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² Granovetter, M., “Economic Action and Social Structure: The Problem of ‘Embeddedness’,” American Journal of Sociology, 91 (1985), 481–510.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ The principal substantivist statement is, of course, Polanyi, Karl, “The Economy as Instituted Process,” in Arensberg, Polanyi, and Pearson, , eds., Trade and Markets in Archaic Societies (Glencoe, III., 1957).Google Scholar See Dalton's, G. discussion of Polanyi in his “Karl Polanyi's Analysis of Long Distance Trade and his Wider Paradigm,” in Sabloff, J. and Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C., eds., Ancient Civilization and Trade (Albuquerque, 1975).Google ScholarDavis, William G. discusses Polanyi in his Social Relations in a Philippine Market: Self-Interest and Subjectivity (Berkeley, 1973), especially 2–18;Google Scholar and Moms Silver offers a sharp critique in “Karl Polanyi and Markets in the Ancient Near East: The Challenge of the Evidence,” Journal of Economic History, 43 (1983), 795–829.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Harris, Marvin, Culture, People, Nature (New York, 1980),Google Scholar and especially Dugger, William M., “Instituted Process and Enabling Myth: The Two Faces of the Market,” Journal of Economic Issues, 23:2 (1989), 607–15,CrossRefGoogle Scholar who argues strongly against the notion that markets can be understood outside their institutional contexts. The conflicting views of economic anthropology on markets are neatly taken up in Plattner, Stuart, ed., Markets and Marketing (Lanham, Md., 1985), a collection of papers presented at the fourth annual meeting of the Society for Economic Anthropology, and integrated with contemporary discourse theory in the collection edited by Roy Dilley, noted above, based on a 1991 conference on “The Notion of the Market in Social Anthropological and Sociological Perspective.”Google Scholar

⁴ Hodges, Richard, Primitive and Peasant Markets (Oxford, 1988), ch. 1.Google Scholar

⁵ See Dalton, G., “Concepts and Terms,” Journal of Peasant Studies, 1:2 (1974), 240–3;CrossRefGoogle ScholarHams, , Culture, especially 238;Google ScholarSahlins, M., Stone Age Economics (London, 1974), 313;Google ScholarShanin, T., “The Nature and Logic of the Peasant Economy,” Journal of Peasant Studies, 1:1 (1973), 64–80;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWolf, E., “Types of Latin American Peasantry,” American Anthropologist, 57:3 (1955), 454–5;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Smith, Carol, “How Market Systems Affect Economic Opportunity in Agrarian Societies,” in Halperin, R. and Dow, J., eds.. Peasant Livelihood: Studies in Economic Anthropology and Cultural Ecology (New York, 1977), 117–46.Google Scholar

⁶ Smith, Charles, Auctions: The Social Construction of Value (Berkeley, 1990).Google Scholar See also, for example, Dilley, , “Contesting Markets,” 1;Google ScholarPlattner, S., “Equilibrating Market Relations,” in Markets and Marketing, 233–52;Google ScholarHealey, C., “Trade and Sociability: Balanced Reciprocity as Generosity in the New Guinea Highlands,” American Ethnologist, 11 (1984), 42–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ Skinner, G. Wm, “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China,” Journal of Asian Studies, 24:1 (1964), 3–43,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and 24:2 (1965), 195–228; Plattner, S., “Markets and Marketplaces,” in Plattner, S., ed., Economic Anthropology (Stanford, 1989), ch. 7;Google ScholarSmith, , “Exchange Systems and the Spacial Distribution of Elites,” as summarized in Hodges, Primitive and Peasant Markets, 16–22;Google ScholarAppleby, G., “Marketplace Development in the Gambia River Basin,” in Plattner, , ed., Markets and Marketing, 17–98;Google ScholarChristaller, W., Central Places in Southern Germany (Englewood Cliffs, 1967).Google Scholar

⁸ Dilley, R., Contesting Markets, esp. ch. 1.Google Scholar

⁹ Shanin, T., “Nature and Logic,” 63–80.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See especially Anderson, B. L. and Latham, A. J. H., eds., The Market in History (London, 1986).Google Scholar

