¹ Marańón, Gregorio, “Sex and Religion in Spain,” Birth Control Review, 13:6 (1929), 159.Google Scholar

² This anecdote was related to me by Basala, José Ruíz-Castillo, Madrid, 2 April 1981.Google Scholar

³ Attributed to the pretender Carlos, Don, in an interview in The New York Herald, reprinted in Punch, 22 August 1874.Google Scholar

⁴ PiǬero, J. M. López, Medicina y sociedad en la Espaha del sigh XIX (Madrid: Sociedad de Estudios y Publicaciones, 1964), 61Google Scholar. PiǬero, López stresses the “rare unanimity” in the liberalism of Spanish physicians of the first third of the nineteenth century.Google Scholar

⁵ Glick, Thomas F., “Science and the Revolution of 1868,” in La Revolution de 1868, Lida, Clara and Zavala, Iris, eds. (New York: Las Americas, 1970), 267–72Google Scholar; idem, “Spain,” in The Comparative Reception of Darwinism, Glick, T. F., ed. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974), 307–45Google Scholar. On medical deputies, see Alvarez-Sierra, J., “Los diputados medicos de la primera Republica,” El Siglo Medico, 92:4165 (1933), 400–401.Google Scholar

⁶ Spanish intellectual historians have long recognized the polarization of the elite into “two Spains” (sometimes with a progressive conservative “tercera EspaǬa” in the middle). According to some students of elites, there is no basis for dispassionate civil discourse when an elite is sharply divided into conservative and progressive sectors. In such cases, all factions are heavily ideologized, and all ideas, whether they bear an overtly political message or not, are used automatically for ideological purposes. When the elite is not in agreement over the necessity of dispassionate civil discourse, then ideas will disseminate only partially, following lines of factional division. When an elite is more unified, at least on the issue of assigning a positive value to civil discourse, then there is a much diminished tendency for ideas, including scientific ones, to become ideologized. See Field, G. Lowell and Higley, John, Elitism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980).Google Scholar

⁷ See, for example, the observation of Ataúlfo Huertas, a moderate but not extremist clerical critic of Einstein, that “we have not made [relativity] the object of political philias or phobias,” in “La Relatividad de Einstein,” Revista Calasancia, 11 (1923), 241.Google Scholar 8. Glick, Thomas F., “Einstein y los espaǬoles: Aspectos de la receptión de la relatividad,” Hull: Boletin de la Sociedad EspaǬola de Historia de las Ciencias, 2:4 (12 1979), 3–22Google Scholar; idem, “Einstein a Barcelona,” Ciéncia (Barcelona), no. 3 (10 1980), 10–18.Google Scholar

⁹ Valentín Corcés Pando, in a 1978 lecture, cited by García, Germán L., Oscar Masotta y el psicoanálisis del castellano (Barcelona: Biblioteca Freudiana, 1980), 130Google Scholar. It has been shown empirically that Spanish scientists today are disconnected from Spain's scientific past and feel no sense of continuity with pre-civil war scientists. Blanco, Pedro González, El investigador cientifico en Espana (Madrid: Centre de Investigaciones Sociologicas, 1980), 116–17.Google Scholar

¹⁰ García, , Oscar Masotta, 40.Google Scholar

¹¹ Ibid., 130–36. García's interesting history of psychoanalysis in Argentina betrays a similar foreshortening of vision in assigning scant importance to the appearance of Freudian ideas prior to the institutionalization of psychoanalysis there in 1943. García, Germán L., La entrada del psicoanálisis en Argentina (Buenos Aires: Altazor, 1978).Google Scholar

¹² This is not a purely orthodox stance. At a symposium on psychiatry and psychoanalysis in early twentieth-century Spain, held in Madrid on 3 April 1981, many speakers (none of them Freudian) seemed to apologize for the absence of an orthodox Freudian period in Spanish medical history. My position was that the eclectic Spanish reception of Freud in the 1920s was an ideal object of study, because of its intellectual richness and social complexity.

¹³ Breuer, Josef and Freud, Sigmund, “Mecanismo psiquico de los fenómenos histéricos,” Gaceta Medica de Granada, 11 (1893), 105–11, 129–35Google Scholar; and Revista de Ciencias Médicas de Barcelona, 19 (1893), 54–59, 85–89.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Sanz, E. Fernández, Histerismo, teoría y cllnica (Madrid: Francisco Beltran, 1914), 189–239Google Scholar; also published as “El psicoanalisis,” Los Progresos de la Clinica, 3 (1914), 257–83Google Scholar, which is the version cited here. Although this article was much cited, it was not the first detailed account available to Spanish physicians. The year before, Rafael del Valle y Aldabalde (1863–1937) had published an article on Freud and his followers which provided a fairly bal- anced account, although it was opposed to Freud's “exaggerated” emphasis on sexual factors. Valle thought that psychoanalytic therapy applied to women and children could be dangerous if it awakened sexual desires which the subject could not handle. “El psicoanalisis de Freud,” Revista de Medicina y Cirugia Prdcticas, 37:1265 (1913), 169–79, 209–16.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Banús, José Sánchis, “La cuestión del psicoanálisis,” Archivos de Medicina, Cirugía y Especialidades, 15:3 (1924), 137.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Sanz, E. Fernández, “La técnica del psicoanálisis como instrumento terapeútico,“ El Siglo Médico, 71:3628 (1923), 597–601.Google Scholar

