The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance, in facilitating research for this essay, of the Fulbright Fellowship Program, the Australian-American Educational Foundation, the Research Foundation of the State of New York, and the Flinders University of South Australia.

¹ The principal German-language texts on the Old Lutherans are Iwan, Wilhelm. Um des Glaubens Willen nach Australien: Eine Episode deulscher Auswanderung (Breslau. 1931)Google Scholar; idem, Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung um die Mine des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Breslau, 1943)Google Scholar; Foerster, Erich, Die Entstehung der preussichen Landeskirche unler der Regierung Freidrich Wilhelms des Dritten, 2 vols. (Tübingen. 1907)Google Scholar; and. in translation. Clemens, Lieselotte, Old Lutheran Emigration from Pomerania to the U.S.A.: History and Motivation. 1839–1843. Peters, Joachim, trans. (Hamburg, 1976).Google Scholar I have endeavored to cite English-language secondary sources whenever possible.

² A point very well developed in Baŝkauskas, Liucija, “The Lithuanian Refugee Experience and Grief,” International Migration Review. 15 (Spring–Summer 1981). 276–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ (Boston, 1951).

⁴ Handlin, Oscar, The Uprooted. 2d ed., enlarged (Boston. 1973), 300–22. esp. 319–322.Google Scholar

⁵ Vecoli, Rudolf, “Contadini in Chicago: A Critique of The Uprooted.” Journal of American History. 51 (12 1964), 404–17,CrossRefGoogle Scholar is the first and most well-known revisionist thrust aimed at Handlin. It set in motion a wholesale assault, in monograph after monograph, on Handlin's work.

⁶ This is certainly not to be construed to suggest that works such as Laurence A. Glasco's pathbreaking doctoral dissertation, “Ethnicity and Social Structure: Irish, German, and Native-Born of Buffalo, N.Y., 1850–1860” (State University of New York at Buffalo 1973), later published (New York, 1980)Google Scholar; or Clyde, and Griffen's, SallyNatives and Newcomers: The Order ing of Opportunity in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Poughkeepsie (Cambridge, Mass.. 1978)Google Scholar; or Thernstrom's, StephanThe Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880–1970 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar fail to illuminate immigration and ethnicity in countless ways, or to enhance our understanding.

⁷ For an articulate appeal for the separation of the methodological-analytical from the experiential in the presentation of history, see Henretta, James. “Social History as Lived and Written,” American Historical Review, 84 (12 1979), 1293 ff.Google Scholar

⁸ Allgemeine Zeitung [Berlin] 6 April 1843, p. 766Google Scholar; Hebart, Theodore, The United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia (UELCA): Its History, Activities, and Characteristics, 1838–1938, (Stolz, Johannes. trans. North Adelaide, 1938), 23Google Scholar; Meuser, Fred W., The Formation of the American Lutheran Church: A Case Study in Lutheran Unity (Columbus. Ohio, 1958), 11–13Google Scholar; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlulherischen Auswanderung, I, 24–30, 41–79Google Scholar; Blaess, F. J. H. and Triebel, L. A., trans.. “Extracts from the Reminiscences of Capt. Dirk Meinantz Hahn, 1838–1839.” South Australiana, 3 (09 1964), 109.Google Scholar

⁹ Kunz, Egon F., “Exile and Resettlement: Refugee Theory,” International Migration Review, 15 (Spring–Summer 1981), 42–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stein, Barry N., “The Refugee Experience: Defining the Parameters of a Field of Study,” International Migration Review, 15 (Spring–Summer 1981), 320–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Baŝkauskas, , “Lithuanian Refugee Experience, 276–91.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Brauer, A., Under the Southern Cross: History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Australia (Adelaide, 1956), 3–4Google Scholar; Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 15–17Google Scholar; “A Few Notes on the Establishment, and Etc., of the Lutheran Church in Australia,” The Australian Lutheran Almanac (Adelaide, 1918), 68Google Scholar; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, I, 9–23, 41–45, II, 9–49.Google Scholar

