled over the last ten years.

⁸⁶ In family operations, as opposed to fully commercialized ones, the cost of family labor is not fully taken account of in the push to secure subsistence, and the push to maximize family income is offset by the need to avoid too heavy a cost in drudgery. See Chayanov, A. V., The Theory of Peasant Economy, Thorner, D., Kerblay, B., and Smith, R. E. F., eds. (Homewood, Illinois: R. D. Irwin, 1966), 5–8;Google ScholarWolf, Eric, Peasants (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1966), 12–17.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Mathtech, Inc., FANS Group, Final Report: Poultry Improvement Project, Egypt (Atlanta: USAID, 1980), vol. 1, sec. 1, 3.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ In 1975, the nonagricultural labor force accounted for 23 percent of those found in rural areas, of which 19.4 percent was engaged in trade. Hank, Iliya, Distribution of Land, Employment, and Income in Rural Egypt (Ithaca: Cornell University Rural Development Committee, 1979), 58–59.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ The number of shops in the other provincial towns is as follows: in Manṣûra, 12,000; in Ṭanṭa and Maḥallat al-Kubra, about 10,000; and in Damanhûr and Zagäzîg, about 7,000. Arab Republic of Egypt, CAPMAS, The General Census of 1976; Census of Buildings and Residential Units by Town, in Arabic (Cairo: CAPMAS, 1978).Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Cadaster of Egypt, 1917; Arab Republic of Egypt, CAPMAS, Research on Work by Sample in the Arab Republic of Egypt; Results of the May 1980 Round, in Arabic (Cairo: CAPMAS, 1981).Google Scholar

⁹¹ The result of my own research and that of Sulayman yielded a combined total of 127 market villages or towns so far identified (79 from my research; 105 from his). See Larson, , “Structure and Function of Village Markets”;Google Scholar and Sulayman, Sulayman Isma'îl, “Rural Markets in the Governorate of Shargiyya” (Ph.D. thesis, 'Ayn Shams University, Cairo, 1983).Google Scholar

⁹² See Marshall, , Location of Service Towns, ch. 2;Google Scholar and Smith, C. A., “Regional Economic Systems,” for a more thorough discussion of the differences between these two types of distribution model.Google Scholar