¹⁷ The session is referred to by Sánchez-Herrero, Abdón, “Neuropatias post-blenorrágicas,” El Siglo Médico, 62:3187 (1915), 37Google Scholar. Sánchez-Herrero was a psychiatrist of the old school, stridently anti-Freudian. In a review of Fernández Sanz's book on hysteria, he had asserted that Freud was “crazier than a goat.” “Una obra espaǬola,” El Siglo Médico, 61:3184 (1914), 803–05.Google Scholar

¹⁸ For example, Sacristán, José M., “La interpretación de los sueǬos según S. Freud,” El Sol, 3 03 1918Google Scholar; Lafora, Gonzalo, “Es curable la locura?” El Sol, 16 04 1918Google Scholar. Other articles on psychoanalysis appearing in El Sol during this period were Santos Rubiano, “La interpretación psicobiologica de las psicosis. Sobre las nuevas orientaciones psiquiátricas,” 11 and 18 November 1919; and Luzuriaga, Lorenzo, “El psicoanálisis y la coeducación,” 10 June 1920.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Lafora, Gonzalo, “Las concepciones sobre el histerismo,” El Sol, 29 07 1919.Google Scholar

²⁰ Cajal, Santiago Ramón y, Obras literarias completas (Madrid: Aguilar, 1961), 314, 316–17. The manuscript of Cajal's dream book does not survive.Google Scholar

²¹ Matamoro, Bias, “Freud en Andalucia. Carlos Castillo del Pino y el psicoanálisis en EspaǬa,” Norte: Revista Hispano-Americana, 3d epoch, no. 278 (08 1977), 55.Google Scholar

²² Gasset, José Ortega y, “Psicoanálisis, ciencia problemática,” Obras completas (Madrid, Revista de Occidente, 1946) I, 216–38Google Scholar. The article had originally been published in three parts, two in La Lectura (Madrid) and the third, entitledGoogle Scholar“El secreto de los suenos,” in La Prensa (Buenos Aires), 3 10 1911.Google Scholar

²³ Ortega, , “Psicoanálisis, ciencia problemática,” 222Google Scholar. Ortega had become interested in Freud as early as 1910, when in an article on Pío Baroja he expounded Freud's notions of unsatisfied desires. Ortega, , Obras completas, II, 109–10Google Scholar. On Ortega's youthful interest in biomechanics, see Arroyo, Ciriaco Morón, El sistema de Ortega y Gasset (Madrid: Alcala, 1968), 197.Google Scholar

²⁴ Basala, José Ruíz-Castillo, El apasionante mundo del libro: Memorias de un editor (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 1979), 108.Google Scholar

²⁵ Volume I, La psicopatologia de la vida cotidiana, appeared in 04 1922Google Scholar. Ortega's short introduction to volume I was also printed in El Sol, “Sobre un libro de Freud,” 12 April 1922. The series was first advertised, at 10 pesetas the volume, on April 19, and volume I was reviewed by Lorenzo Luzuriaga on May 22. Subsequent volumes reviewed in El Sol were Una teoria sexualy otros ensayos (vol. II), 29 03 1923Google Scholar; El chiste y su relatión con lo inconsciente (vol. III), 18 08 1923Google Scholar; Totem y tabú (vol. VIII, reviewed by Caballero, Ernesto Giménez), 12 01 1925Google Scholar; Psicologia de las rnasas y análisis del yo (vol. IX, reviewed by Caballero, Giménez), 21 07 1925Google Scholar; Inhibitión, sintoma y angustia (vol. XI), 3 08 1927Google Scholar; Psicologia de la vida erótica (vol. XIII), 18 07 1929Google Scholar; El porvenir de las religiones (vol. XIV, reviewed by Manent, Jose M. Ruíz), 7 10 1930.Google Scholar

²⁶ Basala, José Ruíz-Castillo, personal communication, Madrid, 2 04 1981.Google Scholar

²⁷ Abaunza, Antonio, “Ensayo a modo de prologo,” in Augusto [sic] Marie, La crisis del psicoanalisis (Madrid: n.p., 1930), viiiGoogle Scholar. The mathematician Bachiller, Tomás Rodríguez (personal communication, Madrid, 10 10 1980) recalled buying the Obras completas “as they appeared,” and discussing their contents with a schoolfellow at the Escuela de Caminos. Pedro Lucia OrdoǬez, was an engineer in the circle of Ortega; his library, whose contents I examined by permission of his family, also contained the works of Freud, as well as other foreign authors on psychoanalysis.Google Scholar

²⁸ According to José Ruíz-Castillo Basala, Freud's royalties were 500 pesetas per volume, outright. López Ballesteros was also paid 500 pesetas per volume, because his translation was good and he worked fast.

²⁹ The Spanish version of the letter is given by Basala, Ruíz-Castillo, El apasionante mundo dellibro, 109.Google Scholar

³⁰ Etcheverry, José Luis, Sobre la versión castellana, Vol. IGoogle Scholar of Freud, Sigmund, Obras completas, Etcheverry, J. L., ed. (Buenos Aires: Amorrortu, 1978), 59–61. The solution here was to translate Verdrängung as represión, but to further specify in brackets desalojo or esfuerzo de desalojo where required.Google Scholar

³¹ Morente, Manuel García, “El chiste y su teoría,” Revista de Occidente, 1:3 (1923), 356–68Google Scholar; Sacristáan, José M., “Das Ich und das Es,” Revista de Occidente, 2:5 (1923), 263–66Google Scholar; Lafora, Gonzalo, “La interpretación de los sueǬos,” Revista de occidente, 6:16 (1924), 161–65Google Scholar. See also Campillo, Evelyne López, La Revista de Occidente y la formation de minorias (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1972), 95–98.Google Scholar

³² Sacristán, José M., “Freud ante sus contradictores,” Revista de Occidente, 8:22 (1925), 134–39Google Scholar. This was a resume of Freud's article, “The Resistance of Psychoanalysis,” Collected Papers, 5 vols., Strachey, James, ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1959), V: 163–74.Google Scholar

³³ Ortega, , “Vitalidad, alma, espiritu,” Obras completas, II, 452–53 (1924)Google Scholar. In “El origen deportivo del estado,” written the same year, Ortega commented on social ramifications of oedipal relationships and the instinct of sociability, based on a reading of the Biblioteca Nueva version of Freud's Totem and Taboo, Ortega's own copy of which was heavily annotated, see Orringer, Nelson R., Ortega y susfuentes germánicas (Madrid: Gredos, 1979), 224–25, esp. n. 1. (Orringer's information on Freud's Obras completas, however, is garbled.)Google Scholar

³⁴ Garma, Angel, personal communication, Buenos Aires, 13 11 1979Google Scholar. Garma recalled in 1972, “The attitude of my colleagues [in Madrid] with respect to my psychoanalytic practice was predominantly one of indifference. I communicated preferentially [on psychoanalysis] with Sacristán, MaraǬón, Ortega y Gasset and Miguel Prados” (personal communication, 18 September 1972). See an allusion to Freud in Gustavo Pittaluga's lecture, “La esencia del querer,” as reported in El Sol, 3 02 1926.Google Scholar

³⁵ Report of lecture, Sánchis Banús's, “El problema penal desde el punto de vista psiquiatrico,” El Sol, 19 05 1926. Banús states that he could have entitled his lecture “Watson, Kretschmer, Freud and the Penal Problem,” but he belonged to no one school.Google Scholar

³⁶ Banús, José Sánchis, “Acerca de los trastornos nerviosos originados en la mujer por la práctica sistemática del ‘coitus intenuptus’ y su patogenia,” Los Progresos de la Clínica, 12 (1923), 196–230.Google Scholar

³⁷ Banús, Sánchis, “La cuestión del psicoanálisis,” 141–42.Google Scholar

³⁸ Lorente, Román Alberca, “El maestro,” Revista EspaǬola de Oto-neuro-oftamologia y neurocirugta, 23:133 (1964), 212. This issue contains a number of articles forming an homage to Sánchis Banús.Google Scholar

³⁹ de Villaverde, José María, “Algo sobre el movimiento psicoanalítico de la actualidad,” La Crónica Médica (Lima), 44 (1927), 183.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ de Villaverde, José María, “Algo a propósito de la angustia,” La Medicina Ibera, 24:604 (1929), 771–72Google Scholar. Among his other anti-Freudian writings, see “Las últimas ‘novedades’ en materia de psicoanálisis,” El Siglo Medico, 73:3659 (1924), 81–84Google Scholar (in which he states that psychoanalysis is false theoretically and, in practice, leads to the corruption of youth); and “Sobre el psicoanalisis,” El Siglo Medico, 73:3677 (1924), 536–41.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Villaverde, , “Algo a propósito de la angustia,” 773.Google Scholar

⁴² Lafora, Gonzalo R., “La teoría y los métodos del psicoanálisis,” Revista de Criminologia, Psiquiatria y Medicina Legal (Buenos Aires), 10 (1923), 385. In the case histories that follow, he describes his use of psychoanalysis. See especially page 395 where, after failing to determine the causes of a neurosis by interviewing the subject's family, he begins “psychoanalysis” by first asking the subject about his dreams. In this case—the patient was a man who remained in bed because of a repressed fear of assassination—the analysis provided the cure.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lafora, Gonzalo R., “Consideraciones sobre el mecanismo genetico de las psicosis paranoides,” El Siglo Medico, 68:3547 (1921), 1171.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid., 1202. See also the resume of Lafora's lecture of 16 April 1921 at the Ateneo, of Madrid, , “Análisis psiquico en las neurosis. Factores sexuales y no sexuales,” El Sol, 27 05 and 3 06 1921. It is clear from the article that he has practiced psychoanalytic techniques in therapy He concludes that “sexual life repressed by social organization is, in effect, the most abundant, although not the only, source of painful complexes and of desires repressed in the subconscious which later appear, sublimated, in neuroses.”Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Lafora, Gonzalo R., “Estudios psicoanah'ticos sobre las obsesiones,” Archivos de Medicina, Cirugía y Especialidades, 6:6 (1922), 260–72. He assumed that there was no substitution because of the shortness of time elapsed in the development of the obsession and because of the nature of the subject matter. Substitution and disfigurement were more likely to occur in cases of metaphysical obsessions, such as one he then described of a woman obsessed by extraterrestrial life.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Lafora, Gonzalo R., “Una opinión sobre Sinrazón, de Sánchez Mejías,” El Sol, 29 03 1928.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Lafora, Gonzalo R., “La impotencia masculina y la neurastenia sexual,” El Sigh Medico, 88:4068 (1931), 547, 551–52. About half of this article is devoted to organic causes of impotence. According to Lafora's disciple Luis Valenciano (personal communication, Murcia, 8 June 1980), “Lafora never integrated psychoanalysis into his medical system.” The anatomicalclinical approach of Villaverde, Lafora, and Sacristan could not accommodate psychoanalysis, according to Valenciano. The evidence, however, seems to indicate a greater accommodation to Freudian practice than Valenciano admits.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Sanz, E. Fernández, “Psicoanálisis y lógica,” El Sigh Médico, 73:3669 (1924), 337.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Sanz, E. Fernández, “Observaciones polémicas sobre psicoanálisis,” Archivos de Medicina, Cirugia y Especialidades, 15:7 (1924), 312.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Garma, Angel, personal communication, Buenos Aires, 13 09 1979.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Juarros, César, Los horizontes de la psicoanálisis, 2d ed. (Madrid: Mundo Latino, 1929), 60–61Google Scholar. To a Latin American commentator, Juarros, “sin[ned] through an excess of Freudianism.” Lorenzo, Vives B., El educador frente al psicoanálisis (San José, Costa Rica: Falco, 1938), 26.Google Scholar

⁵² Gayá, Luis Valenciano, El doctor Lafora y su época (Madrid: Morata, 1977), 86. Garma did not recall this incident when I asked him about it in 1979.Google Scholar

⁵³ That is the guess of Luis Valenciano (personal communication, Murcia, 8 June 1980), but Antonio Linares Maza, a disciple of Prados in the early 1930s, claimed that although Prados accepted Freud completely at that time, he did not yet practice psychoanalysis (personal communication, Madrid, 3 April 1981). See Romero, José Rallo, “Los últimos años de Prados como psicoanalista,” Archivos de Neurobiologia, 32 (1969), 469–71.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ One of the few foreign books on psychoanalysis to be translated into Spanish in the 1920s was Karl Haeberlin, Fundamentos del psicoanálisis, published by Ortega's Biblioteca de la Revista de Occidente. See review by Chapela, E. Salazar y, El Sol, 4 March 1928Google Scholar. Biblioteca Nueva published Jelliffe's, Smith ElyLa técnica del psicoanálisis in 1929.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Juarros, , Los horizontesGoogle Scholar; Marin, César Camargo y, La esencia del psicoanálisis (Madrid: Javier Morata, 1932)Google Scholar. Camargo, one of a number of Spanish lawyers interested in the applications of psychoanalysis to criminology, had begun to popularize Freud in a series of articles entitled “Las teorias del profesor Freud ante la psicologi'a experimental y onírica,” which appeared in the Revista de los Tribunales in 1927–28. These were the basis of his Psico-análisis del sueño profetico (Madrid: Aguilar, 1929)Google Scholar, an odd mixture of psychic research and psychoanalysis with three chapters summarizing Freudian theory. A popularizing volume, which I have not seen, is Fagoaga, Gill, El psicoanálisis y su signifwacion (Madrid: n.p., (1925).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ “Un congreso internacional de psicoanalisis,” El Sol, 7 10 1920Google Scholar; “Psicoanalisis,” El Sol, 4 01 1926.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ El Sol, 12 April 1926, and 3 April 1930.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., 23 February 1927, and 15 April 1931.

⁵⁹ Juarros, César, “Una lanza en favor de psicoanálisis,” El Sol, 15 01 1928.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ López, Emilio Mira y, El Psico-análisis (Barcelona: Monografias Médicas, 1926)Google Scholar. This is the Castilian version; there was also a Catalan edition, partially reproduced in Mira, , La psicoanálisi, Vidal-Teixidor, Ramon, ed. (Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1974). Note that psychoanalysis is feminine in Catalan but masculine in Castilian (because análisis is masculine), although López Ballesteros, inexplicably, rendered it in the feminine.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Carballo, Juan Rof, Biología y psicoanálisis (Bilbao: Desclée de Brouwer, 1972), 44.Google Scholar

⁶² Santos, Roberto Nóvoa, Physis y psyquis (Santiago de Compostela: El Eco de Compostela, 1922), 109, 231, 239, 249–50Google Scholar. On the biomedical thought of Nóvoa, see Barrios, Jacinto Candelas, La antropologia de Nóvoa Santos (Barcelona: Pulso, 1971).Google Scholar

⁶³ Santos, Roberto Nóvoa, Manual de patologia general, 5th rev. ed., 2 vols. (Santiago de Compostela: El Eco de Compostela, 1930), I, 3–4.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid., II, 774–85.

⁶⁵ SaldaǬa, Quintiliano, “Prólogo” to Psico-análisis del sueño profético, by Camargo, , 6Google Scholar. SaldaǬa was popularly perceived as a Freudian. See his discussion of the relationship of Freudianism to criminology, “La psiquiatría y el código (Estudio de téchnica legislativa),” Revista General de Legislatión y Jurisprudencia (Madrid), 146 (1925), 772–77'.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Marañón, Gregorio, “Veinticinco aǬos de medicina,” in the commemorative volume issued by his disciples, Veinticinco años de labor (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1935), 37–39.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ MaraǬón, , Obras completas, 10 vols. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1968–1977), VIII, 542–43.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid., III, 168.

⁶⁹ Ibid., III, 171.

⁷⁰ Bonaparte, Marie, Female Sexuality (New York: International Universities Press, 1953), 7–8Google Scholar. SaldaǬa (“La psiquiatría y el código,” 774n.) identifies MaraǬón as a follower of Freud and he was so perceived popularly. In 1928, MaraǬón noted, “I have been combatted—on some occasions quite recently—for the unspeakable sin of supposed Freudianism” (Obras completas, III, 167Google Scholar). Because he was able to explain sexual and, indeed, libidinal phenomena in a purely biological framework (that is not to say a completely somatic framework; he was not opposed to psychology), MaraǬón played an important role in running interference for Freud in Catholic countries. On his influence, “como sostituto di Freud,” in Italy, see David, Michel, La psicoanalisi nella cultura italiana, 2d ed. (Torino: Boringheri, 1970), 22Google Scholar. David characterizes Marañón's sexual theories as “parafreudian.” For a summary of Freudian influence in MaraǬón's work, see Entralgo, Pedro Laín, Gregorio Marañón, vida, obra y persona (Madrid: Austral, 1969), 97–98Google Scholar, and Ibor, Juan-José López, “Le psychologue,” in Hommage á Gregorio Marañón (Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1963), 81–85.Google Scholar

⁷¹ MaraǬon, , Obras completas. III, 1033–34.Google Scholar

⁷² MaraǬon, , Obras completas, III, 949Google Scholar. The date of the meeting was 5 June 1938; see Jones, Ernest, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, 3 vols. (New York: Basic Books, 1957). III, 227–28.Google Scholar

⁷³ Aza, Vital, “El coito doloroso en ginecologi'a (Apuntes sobre la frialdad sexual en la mujer),” El Siglo Medico, 74:3705 (1924), 569–73Google Scholar; reprinted in idem, Feminismo v sexo (Madrid: Javier Morata, 1928), 119–46.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Recasens, Sebastián, “Educación sexual femenina,” El Sol, 26 03 1927.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ This section summarizes my article, “Psicoanálisis, reforma sexual y politica en la España de entre-guerras,” Archivos de Neuropsiquiatria (Madrid), in press.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Asúa, Jiménez was the author of Psicoanálisis criminal, 5th ed. (Buenos Aires, Losada, 1947 [lst ed., 1940]).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Juarros, , Los horizontes, 118Google Scholar; El Sol, 19 February, 1929, and 21 January 1933Google Scholar. See also Juarros's article, “El problema social y familiar de los nifios mentalmente anormales,” El Siglo Médico, 87:4038 (1931), 470, where he notes, following Freud and Marie Bonaparte, that “to deny sexual life to the child constitutes the determining factor of a great number of the neurotic processes of childhood.”Google Scholar

⁷⁸ The text of Sánchis Banús's speech can be found in Diario de Sesiones de las Cortes Constituyentes de la II Repiiblica [Madrid], no. 57 (15 10 1931), 1759–64Google Scholar. Jiménez Asúa referred to “the mixed arguments of biology and law” in the debate on divorce and alluded to the “magnificent biological foundation” contributed to the debate by Banús, Sánchis (Proceso histórico de la Constitutión de la República EspaǬola (Madrid: Reus, 1932), 278, 282).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ The following material comes from an interview with Angel Garma held in Buenos Aires, 11 and 13 November 1979. This interview was made possible by a grant from the Fund for Psychoanalytic Research of the American Psychoanalytic Association. In Argentina, where Garma was a pioneer in psychosomatic medicine, his detractors claimed his ostensibly overly medical orientation was a result of his medical education with MaraǬón (García, , La entrada del psicoanálisis, 213). This is suggestive but, in the context of recent Argentinian psychoanalytic polemics, is a mere canard; in the same pre-Berlin period, Garma also worked with Sacristan at Ciempozuelos, which was a psychiatric environment congenial to Freudianism.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Garma, Angel, “Interpretacion psico-anah'tica de un gesto de Santa Teresa,” Archivos de Neurobiology, 10:6 (1930), 528–34.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Garma's application for the appointment was encouraged by Jiménez Asúa, who was president of the court, the Tribunal Tutelar de Menores.

⁸² Bustamante's psychoanalytic orientation is clear in the article. “El psicodiagnóstico en la nuerosis obsesiva,” in his Estudios sobre neurobiologia, neurologia v psiquiatria (Bilboa: Diputacion de Vizcaya, 1976), 47–135. This article was originally published in Archives de Neurobiologia in 1934.) Note the heightened interest in Spain in psychoanalysis as a diagnostic technique.Google Scholar

⁸³ Valenciano, Luis, personal communication, Murcia, 8 06 1980Google Scholar. See NúǬez's, Molina book, Observaciones psicoanaliticas (Madrid: Escelicer, 1950), with a prologue by César Camargo. According to Molina (p. 84), “around 1933, there was one orthodox analyst in Spain and quickly three students of psychiatry went to him to acquire … didactic formation.” Molina was one of the few in Franco Spain to criticize official psychiatry from a Freudian perspective.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See Garma's collected articles from this period, Elpsicoanálisis, la neurosis y la sociedad (Madrid: Archivos de Neurobiologia, 1936). There is a fascinating case of hysteria, reflecting the political ambience of Republican Spain (pp. 125–28).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See, for example, the following articles, all from El psicoandlisis, to which the page citations refer: “El tratamiento psicoanalítico y la transferencia afectiva,” 60–65 (originally published in Archivos de Neurobiologia, 11:3 (1931), 267–73Google Scholar; “El proceso de la curacion en el psicoanalisis,” 66–82Google Scholar (originally in Anales de Medicina Interna, 1:5 (1932), 411–26)Google Scholar; and “Cómo se estudia el psicoanálisis,” 83–92Google Scholar (originally in Archivos de Neurobiologia, 10:3 (1930), 217–25Google Scholar. Garma accounted for most of the articles on psychoanalysis published in the latter journal; see Pardo, F. Martínez, La neuropsiquiatria espanola vista a waves de 'Archivos de Neurobiologia' (1920–1972) (Madrid: Archivos de Neurobiología, 1978), esp. p. 63 (graph 19).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Higiene Mental: Boletin Oficial de la Liga Española de Higiene Mental, 2d epoch, no. 3 (1935), 17, 76, 81, 86.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Ibid., 21, 27, 56, 89.

⁸⁸ Ibid., 152–58: “Reglamento para las oposiciones a plazas de medicos de establecimientos psiquidtricos y cuestionarios … referentes a las mismas” (as published in Gaceta Oficial, 14 October 1933)Google Scholar. The sixteenth lesson in the psychiatric questionnaire (p. 157) is: “Psicoterapía y sus distintos métodos: sugestión, hipnosis, psicologia individual, psicoanálisis, psicagogía,” etc. The league submitted a memorandum to the interior minister in January 1933 whose section on sex education referred explicitly to psychoanalytic recommendations that a discussion of incest be included in sex education for adolescents (El Sol, 29 January 1933).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ See “Historia de la Asociacion Psicoanalftica Argentina (A.P.A.)” in Aberastury, Arminda, Cesio, Fidias R., and Aberastury, Marcelo, Historia, enseǬanza y ejercicio legal del psicoandlisis (Buenos Aires: Omeba, 1967), 23–45Google Scholar; and Prados, Miguel, “Psychoanalysis in Canada,” Canadian Psychoanalytic Review, 1:1 (1954), 2–33.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Summary of Juarros's lecture, “El psicoanálisis,” 14 01 1928, in El Siglo Medico, 81:3867 (1928), 74–75.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Abaunza, , “Ensayo a modo de prólogo,” xii–xiii.Google Scholar

⁹² Interview with Angel Garma, Buenos Aires, 13 November 1979. Note that he also viewed the success of his analytic practice in Berlin as attributable to the “environment of great liberty of customs” (Garma, , El psicoanalisis, 74, n. 1).Google Scholar

⁹³ Garma stressed to me his active participation in the Sociedad de Neurologia. His participation in the Instituto de Psicologia (Instituto Psicotecnico) is well documented (see the report of his lecture there on transference in El Sol, 17 February 1932) and was singled out by his friend Jose Germain in the 1981 Madrid lecture cited in note 12, above. According to Luis Valenciano, Germain engaged in “psychoanalytic digressions” (from his work on schizophrenia, etcetera) in the late 1920s, but Garma, who was his close friend, said that Germain's interest in Freud was superficial. In spite of his high professional profile within Spanish psychiatry, Garma stated (interview cited in note 79, above) that he felt himself “isolated from the scientific standpoint, in a [professional] environment fairly hostile to psychoanalysis and, … to confront this situation, began a self-analysis based primarily on the study of [his] own dreams.” Spanish psychiatry was a high-prestige profession and one in which a stance close to neurology was the norm, both circumstances thanks to Cajal. It was difficult for an outsider with a radically different view to break into this closed circle.

⁹⁴ Valenciano, Luis and Maza, Antonio Linares, personal communication, Madrid, 3 04 1981.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Vicéns, Ramón Serrano, La sexualidad femenina (Paris: Ruedo Iberico, 1972). Serrano's work was proscribed in Franco Spain and was published in France a decade after its completion. See his description (p. 7) of a dramatic meeting with Alfred Kinsey in Madrid in 1955.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ See for example Lafora, Gonzalo R., Don Juan, los milagros v otros ensayos (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 1927; rpt. Madrid: Alianza, 1975), 5–69Google Scholar; Marin, César Camargo y, Un tríptico sobre Don Juan (Madrid: Morata, 1934)Google Scholar; MaraǬón, Gregorio, “Notas para la biologfa de Don Juan” (1924), Obras completas, IV, 75–93Google Scholar; idem, “La vejez de Don Juan” (1928), Obras completas, I, 437–44Google Scholar; Valbuena, Angel, “En torno al psicoanalisis de Don Juan,” Revista de Psicologia y Pedagogia, 5:17 (1937), 170–83Google Scholar. For MaraǬón, Don Juan was “hypergonadal”Google Scholar; Lafora said he suffered from affective dissociation, etcetera. Corpus Barga taunted the entire genre in the name of Catalinón, Chiutti, and other servants of Don Juan: Lafora claimed that Don Juan had suffered from “various sexual pathologies,” but the servants claimed he had never been sick at all, just a little fever before dying. “Don Juan y los doctores. Una protesta,” El Sol, 18 12 1926).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ See Morris, C. B., Surrealism and Spain, 1920–1936 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Meji'as, Ignacio Sánchez, Teatro, Morell, Antonio Gallego, ed. (Madrid: Centro, 1976), 53.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ibid., 22.

¹⁰⁰ Ibid., 41–42.

¹⁰¹ This point was not lost on critics like Miquis, Alejandro, “Sinrazon,” La Esfera, 31 03 1928: “Psychoanalysis is too dangerous a weapon to use it without all kinds of guarantees and precautions.”Google Scholar

¹⁰² Lafora, “Una opinión sobre Sinrazón.” It would be interesting to know who else was in the audience on opening night. Vicente Aleixandre was there (Morris, , Surrealism and Spain, 59), and one may presume that other Spanish “Freudians” were as well.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Manuel, and Antonio, Machado, Obras completas (Madrid: Plenitud, 1967), 402–03Google Scholar. Cf. Feal, Carlos, “Los Machado y el psicoanálisis,” Insula, no. 328 (03 1974).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Villalonga, Llorenç, Obres completes, (Barcelona: Editions 62, 1966), I, 774.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Domenchina, Juan José, La túnica de Neso (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 1929), 146–47Google Scholar. See Morris, , Surrealism and Spain, 123–25.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Domenchina, La túnica de Neso, 143.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 35.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 346.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., 81–82.