¹¹ Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 241–60,Google Scholar“Kartenskisse A”; Clemens, Old Lutheran Emigration, 17–23, 94–101Google Scholar; Pech, Bronte J., “Augustus Kavel, 1798–1860” (Honors thesis, Adelaide University, 1967). 24–27Google Scholar; Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 12.Google Scholar

¹² Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 25–28, 39–41Google Scholar; Iwan, , Gesehichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, I, 31–40, II, 84, 241–260Google Scholar; Shanahan, William, German Protestants Face the Social Question: The Conservative Phase, 1815–1871 (Notre Dame, 1954), 58–61, 94–98Google Scholar (on German Pietism and its relation to orthodox confessionalism). Translations from German are mine, with the assistance of Anneliese Garver.

¹³ Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 13–18Google Scholar; Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 27–38Google Scholar; Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 53–61Google Scholar; Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 21.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 50–122Google Scholar, for the story of the major emigration pastors and their resistance; Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 21–22.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 33–35, 60–64Google Scholar (on the so-called Buffalo Letter, and its impact).

¹⁶ Ibid., 23, 32, 59, 83–84; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 9–50. The scriptural quotations are, in order of use, Isaiah 28:16, Matthew 22:21, and Matthew 10:23.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 80–91Google Scholar; Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 30–46Google Scholar; Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 16–18, 33–36Google Scholar; Pike, Douglas, Paradise of Dissent: South Australia, 1829–1857 (Melbourne, 1957), 124–41Google Scholar (on George Fife Angas); Triebel, L. A., ”The Early South Australian German Settlers,” Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Papers and Proceedings. 8:3 (1960), 53, 59–60.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 49–50Google Scholar; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswan derung, II, 86–91, 94–100.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 35–43Google Scholar; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswan derung. I, 52–123Google Scholar, Allgemeine Zeitung, 18 July 1838.Google Scholar

²⁰ Allgemeine Zeitung. 18 July 1838, p. 1589.Google Scholar Later statements in the German press affirmed this viewpoint; Ibid., 18 September 1838, p. 2086 (“They set up their camp with many rules, order, and cleanliness.”), and 6 April 1843, p. 766 (“… an industrious, morally uncorrupt people … who are patriotic…”). Also see Swäbische Merkur [Stuttgart], 21 June 1843, p. 622.Google Scholar

²¹ Blaess, and Triebel, , “Extracts from Reminiscences,” 112.Google Scholar

²² Cf. Harmstorf, Ian, “German Migration, with Particular Reference to Hamburg, to South Australia, 1851–64” (M.A. thesis, Adelaide University, 1971), 6–12Google Scholar, plays down religious motives in favor of economic ones in early Lutheran (and German generally) migrations to South Australia. But Harmstorf does not make the argument successfully in the case of the Old Lutherans, because he refuses to take seriously the religious history of the group, which at one point he characterizes as largely composed of “ecclesiastical trivialities” (p. 19). Harmstorf is. of course, correct for later German immigrants, and his work on German immigration and the secular side of German life in South Australia has set a high standard for future inquiry.

²³ Clemens, , Old Lutheran Emigration, 86–92Google Scholar; Swäbische Merkur, 21 June 1843. p. 622:Google ScholarIwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, I, 231, 236.Google Scholar

²⁴ Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II. 80.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid., 80–82.

²⁶ Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 11–18Google Scholar; Ferm, Vergilius, The Crisis in American Lutheran Theology: A Study in the Issue between American Lutheranism and Old Lutheranism (New York, 1927), 124–36.Google Scholar

²⁷ Reve, J. L., Kurzgefasst Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirche in Amerika (Burlington, Iowa, 1915), 232–33.Google Scholar

²⁸ Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, I, 47–50.Google Scholar A few of Grabau's party then migrated to Wisconson to farm.