¹¹ Hart, K., “Head or Tails? Two Sides of the Coin,” Man 21 (12 1986), 644.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

¹² Kirzner, I., Perception, Opportunity and Profit: Studies in the Theory of Entrepreneurship (Chicago, 1979).Google Scholar

¹³ A broad discussion of the ethics and moralities of market exchange can be found in Etzioni, A., The Moral Dimension: Toward a New Economics (New York, 1988).Google Scholar See also, Zelizer, V., “The Social Meaning of Money: ‘Special Monies,’” American Journal of Sociology 95:2 (1989), 342–77;CrossRefGoogle ScholarHart, , “Heads or Tails?, 637–8;Google ScholarSmith, Charles, Auctions, especially chs. 4, 7;Google ScholarKanel, D., “The Human Predicament: Society, Institutions and Individuals,” Journal of Economic Issues, 22 (06 1988), 427–34;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDye, T., ed., The Political Legitimacy of Markets and Governments (Greenwich, 1990),Google Scholar esp. pt. 1; Dugger, Wm, “Instituted Process and Enabling Myth,” 607 to 14;Google ScholarSilver, M., Foundations of Economic Justice (New York, 1989), esp. ch. 3;Google ScholarHausman, D., “Are Markets Morally Free Zones,” Philosophy and Public Affairs, 18 (Fall 1989), 317–33.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See especially Keith Hart's suggestive essay “Heads or Tails,” which shows the multiple functions of coins in joining symbols of state order (heads) with codifications of value (tails) and argues persuasively that, in addition to its function as a medium of equivalent exchange, money forms represent social and political organization. An open display of money (or the wearing of money equivalents like gold necklaces or bracelets) signifies cultural acceptance of economic inequalities in some highly commercialized societies in the same way that paunches might represent wealth in a pre-commercial village; the failure of a debased currency to lubricate commodity exchange relations is likely to produce a shift in attitudes about legitimacy, authority, and the state.

¹⁵ See Lubasz, especially H., “Adam Smith and the Invisible Hand-of the Market?,” In Dilley, Contesting Markets, 37–56.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See the careful discussion in Diakin, V. S., et al., Krizis samoderzhaviia v Rossii, 1895–1917 (Leningrad, 1984), especially 358–9.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Gregory, P., “Grain Marketings and Peasant Consumption in Russia, 1885–1913,” Explorations in Economic History, 17 (1980), 135–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁸ See the discussion in Kerblay, B. H., Les marchës paysans en U.R.S.S. (Paris, 1968), especially 90–98.Google Scholar

¹⁹ These small enterprises produced about one-third of Russia's total industrial output just before the World War. See Dinamika rossiiskoi i sovetskoi promyshlennosti (Moscow, 1929-1930), vol. 1, pt. 3, 176–77;Google ScholarNove, Alex, An Economic History of the U.S.S.R (London, 1988), 17.Google Scholar

²⁰ Gregory, P., Russian National Income, 1885–1913 (Cambridge, England, 1982), 127–34;Google ScholarGatrell, , The Tsarist Economy 1850–1917 (New York, 1986), 41–47, 167–87;Google ScholarNove, , Economic History, 17.Google Scholar

²¹ In the vital metals and metallurgy branch, for example, twelve leading Petrograd producers had formed their own production syndicate as early as 1902 and moved aggressively over the years against non-member firms. By 1911, the syndicate (officially the Society for the Sale of Metallurgical Products, or Prodamet) controlled 90 percent of sheet iron sales, 96 percent of construction steel, and 74 percent of all pig iron production. See Gatrell, , Tsarist Economy, 178–9.Google Scholar

