Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 1993 Western Conference of the Association for Asian Studies meeting in Mexico City and the 1994 national meeting of the Association for Asian Studies in Boston. I am deeply indebted to Richard M. Eaton and Phillip B. Wagoner, my fellow panelists on both occasions, whose ideas have so heavily influenced my own. Their editorial assistance is also gratefully acknowledged, as is the help of Susan M. Deeds.

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¹⁴ The inscriptions examined for this study, which all contain some reference to Muslims, were culled from a larger corpus of about 1,600 records issued in Andhra in this time period. The existence of another 400 inscriptions from the same era and place has been reported by the epigraphical branch of the Archaeological Survey of India, but the majority of these records are either heavily damaged or no longer available for consultation.

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¹⁷ The last two Sultanate expeditions into Kakatiya territory (in 1321 and 1323 C.E.) were led by the man then known by the title Ulugh Khan, who became Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq in 1325. The Khiljis had conducted several earlier campaigns against the Kakatiyas, beginning in 1303 C.E. Although this inscription indicates that there were eight Sultanate campaigns during the reign of Kakatiya Prataparudra, Muslim sources describe only five (Venkataramanayya, N., The Early Muslim Expansion in South India [Madras: University of Madras, 1942], 23–24, 31–43, 83–85, 99–108, 115–19).Google Scholar

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³⁴ In this early period, the majority of Muslims in India most probably were either foreign immigrants or their descendants. They were thus marked with many distinctive non-Indian features in areas such as dress and food, in addition to their separate languages and religious beliefs. As the number of converts to Islam increased, the initial sense of ethnic separateness must have faded, explaining why ethnic referents were largely discarded in favor of the religious label Musalman in the Andhra of later centuries. Very little research has been conducted on conversion to Islam in medieval South India, unfortunately, so it is not possible to pinpoint when the trend emerged.

³⁵ Chappell, David A., “Ethnogenesis and Frontiers,” Journal of World History, 4:2 (1993), 267–75;Google ScholarKopytoff, Igor, “The Internal African Frontier: The Making of African Political Culture,” in The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies, Kopytoff, Igor, ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987).Google Scholar

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⁴³ For example, Gerhard, Dietrich, “The Frontier in Comparative View,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 1:3 (1959), 205–29;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBartlett, Robert and MacKay, Angus, ed., Medieval Frontier Societies (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989);Google ScholarLamar, Howard and Thompson, Leonard, ed., The Frontier in History: North American and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981);Google ScholarMcNeill, William H., “The Great Frontier: Freedom and Hierarchy in Modern Times,” in The Global Condition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 5–63.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Based on translation of Rao, T. A. Gopinatha, “Srisailam Plates of Virupaksha: Saka Samvat 1388,” El 15:24.Google Scholar

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⁵² For more positive coverage of Hindu-Muslim relations in medieval India, see Sherwani, H. K., “Cultural Synthesis in Medieval India,” Journal of Indian History, 41 (1963), 239–59;Google ScholarSiddigi, W. H., “Religious Tolerance as Gleaned from Medieval Inscriptions,” in Proceedings of Seminar on Medieval Inscriptions (Aligarh: Centre of Advanced Study, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, 1974), 50–58.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Stein, , Vijayanagara, 29;Google ScholarSastri, K. Nilakanta and Venkataramanayya, N., Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, 3 vols. (Madras: University of Madras, 1946), vol. 1, 106–8 and 267.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Wagoner, Phillip B., Tidings of the King: A Translation and Ethnohistorical Analysis of the Rayavacakamu (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993), 178Google Scholar n. 49; Prasad, , Sanskrit Inscriptions, 56.Google Scholar

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⁶² I thank Thomas R. Trautmann for bringing the correlation between the geographical location of these lords and the distribution of horses and elephants to my attention. For more on elephants in ancient India, see Trautmann, , “Elephants and the Mauryas,” in India: History and Thought, Essays in Honour of A. L. Basham, Mukherjee, S. N., ed. (Calcutta: Subarnarekha, 1982), 263–6.Google Scholar For a discussion of the quality of horses during the medieval period, see Digby, Simon, War Horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate (Oxford: Orient Monographs, 1971), 21–31.Google Scholar

⁶³ The Kaluvacheru grant of the Reddi queen Anitalli, partially published in Somasekhara Sarma, Forgotten Chapter, 111–2. This Sanskrit inscription identifies the Lord of Elephants as the king of Utkala (a sub-region of Orissa), the Lord of Horses as the ruler of the territories in the west, and the Lord of Men as Kakatiya Prataparudra, the Andhra king. In this instance, the Lord of Horses in the west must refer to the Bahmani Sultanate, which controlled the territories to the immediate west of northern Andhra during the early fifteenth century.

⁶⁴ Tidings of the King, 60–69.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Venkayya's, AndugulaNarapati Vijavama,Google Scholar cited in Ranjanam, Lakshmi, “Language and Literature: Telugu,” 165.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ SII 10.753.

⁶⁷ Mahalingam, T. V., ed., Summaries of the Historical Manuscripts in the Mackenzie Collection, vol. 2 (Madras: University of Madras, 1976), 36–37.Google Scholar

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⁶⁹ Further expression of the idea that Muslim kings were god-like in the same manner as Hindu kings is found in an episode from the Prataparudra Caritraumu. This story, repeated in the later Rayavacakamu as well, concerns the Delhi sultan's mother, who one night viewed the sleeping bodies of her son and the captive, Kakatiya Prataparudra. The brilliant light issuing forth from their forms made her realize that both the Delhi sultan and Prataparudra were manifestations of the gods Vishnu and Shiva (Rao, Ramachandra, Prataparudracaritramu, 66–67Google ScholarWagoner, , Tidings of the King, 122–3).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ SII 16.175 of 1550 C.E.; unfortunately, only the first few lines of the inscription survive. It was issued by Santa Bhikshavritti Ayyavaru, the head of the Virasaiva monastery at Srisailam, who also asserts that the three lords were his disciples.

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⁷² Venkataramanayya, N. and Sarma, M. Somasekhara, “The Kakatiyas of Warangal,” in Early History of the Deccan, G. Yazdani, ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 691.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ Prior to the Kakatiya period, most inscriptions from western Andhra were composed in Kannada (the language of the Karnataka region to the west), while inscriptions in southern Andhra were often composed either in Kannada or Tamil (the language of Tamil Nadu to the south). The description of the geographical distribution of Telugu inscriptions is derived from my own work in progress. It is based on the mapping of roughly six thousand inscriptions issued within the boundaries of modern Andhra Pradesh between 1000 and 1650 C.E.

⁷⁵ Author's translation from Telugu, II. 12–15 of SII 4.659.

⁷⁶ Author's translation from Telugu, II. 157–162 of El 6.22.

⁷⁷ Washbrook, David, “‘To Each a Language of His Own’: Language, Culture, and S??iety in Colonial India,” in Language, History and Class, Corfield, Penelope J., ed. (London: Blackwell, 1991), 179–203;Google ScholarLelyveld, David, “The Fate of Hindustani: Colonial Knowledge and the Project of a National Language,” in Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament, Breckenridge, Carol A. and Veer, Peter van der, ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), 189–214.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Kaviraj, Sudipta, “The Imaginary Institution of India,” Subaltern Studies VII, