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² For a recent critical take on “what not to do if one is serious about understanding empire,” see the following review of both Ferguson's and Hardt and Negri's works: Motyl, Alexander J., “Is Everything Empire? Is Empire Everything?” Comparative Politics 38 (2006): 229–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The quote is from page 246.

³ For a more in-depth historical discussion of this change in the uses and understandings of empire, see Lieven, Dominic's chapter “Empire: A Word and Its Meanings,” in Empire: The Russian Empire and Its Rivals (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 3–26Google Scholar.

⁴ For the most recent work on the role of empires in world history since antiquity, see Burbank, Jane and Cooper, Frederick, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010)Google Scholar. In this regard, see also Darwin, John, After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405 (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁵ On the importance of Rome and China for the more general study of empire, see Burbank and Cooper, Empires in World History, 23–59; Lieven, Empire, 27–86.

⁶ Gibbon, Edward, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 8 vols. (London: John Murray, 1903–1914)Google Scholar. For an analysis of various uses and understandings of the notion of “civilization” in different imperial settings, see Pomeranz, Kenneth, “Empire & ‘Civilizing’ Missions, Past & Present,” Daedalus 134 (2005): 34–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ One might read another recent book by Niall Ferguson as expressing a justifying ethos similar to that of Gibbon about how the “civilization” of “the west” can nevertheless still hold out in the face of perceived political and economic challenges from “the rest”: Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin Books, 2011)Google Scholar.

⁸ By the twenty-first century even the Mongols have been rehabilitated. See Kotkin, Stephen, “Mongol Commonwealth? Exchange and Governance across the Post-Mongol Space,” Kritika 8 (2007): 487–531CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹ Abou-El-Haj, Rifa‘at ‘Ali, Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

¹² For a comparable analysis of the Imperial Turn in Russian history, see David-Fox, Michael, Holquist, Peter, and Martin, Alexander M., “The Imperial Turn,” Kritika 7 (2006): 705–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Gerasimov, Ilya, Kusber, Jan, and Semyonov, Alexander, eds., Empire Speaks Out: Languages of Rationalization and Self-Description in the Russian Empire (Leiden: Brill, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Although we are largely sympathetic to Antoinette Burton's project, ours, as we have been explaining so far, is a very different understanding of the “imperial turn” than the one she offers in her critique of scholarship on the nation. She writes, “We take ‘the imperial turn’ to mean the accelerated attention to the impact of histories of imperialism on metropolitan societies in the wake of decolonization, pre- and post-1968 racial struggle and feminism in the last quarter century.” In: “Introduction: On the Inadequacy and the Indispensability of the Nation,” in Burton, A., ed., After the Imperial Turn: Thinking with and Through the Nation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ The classical accounts of Ottoman decline are: Lewis, Bernard, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: Oxford University Press, 1962)Google Scholar; and idem., “Some Reflections on the Decline of the Ottoman Empire,” Studia Islamica 9 (1958): 111–27Google Scholar. For some of the many critiques, see Genç, Mehmed, “Osmanlı Maliyesinde Malikane Sistemi,” in Okyar, Osman, ed., Türkiye İktisat Tarihi Semineri Metinler/Tarışmalar (Ankara: Hacettepe Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1975), 231–96Google Scholar; Kafadar, Cemal, “The Question of Ottoman Decline,” Harvard Middle Eastern and Islamic Review 4 (1997–98): 30–75Google Scholar. For reviews of the literature and critiques of decline, see Quataert, Donald, “Ottoman History Writing and Changing Attitudes towards the Notion of ‘Decline,’” History Compass 1 (2003): 1–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sajdi, Dana, “Decline, Its Discontents and Ottoman Cultural History: By Way of Introduction,” in Sajdi, Dana, ed., Ottoman Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the Eighteenth Century (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2007), 1–40Google Scholar.

¹⁴ For examples of the use of this new vocabulary, see Barkey, Karen, Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Ágoston, Gábor, “A Flexible Empire: Authority and Its Limits on the Ottoman Frontiers,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 9 (2003): 15–31Google Scholar; Doumanis, Nicholas, “Durable Empire: State Virtuosity and Social Accommodation in the Ottoman Mediterranean,” Historical Journal 49 (2006): 953–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³¹ Ibid., ix.

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³⁴ The final chapter of Nelly Hanna's most recent book does address Egyptian economic history into the twentieth century, arguing that there were multiple forms of capitalism in the early modern period and that “the development of forms of artisan capitalism” were later “subsumed by more dominant ones” (Artisan Entrepreneurs, 194).

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³⁸ Ibid., 22.

³⁹ Ibid., 23 (original emphasis).

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⁴¹ Ibid., 30.

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⁴⁶ In this regard, see, for example, Reşat Kasaba's A Moveable Empire: Ottoman Nomads, Migrants, and Refugees (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2009), which uses the study of mobility to understand the entire temporal scope of Ottoman history.

⁴⁷ Barkey, Karen, Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁹ Doumanis, “Durable Empire,” 955.

⁵⁰ Barkey, Empire of Difference, 17.

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