²² Rieber, Alfred J., Merchants and Entrepreneurs in Imperial Russia (Chapel Hill, 1982), 415.Google Scholar Russian industrialists themselves were sharply divided. Strong monopolistic interests in Petrograd with close ties to foreign banking interests and the state, and dedicated after 1905 to rationalizing production, controlling labor, and modernizing their plants along Western European lines, worked at a considerable distance from many of their colleagues in Moscow, who maintained a much greater distance from the state, fought the industrial trusts, were more liberal politically, and continued to reflect in various ways the independence and autonomy of that city's traditional Old Believer merchant and manufacturing community. See the discussion in Rieber, and in Owen, Thomas, Capitalism and Politics in Russia: A Social History of the Moscow Merchants, 1855–1905 (Cambridge, England), 1981.Google Scholar

²³ This does not mean that communal villages necessarily resisted innovation nor that Russian peasants were not self-interested producers. Entrepreneurial activities flourished in many rural areas, especially those dependent on handicraft production. See Kingston-Mann, E. and Mixter, T., eds., Peasant Economy, Culture, and Politics of European Russia, 1800–1921 (Princeton, 1991), especially chs. 1, 3, and 4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁴ See Skinner, , “Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China,” passim.,Google Scholar as well as his “Rural Marketing in China: Revival and Reappraisal,” in Plattner, , Markets and Marketing, 8–9.Google Scholar

²⁵ An important institutional index of the under and uneven development of Russian localities in contrast to Western Europe and Asia is the zemstvo, a potentially integrative institutional structure created in conjunction with the emancipation of the peasants to manage regional and local political economies. From the start, some elements in the tsarist government strongly resisted the developmental implications of the zemstvos. They were not established at the level of Russia's very large districts (volost) until after the February Revolution. Under Alexander III and Nicholas II their activities at even the provincial level were greatly restricted. See especially Wcislo, F. W., Reforming Rural Russia: State, Local Society, and National Politics, 1855–1914 (Princeton, 1989)Google Scholar and Emmons, T. and Vucinich, W., eds., The Zemstvo in Russia: An Experiment in Local Self-Government (Cambridge, 1982).Google Scholar “Central place” theory has not, however, been systematically tested or applied to Russia, as Carol Smith and others have done for Latin America and elsewhere, largely I suspect because of the dearth of cultural anthropologists working in the Russian area. A recent, valuable, compendium of essays on rural Russia ignores the “central place” concept and its implications completely. See Kingston-Mann, and Mixter, , Peasant Economy. In contrast, compare Smith, C., ed., Regional Analysis, 2 vols., (New York, 1976).Google Scholar

²⁶ Promyshlennost' i Torgovlia 10 (1915), 497–8.Google Scholar

²⁷ Russian imports fell from 10.4 million tons in 1914 to 3.8 million tons in 1915; exports fell off even more. See Sidorov, A., Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie Rossii v gody pervoi mirovoi voiny (Moscow, 1973), 363–7.Google Scholar

²⁸ In the fall of 1914, for example, contracts worth some 66 million rubles for shells and shrapnel were placed with only sixteen plants, most prominently the Putilov, Baltic shipbuilding, Obukhov, Nevskii and Petrograd metal works in Petrograd. Some 60 million rubles were advanced in 1914 alone to enterprises in Petrograd. See Sidorov, , Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie, 29.Google Scholar

²⁹ Zagorsky, S. O., StateControl of Industry in Russia During the War (New Haven, 1928), pt. 4;Google ScholarSidorov, , Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie, 243–4.Google Scholar

³⁰ Promyshlennost' i Torgovlia, 4 (1916), 85–86.Google Scholar

³¹ From a total of some 17,877 industrial firms listed in Russia's principal commercial registry in 1913, only 12,492 were still in business by 1916. See Sidorov, , Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie, 347–8.Google Scholar

³² Gatrell, , The Tsarist Economy, 185.Google Scholar While estimates of total industrial production for the 58 provinces of European Russia (excluding Poland), the Caucasus, Sibeia, and Turkestan, made in the early 1920s, show a growth of some 1,211 million rubles between 1913 and 1916, or 21.5 percent, this was almost entirely the result of increased output in only two sectors, metals and chemicals. Metalworking plants alone accounted for an increase of 1,260 million rubles; chemicals, for 541 million. Of the other major industries, only leather, linen, hemp and jute, and various clothing plants (including shoes) showed any increase whatsoever, and accounted for only 8.3 percent of new output. Mineral extraction and processing (including cement production, ceramics, and glassmaking) fell into some 53 percent between 1913 and 1916, from an annual gross output of 154 million rubles to less than 90 million. Wood products declined 38 percent; the production of silk and paper, some 20 percent. Most dramatic and significant were the declines in Russia's two largest industrial branches, food processing and cotton textiles. In the food sector, output fell from 1,516 million rubles in 1913 to 1,176 million in 1916, or 22 percent. Cotton textiles fell from 1,091 million rubles to some 893 million, or a little more than 18 percent. By 1916, more than 30 percent of all industrial output went directly toward the war effort; and in the all-important metals and machine-construction sector, the figure was closer to two-thirds. See Tsentr.Stat.Upravlenie (TsSU), Trudy, vol. 26, “Fabrichno-zavodskaia promyshlennost' v period 1913–1918 gg.,” vyp. 2 (Moscow, 1926), 162–63;Google ScholarVorob'ev, N. Ia, “Izmeneniia v russkoi promyshlennosti v period voiny i revoliutsii,” Vestnik Statistiki, 14 (1923), especially 150–3;Google ScholarSidorov, , Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie, 333ff,;Google Scholar and the discussion in Koenker, D. and Rosenberg, Wm. G., Strikes and Revolution in Russia, 1917 (Princeton, 1989), ch. 1.Google Scholar

³³ See the discussion in Gatrell, , The Tsarist Economy, ch. 6. Already by 1914,Google Scholar however, treasury deposits accounted for more than one-fifth of total funds in the commercial banking system as a whole (Gatrell, , Tsarist Economy, 212).Google Scholar See also McKay, J. P., Pioneers for Profit: Foreign Entrepreneurship and Russian Industrialization, 1885–1913 (Chicago, 1970), especially 223–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁴ The number of workers employed in the metals industry, for example, declined by some 40,000 between 1914 and 1916; in chemicals, from 82,000 to approximately 65,000 in 1916, despite increased output in the industry as a whole. In South Russia, 25 percent of the blast furnaces operating in the metallurgical industry in 1915 had shut down in 1916, despite increased demand for iron and steel; and of the 223 metallurgical plants operating in 1915 (excluding Poland), only 145 remained open on the eve of the revolution. According to statistics compiled by N. Vorob'ev for the Central Statistical Administration in 1926, some 356 major enterprises closed in 1914, 573 in 1915 and almost 300 in 1916. See TsSU, Trudy, vol. 26, vyp. 1, 34–36.Google Scholar

³⁵ See the discussion in Koenker and Rosenberg, , Strikes and Revolution, 53–56.Google Scholar

³⁶ According to the data of the 1917 agrarian census, some 10,932,600 persons were drafted into the army from 47 European provinces between 1914 and January 1917, a figure that may have represented 45 percent or more of the most able-bodied men in the countryside. See Rossiia v mirovoi voine, 1914–1918 gg. (v tsifrakh) (Moscow, 1925), 17.Google Scholar

³⁷ Lih, L., Bread and Authority in Russia, 1914–1921 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990), 913;Google ScholarKitanina, T. M., Voina, khleb, i revoliutsiia (Leningrad, 1985), 70–71.Google Scholar

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³⁹ Lih, , Bread and Authority, 21.Google Scholar See also Kitanina, , Voina, 161–66.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Sidorov, , Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie, 402.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Krivoshein, Struve, and others felt that only the universal regulation of prices could eliminate speculation and result in supplies sufficient to produce a drop in prices. As Struve put it, “in the given instance, the regulated price will act not only as a social and political factor, but also as one tending to increase the quantity of available market supply.” See Struve, et al., Food Supply in Russia During the World War (New Haven, 1930), 458,Google Scholar and the discussion in Siderov, , Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie, 128–32. Arguments for sequestration were generally expressed in economic terms, but as labor dissidence increased as a result in particular of rising costs, the demand for an extension of state control obviously had political implications as well.Google Scholar

⁴² Socialist economists like Vladimir Groman and Nikolai Kondratiev worried that the intervention of “politically reactionary forces” into the market could greatly exacerbate the growing cost of living crisis. Groman argued with the support of the military that the state should intervene to force prices lower, especially for foodstuffs. See, for example, Kondratiev, N., Rynok khlebov (Moscow, 1922), 86–87.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid., 48–56.

⁴⁴ Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, March 7, 1917.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ A. I. Konovalov, the liberal Minister of Trade and Industry in the first Provisional Government cabinet brought Petrograd industrialists together with representatives of the Soviet to hammer out the famous agreement on March 10 setting up factory mediation committees in all major Petrograd industrial enterprises based on a system of workers' committees'; and the new government itself, in the persons of Konovalov, Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and others, took the lead in early March to institutionalize workers' committees on the railroads and in other state and private enterprises on the assumption that the committees were necessary for the mediation of disputes within the framework of a civil social order. See Rosenberg, William G., “Social Mediation and State Construction(s) in Revolutionary Russia,” Social History (Forthcoming).Google Scholar The March 10 Agreement is analyzed in Koenker and Rosenberg, Strikes and Revolution, ch. 4. The decree on factory committees is translated in Browder, R. and Kerensky, A., The Russian Provisional Government, 1917. Documents (Stanford, 1961), vol. 2, 713–15.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See the discussion in Lih, , Bread and Authority, ch. 3.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, March 28, 1917.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Zagorsky, , State Control, 214–5, 224.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ In Petrograd, these prices were extended in September to cover fifteen types of metal products, fixing two sets of prices for the periods of November 15 to December 31, 1917, and January 1 to March 30, 1918. See lzvestiia Petrogradskago gorodskogo obshchestvennago upravleniia, 25 (04 17/4 1918).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Vestnik vremennago pravitel'stva, March, 30, 1917;Google ScholarBrowder, and Kerensky, , II, 618–20.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Karrik, V. V., O khlebnoi monopolii (Petrograd, 1917), 10–16. Indeed, state procurement prices for a whole range of commodities, including grain, were soon increased.Google Scholar

⁵² Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA) f.23, op.17, ed.khr. 505, 606.

⁵³ Journal of the Executive Committee of the Sovet S'ezdov Predstavitel'ei Promyshlennosti i Torgovli, May 17, 1917, RGIA, f.32, op.1, de1.37, 1.117.

⁵⁴ RGIA f.23, op.17, ed.khr.609, 1.143.

⁵⁵ In Shingarev's analysis, authorized increases in the price of grain made state procurement obligations “impossible” to meet. Salary needs for the army (500 million rubles before the end of the year), the post and telegraph (150 million rubles), pensions (80 million), state employee cost of living bonus obligations (150 million), the financing of state debt, and a host of other urgent needs had brought state outlays to a staggering 1.5 billion rubles a month, most of which was now being financed by the printing press. Shingarev, A. I., Finansovoe polozhenie Rossii (Petrograd, 1917), 10–11.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ On the resistance of commercial groups see, e.g., Zagorsky, , State Control, 168,Google Scholar and Lozinskii, Z., Ekonomicheskaia politika vremennogo pravitel'stva (Leningrad 1929), 130–1.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Krest'ianskoe dvizhenie v 1917 godu (Moscow, 1927), 425.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ When legislation was drafted to create an unemployment fund through a mutual tax on management and workers, both sides strenuously objected, demanding that the state itself should shoulder the entire burden as if its resources were independent of tax revenues. See Shvarts, S. M. “Sotsial'noe strakhovanie v Rossii v 1917–1919 godakh,” unpublished manuscript in the Nicolaevsky Collection, Hoover Institution, box 779, fold. 10, 70–71.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ Kerensky, A., The Crucifixion of Liberty (New York, 1934);Google ScholarPipes, R., The Russian Revolution (New York, 1990).Google Scholar

