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The Legitimation of Protest: a Comparative Study in Labor History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Gaston V. Rimlinger
Gaston V. Rimlinger
Affiliation:
Princeton University
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Extract

The effectiveness of a protest movement, such as trade unionism, depends on its ability to overcome the widespread disapproval and opposition it engenders. The worker's demands and their methods of enforcing them must somehow become egitimate in the eyes of the employers, the government, the public, and the workers themselves. The present article analyzes the British and German coal miners' struggles to overcome opposition to their endeavors to rise from traditional submission to the employer to some sort of partnership in industrial government. Its main emphasis is on the development of protest ideologies over a period of time, from the late 18th century to the first World War, which spans the industrial revolution in both countries. Although many of the aspects discussed apply to the countries as a whole, it is hoped that by focussing on a specific and rather distinct group with a long history, some of the contrasting elements will stand out more sharply. Britain will be discussed first, and then Germany, each case starting with employer-worker relations during the pre-industrial period and tracing the broad patterns of the protest movement through the period of viable unionism.

Type
Research Article
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 2 , Issue 3 , April 1960 , pp. 329 - 343
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1960

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References

1 To some extent this problem is analogous to that faced by a rising entrepreneurial class during industrialization. For a comparative study of the legitimation of entrepreneurial authority see Bendix, R., Work and Authority in Industry, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1956Google Scholar). I am deeply indebted to Professor Bendix.

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14 A keen observer like Adam Smith did not fail to observe this source of strength in the workers’ position; see The Wealth of Nations, (Cannan edition; New York: Modern Library, 1937), p. 67Google Scholar.

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19 Welbourne states: “From the politicians the pitmen learned many a lesson in the art of enlisting the support of popular enthusiasm. They learned the value of meetings and processions, of petitions and newspaper advertisements, of torches and bands and banners. They learned how to draft resolutions and to conduct with proper solemnity an orderly public meeting.” Op. cit., p. 53. See also Sykes, J., Local Records, (Newcastle: John Sykes, 1833), II, pp. 308–309Google Scholar.

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26 Welbourne, op. cit., p. 59.

27 For an evaluation of the labor leadership of the lay preachers on the northeast coast see S. Webb, op. cit., pp. 23–24. See also Wearmouth, R. F., Methodism and the Working-Class Movement of England 1800–1850, (London: Epworth Press, 1937) pp. 221–238Google Scholar.

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33 The History of Trade Unionism, p. 295.

34 An arrangement by which wages are adjusted automatically to changes in the price of coal.

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36 Quoted in Arnot, op. cit., p. 308.

37 Pelling, H., The Origins of the Labour Party 1880–1900, (London: MacMillan, 1954), p. 54Google Scholar; also Cole, op. cit., p. 287.

38 In some instances socialist fervor and religious revival actually went hand in hand; see for instance, Williams, C. R., “The Welsh Religious Revival, 1904–05,” British Journal of Sociology, III (Sept. 1952), pp. 242–259CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Incidentally, Labour Party socialism was initially most successful where religious Non-Conformism had been strongest; Pelling, op. cit., pp. 191–192.

39 This discussion deals only with the Ruhr and Saar fields. These two areas were by far the most important; they employed about two thirds of all German miners. For detailed data see Imbusch, H., Arbeitsverhaeltnis undArbeiterorganisationen im deutschen Bergbau, (Essen: Gewerkverein christlicher Bergarbeiter, 1908), pp. 2–3Google Scholar. For a general discussion of the development of the industry see Baumont, M., La grosse Industrie allemande et le charbon, (Paris: Gaston Doin, 1928Google Scholar) and Benaerts, P., Les origines de la grosse Industrie allemande (Paris: F. H. Turot, 1933Google Scholar).

40 von Brandt, A., Zur sozialen Entwicklung im Saargebiet (Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot, 1904), pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

41 However, until the early 19th century many miners were still self-employed peasants whose help consisted mainly of members of their family.

42 Gothein, E., “Berbgau,” Grundriss der Sozialoekonomik (Tuebingen: J.C.B.Mohr, 1914), VI, p. 332Google Scholar.

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49 Hué, op. cit., II, p. 30.

50 One contemporary writer maintains that the employers gave preference to former Prussian army sergeants in hiring foremen, and in general treated the workers in a Kasernenhofstil; Oldenberg, K., “Studien ueber die rheinish-westfaelīsche Bergarbeiterbewegung.” Jahrbuchfuer Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung, und Volkswirtschaft, XXVIV (1890), pp. 665–666Google Scholar; for further examples of severe managerial discipline see Hué, op. cit., II, pp. 74–76, 80, 154ff; Imbusch, op. cit., p. 251; and Kiefer, P., Die Organisationsbestrebungen der Saarbergleute (Published Doctoral Dissertation, University of Strassburg, 1912), p. 121Google Scholar. Even today German coal mines are noted for their “ironhanded subordination” of the worker; see Sozialforschung, Institut fuer, Betreibsklima, (Frankfurt a.M.: Johann-Wolfgang Goethe University, 1954), p. 93Google Scholar.

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52 Hué, op. cit., II, p. 434. For some differences between the Kaiser and Bismarck on the handling of strikes see Grebe, P., “Bismarcks Sturz und der Bergarbeiterstreik vom Mai 1889,” Historische Zeitschrift, CLVII (1938), pp. 89–97Google Scholar.

53 Quark, M., “Die preussische Bergarbeiterenquete vom Jahre 1889.” Archiv fuer soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik. III (1890), pp. 162–172Google Scholar. The legislation which grew out of the investigation was a further disappointment to the workers; Hué, op. cit., II, p. 435.

54 Pieper, L., Die Lage der Bergarbeiter im Ruhrrevier, (Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta’sche Buchhandlung, 1903), pp. 33 ffGoogle Scholar.

55 Gothein, loc. cit., p. 333.

56 Imbusch, op. cit., p. 688.

57 Ibid., p. 164.

58 Ibid., p. 281.

59 More than any other group of German workers, the miners had to rely on leaders from the outside, which is exactly the reverse of the situation in most countries. Cf. Osterroth, N., Otto Hué, Sein Leben und Wirken, (Bochum: Vorstand des Verbandes der Bergarbeiter Deutschlands, 1922), p. 19Google Scholar.

60 For the many Polish speaking miners in the Ruhr, the Catholic clergy established separate with strong Polish nationalist and anti-Prussian sentiments. Only very few miners joined Hirsch-Duncker trade unions.

61 In 1910 74% of the Saar miners were Roman Catholics; Roy, F., Le mineur sarrois, (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1954), p. 42Google Scholar.

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63 Hué, op. cit., II, p. 387.

64 Imbusch, op. cit., p. 257.

65 This conflict involved the unions, the hierarchy, and the Center party and was carried at least twice all the way to the Vatican. For a brief description see Koch, M. J., Die Bergarbeiterbewegung im Ruhrgebiet zur Zeit Wilhelms II. (Duesseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1954), pp. 129–134Google Scholar.

66 For a specific illustration see Kautsky, K., “Die Lehren des Bergarbeiterstreiks,” Die Neue Zeit, XXIII;i (1904–1905), No. 24, pp. 772–782Google Scholar. The function of strikes was a key issue, see Herkner, H., Die Arbeiterfrage, (Berlin: Vereinigung wissentschaftlicher Verleger, 1921), II, pp. 387–394,404–407Google Scholar. For a general discussion of the problem see Gay, P., The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952)Google Scholar.

67 This implies some balance between industrial democracy and industrial conflict.