²⁹ On Buffalo in the 1830s and early 1840s, see Whitman, Roger, “Queen's Epic: Benjamin Rathbun and His Times,” typescript (Miscellaneous Files, Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, Archives), 1942Google Scholar; Horton, John T. et al. , History of Western New York: Erie, Niagara, Wyoming, Genesee, and Orleans Counties (New York, 1947), p, 81 ff.Google Scholar

³⁰ “Die Geschichte der Buffalo Synode, 1859–1866,” Wachende Kirche [Buffalo], 60:6 (1926), 7.Google Scholar

³¹ Quoted in ibid.; original date and source not precisely identified.

³² Iwan, , Gieschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 84Google Scholar; Kirchliches Informatorium [Buffalo], 15 December 1851, p. 48Google Scholar; 15 July, 1852, p. 7; 15 October 1852, p. 55; 1 May 1853, p. 110; 15 August 1853, p. 15; 1 July 1854, pp. 182–83, 15 August 1855, p. 8; Suelflow, Roy A., “The Relations of the Missouri Synod with the Buffalo Synod up to 1866: Who Was to Blame?” Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 27 (10 1954), 117.Google Scholar

³³ Meuser, , Formation of the American Luteran Church, 17Google Scholar; Ferm, , Crisis in American Lutheran Theology, 124–36.Google Scholar

³⁴ Kirchliches Informatorium, 1 03 1857, p. 103.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ferm, , Crisis in American Lutheran Theology, 117Google Scholar; Wolf, Richard Charles, “The Americanization of German Lutherans, 1683–1829” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1947).Google Scholar

³⁶ Forster, Walter O., Zion on the Mississippi: The Settlement of Saxon Lutherans in Missouri, 1839–1841 (St. Louis, 1953)Google Scholar; Suelflow, Roy A., “The Relations of the Missouri Synod with the Buffalo Synod up to 1866: The Immigration and Early Relations,” Concordia Historical Institute Quarterly, 27 (04 1954), 7–9.Google Scholar

³⁷ Kirchliches Informatorium, 15 March 1852, p. 88 (advertisement).Google Scholar

³⁸ Beck, Walter H., Lutheran Elementary Schools in the United States: A History of the Development of Parochial Schools and Synodical Educational Policies and Programs (St. Louis, 1939), 124–26Google Scholar; Kirchliches Informatorium, 1 August 1853, p. 8Google Scholar; Weltbürger [Buffalo], 16 October 1850.Google Scholar

³⁹ Kirchliches Informatorium, 15 January 1852, p. 55.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid., 15 August 1855, p. 8.

⁴¹ Ibid., 1 November 1855, p. 48.

⁴² Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame?” 125Google Scholar; “Die Geschichte der Buffalo Synode,” 7.

⁴³ Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Immigration and Early Relations,” 1 ff.Google Scholar; idem, “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame” 97–101Google Scholar; Reve, , Kurzgefasst Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirche, 228–35, 317–21Google Scholar; Der Lutheraner [St. Louis], 17 (18 September 1860), 17–19Google Scholar; 23 (1 August 1866). 177–78 (for “barbarian American wrong”).

⁴⁴ Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame?” 108–10, 126.Google Scholar It was also the case that Grabau discouraged missionary activity (Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 16Google Scholar). This, too, must have limited the possibility of an increase in membership. A later Buffalo Synod commentator, discussing reasons for the Missouri Synod's growth, relative to that of Buffalo, stated that “America is not Germany, and what in Germany will bring about full success, may here bring about ruin” (“Die Geschichte der Buffalo Synode,” 7).