⁶² Conquest, Robert, “Red for Go: How Western Pundits got the Wrong Signals about the USSR,” Times Literary Supplement (July 9, 1993), 3.Google Scholar

⁶³ A prominent and respected Soviet historian, for example, describes rural Russia in 1917 in a recent article as “irreversibly tied to a commercial-capitalist system of development,” particularly in terms of the formation within the peasantry of the distinct social strata of a “bourgeois order.” Danilov, V. P., “Istoriia sovetskogo obshchestva,” Istoria SSSR, 5 (1990), 9.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ “Banks are now so tightly bound up with trade (in grain and everything else) and with industry,” Lenin wrote in “The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It” in October, “that without ‘laying hands’ on the banks nothing of any value, nothing ‘revolutionary-democratic’ can be accomplished.” This essay is in Polnoe sobranie sochineniia, 5th ed. (Moscow, 1959), v. 25, 329–30.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Shingarev, , Finansovoe polozhenie, passim.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ The State Bank was seized on November 20, and major commercial banks on December 27. See Malle, S., The Economic Organization of War Communism, 1918–1921 (Cambridge, England, 1985), 153–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶⁹ RGIA f.126, op.1, d.19, 46, 48. On Gukovskii, see Malle, , Economic Organization, 159.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ The 324,000 persons registered as unemployed in April 1918, 1.5 million for 1918 as a whole, put a tremendous strain on local governments as well as the new regime. See Anikst, A., Organizatsiia raspredeleniia rabochei sily (Moscow, 1920 [1921]), 46–47.Google Scholar

⁷¹ The legislation of the Provisional Government, issued on August 19, 1917, was largely borrowed from comparable Western European legislation. The Bolshevik decree was issued on January 31, 1918. See Anikst, A. M., comp., Spravochnik po birzham truda v Rossil (Moscow, 1918), 8–10.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ Figes, O., Peasant Russia, Civil War (Oxford, 1989), 88.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid., 286–7.

⁷⁶ Dekrety sovetskoi vlasti, (Moscow, 1959), II, 23–24.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Trudy pervago vserossiiskogo s'ezda sovetov narodnogo khoziaistva (Moscow, 1918), 417–8.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ The argument was made most recently, and forcefully, by Pipes in The Russian Revolution.

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⁸⁰ State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), f.382, op.4, ed.khr. 325, 11. 3–4; ed.khr. 445, 1.12.

⁸¹ Anikst, , Organizatsiia rynka truda, p. 30.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ Ibid., 543–44.

⁸⁶ Ibid., 543.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 553.

⁸⁸ On this question see especially LeGrand, Julian and Estrin, Saul, eds., Market Socialism (Oxford, 1989), 1–24.Google Scholar

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⁹⁰ Ibid.

⁹¹ In 1922, less than 3 percent of total revenues came from taxation; and only 15 percent of the total state budget for 1922 could be financed by money receipts. The remaining 85 percent—needed for wages, the reconstruction of industry and transport, housing, the army, and so forth—came from the issue of new paper money, just as it had in 1917. Ibid., 145–6.

⁹² Ibid., 148; Nove, , Economic History, 91–92. The ratio makes the near hyperinflation of 1992–93 pale by comparison. In the spring of 1993, 130 rubles equaled 1 Soviet kopeck.Google Scholar

⁹³ Ibid., 147.

⁹⁴ The chernovets was officially a gold note backed 25 percent by gold and foreign currencies held on account and 75 percent by short-term state obligations and readily convertible commercial paper. The original meaning of chernovets was a gold coin. It was not convertible for gold, but its ratio to the United States dollar and the English pound sterling was fixed and kept nearly constant to allow foreign exchange. See Sokol'nikov, , Public Policy, 149–50.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ Alexander Erlich characterizes Barzarov as “one of the intellectual lights” of this decade. See his The Soviet Industrialization Debate (Cambridge, 1960), 60.Google Scholar

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