¹¹⁰ See the concise definition in “La conquista de lo irracional” (originally published in French in 1935) in Dali's Si (Barcelona: Ariel, 1977), 23.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Dalí, Salvador, El mito trágico del “Angelus” de Millet (Barcelona: Tusquets, 1978).Google Scholar

¹¹² Schmitt, Patrice, “De la psychose paranoïaque dans ses rapports avec Salvador Dali,” in Salvador Dali, rétrospective, 1920–1980 [catalog] (Paris: Centre Georges Pompidou, 1979), 262–66Google Scholar. Lacan's thesis was first published in Paris in the fall of 1932 as De la psychose paranoi'aque dans ses rapports avec la personnalité. Dalí first cites it in 1933 in an article in Minotaure; Spanish translation, “Nuevas consideraciones generates sobre el mecanismo del fenomeno paranoico desde el punto de vista surrealista,” Si, 35Google Scholar. In Dalí's 1944 novel Hidden Faces (1974 ed., Chevalier, Haakon, trans. (New York: William Morrow), 214–15)Google Scholar, there is a psychoanalyst, Dr. Alcan, a thinly disguised acronym for Lacan. Dali still follows the work of Lacan, whose name he castilianizes as “Lacante” (interview in Destino, no. 2193 (17–23 October 1979), 8). He is pictured with Lacan, in El Pais (Madrid), 2 03 1980.Google Scholar

¹¹³ See Turkle, Sherry, Psychoanalytic Politics: Freud's French Revolution (New York: Basic Books, 1978), 17.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Dalí, , El mito trdgico, 78Google Scholar; cf. Candelas, , La antropologia de Novoa Santos, 132.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ On Dalí's meeting with Freud, see Dalí, , Confesiones inconfesables (Barcelona: Brughera, 1975), 175–78Google Scholar; Jones, , Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, III, 235Google Scholar; Clark, Ronald W., Freud, the Man and the Cause (New York: Random House, 1980), 516–17Google Scholar; Ades, Dawn, “Freud and Surrealist Painting,” in Freud, the Man, His World, His Influence, Miller, Jonathan, ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), 147Google Scholar. See Dalí's three ink sketches of Freud, in Schmitt, , Salvador Dali, rétrospective, 260–61.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ On the intellectual climate of the dictatorship, see Ben-Ami, Shlomo, “La rebellion universitaire en Espagne (1927–1931),” Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 26:3 (1979), 365–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the eugenic course, see Noguera, Enrique, “Cómo se yuguló la generosa idea del Primer Curso Eugénico Español,” in Genética, eugenesia y pedagogia sexual (Libro de las Primeras Jornadas Eugenicas Españolas), Noguera, Enrique and Huerta, Luis, eds., 2 vols. (Madrid: Javier Morata, 1934), II, 405–06.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ MaraǬón, Gregorio, “Libros a la noguera” (written 1933), in Rail y decoro de Espana (Buenos Aires: Austral, 1952), 111–16.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Roman, E., Freud y su sistema, Vol. VII of Biblioteca Las Sectas (Barcelona: Vilamala, 1933), 27–69. The frontispiece of the volume bears the title, “Freud: Críticia de su sistema.”Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 28, 33. (Freud is there identified, in italics, as judio de raza.)

¹²⁰ Ibid., p. 33.

¹²¹ Goyanes, Juan José Barcia, “Causalidad y teleologfa en la psicoterapia,” Crónica Medica [Valencia], 33 (1929), 751–58. The fact that Barcia was an anatomist reinforces the picture of Freudian influence spreading well beyond the disciplinary boundaries of psychiatry.Google Scholar

¹²² Goyanes, Juan José Barcia, personal communication, Valencia, 20 09 1979.Google Scholar

¹²³ Entralgo, Pedro Laín, prologue to Ensayos médicos y literarios, by Merenciano, Francisco Marco (Madrid: Cultura Hispanica, 1958), 10Google Scholar. In a second prologue to the same volume, Ibor, López notes (p. 24) that Marco's reading of Freud was a revelation, like the discovery of a new continent.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Merenciano, Marco, Ensayos médicos y literarios, 436.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Merenciano, Francisco Marco, Fronteras de la locura (Valencia: n.p., 1947), 20.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Merenciano, Francisco Marco, Tres ensayospsicologicos (Valencia: Metis, 1949), 64–68.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Entralgo, Pedro Laín, Estudios de historia de la medicina y de antropología médica (Madrid: Escorial, 1943), 270.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Ibid., 104.

¹²⁹ Ibid., 278.

¹³⁰ In later years, Laín became unequivocal on Freud's positive contribution to medicine, particularly on his refinement of the technique of anamnesis and the revolution he brought about in the taking of clinical histories generally. See Entralgo, Pedro Laín, La historia clínica. Historia v teoría del relato patográfico, 2d ed. (Barcelona: Salvat, 1961), 500–519.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Ibor, Juan J. López, Lo vivo y lo muerto del psicoanálisis (Barcelona: Luis Miracle, 1936), 138, 140–43.Google Scholar

¹³² Duro, Enrique González, Psiquiatría y sociedad autoritaria: España, 1939–1975 (Madrid: Akal, 1978), 75.Google Scholar

¹³³ Ibid., 79–80.

¹³⁴ Ibid., 71.