⁴⁵ Reve, , Kurzgefasst Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirsche, 234–35Google Scholar; Meuser, , Formation of the American Lutheran Church, 16.Google Scholar Luther himself was particularly concerned about the abuse of excommunication by church authorities, especially in matters he regarded as secular; Grabau, however, eventually did employ the ban in matters of this sort. For Luther's position, see Luther, Martin, “Twenty-Seven Proposals for Improving the State of Christendom,” in Martin Luther: Selections from His Writings, Dillenberger, John, ed. (New York, 1961), 435–36, 454, 497.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The Reverend Paul Theodore Bürger, Chronik der Ersten Evangelicalischen Lutherischen Driefaltigskeits Gemeinde, U.A.C. in Buffalo, N.Y. (Buffalo, 1889), 7–20Google Scholar; Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Immigration and Early Relations,” 14–16.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Quoted in Henning, G., Wie Grabau Lehrt und Schwört!, oder Erklärurgen über die in der Dreifaltigkeits—Gemeinde des Pastor Grabau zu Buffalo vorgefallenen Streitigkeiten (Buffalo, 1868), 6 (quotation), 7.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Suelflow, , “Relations of the Missouri Synod: Who Was to Blame?” 125–31Google Scholar; Reve, , Kurzegesätze Geschichte der Lutherischen Kirche, 320Google Scholar; Der Lutheraner, 24 (15 December 1866), 57–58, 61Google Scholar; 25 (9 March 1867), 110–11, 116–17; Henning, , Wie Grabau Lehrt und Schwört!Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Pike, , Paradise of Dissent, 74–95, 145–65, 169 ff.Google Scholar; Williams, Michael, “The Geography of South Australia, 1840,” in Studies in Australian Geography, Drury, G. H. and Logan, M.I., eds. (Melbourne, 1968), 71–82Google Scholar; Richards, Eric, “The Genesis of Secondary Industry in the South Australian Economy to 1876,” Australian Economic History Review, 15 (09 1975), 109–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weaver, Glen D. and Rays, H. F., “Colonial Germans in South Australia,” Journal of Geography, 58 (11 1959), 370.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁰ Harmstorf, , “German Migration,” 25Google Scholar. Isolation and distance from the Western civilization which spawned contemporary Australia have emerged as major themes in the nation's historical self-understanding since the appearance of Blainey's, GeoffreyThe Tyranny of Distance: How Distance Shaped Australia's History (Melbourne, 1966).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Grope, L. B., “The Story of Klemzig, South Australia,” Australian Lutheran Almanac (Adelaide, 1975), 25–34Google Scholar; Pike, , Paradise of Dissent, 209–10Google Scholar; Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 54, 60–63.Google Scholar

⁵² Iwan, , Um des Glaubens Willen nach Australian, 49–92Google Scholar; Grope, , “Story of Klemzig,” 39–43Google Scholar; “A Few Notes on the Establishment of the Lutheran Church,” 68–75Google Scholar; Gale, G. F., “The German Settlement of Hahndorf” (Honors thesis, Adelaide University, 1953), 1–15Google Scholar; Blaess, and Triebel, , “Extracts from Reminiscenses,” 115–25.Google Scholar

⁵³ “A Few Notes on the Establishment of the Lutheran Church,” 73–75Google Scholar; Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 35–36.Google Scholar The impact of this practice on the age of marriage, fertility, and family composition of the refugees deserves further inquiry.

⁵⁴ Zweck, J., “Church and State Relations as They Affected the Lutheran Church and School in South Australia, 1838–1900” (Masters thesis. University of Melbourne, 1971), 27Google Scholar; Gale, , ”German Settlement of Hahndorf,” 17–18.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ E.g., Gerstaecker, Freidrich, Narrative of a Journey round the World. (New York, 1854), 468.Google Scholar Gerstaecker wrote of Tanunda, the principal German town of the Barossa Valley, “Tanunda is a nice place, but entirely German. There are German public houses, a German drug store, German doctors, stores, blacksmith, carpenter, school, church; in fact everything is German; and walking through the streets, the form of some house alone shows an English character. In every other respect, the traveler would believe himself in some little village of the old country between the Rhine and the Oder.” A recent survey, which charts the full impact of this Germanness on both the built and social environments is Young's, GordonEarly German Settlements in the Barossa Valley, South Australia (Adelaide, 1978).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 73Google Scholar; Gale, , “German Settlement of Hahndorf,” 18–19Google Scholar; Grope, , ”Story of Klemzig,” 32Google Scholar; Heidrich, Laura and Freund, Dora, trans. Memoirs of Anna Ex (n.p., n.d.), 35–42Google Scholar (for the extremely restrictive cultural and recreational climate of the German towns in the 1840s and, especially, the 1850s).

⁵⁷ Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 84–91Google Scholar; Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 99–100Google Scholar; Hebart, , United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia, 41, 59, 60.Google Scholar For an excellent exposition of Kavel's complex views on church-state relations, see Zweck, , “Church and State Relations,” esp. 30, 40–52.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 99–107Google Scholar; Zweck, , “Church and State Relations,” 50–60Google Scholar; The Reverend Auricht, Johann C., Synodalbeschluesse (1839–1855),Google Scholar file and English-language notes with copy of the Apostolic Constitution (Lutheran Archives of Australia, North Adelaide, South Australia, hereafter, LAA).

⁵⁹ See Pike, , Paradise of Dissent, 263Google Scholar, for astute remarks on the complex roles filled by the pastors; Abbe, D. Van, “August Ludwig Christian Kavel”, and “Gotthard Daniel Fritzche,” Australian Dictionary of Biography (Melbourne, 1967), II, 33–34.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, II, 52–55.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Brauer, A., “Krumnow Once More,” Australian Lutheran Almanac (Adelaide, 1937), 63–68Google Scholar; Hebart, , United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia, 49–50Google Scholar; Iwan, , Geschichte der Altlutherischen Auswanderung, 57–58Google Scholar. There is no agreement in the spelling of this popular lay leader's name, some sources using “Krumnow,” and others, “Krummow” or “Krummnow.”

⁶² Brauer, , “Krumnow Once More,” 66.Google Scholar

⁶³ Brauer, A., “Another Page from the Life of the Fathers,” Australian Lutheran Almanac (Adelaide, 1930), 60–63.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The literature on millennialism and social change is immense, spanning societies from Melanesia to Europe and North America. I have profited from Cross, Whitney R., The Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (Ithaca, 1950)Google Scholar; Cohen, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York, 1957)Google Scholar; Hill, Christopher, Puritanism and Revolution (London, 1958)Google Scholar; Thompson, E. P., The Making of the English Working Class (London, 1963)Google Scholar; Wallace, Anthony F. C., The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York, 1970).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Brauer, , “Another Page from the Life of the Fathers,” 60Google Scholar; idem, Under the Southern Cross, 60–61Google Scholar. For the complete exchange of letters, see Iwan, , Um des Glaubens Willen nach Australien, 133–41.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Pech, , “Augustus Kavel,” 31–32, 78–79Google Scholar; Hebart, , United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia, 51, 53.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ With a small party of followers, Krumnow soon left to establish a communal farm in Victoria. Hebart, , United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Australia, 50Google Scholar; Brauer, , “Another Page from the Life of the Fathers,” 63.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 106–7Google Scholar; “A Few Notes on the Establishment of the Lutheran Church,” 83–84.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ This incident is related in Gerstaecker, , Narrative of a Journey, 468–69.Google Scholar Another story present in the oral tradition of South Australia, and even more difficult to credit, has it that Kavel and followers once climbed the Kaiser Stuhl, carrying chains, to capture the Devil; this action would have also fulfilled prophecy relevant to Christ's return and found in Revelation, chapter 20. The latter incident is related by Ian Harmstorf, to whom I am also grateful for the Gerstaecker citation, in the Sunday Mail [Adelaide], 9 October 1977, p. 135.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Brauer, , Under the Southern Cross, 53–62Google Scholar; Iwan, , Um des Glaubens Willen nach Australien, 64–69.Google Scholar

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⁷³ Rose, Peter I., “Some Thoughts about Refugees and the Descendants of Theseus,” International Migration Review, 15 (Spring–Summer 1981), 10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁴ E.g., the American Puritans, on whom the literature is voluminous. But see especially Morgan, Edmund S., Puritan Dilemma: John Winthrop (Boston, 1958)Google Scholar; Lockridge, Kenneth A., A New England Town: The First Hundred Years (New York, 1970).Google Scholar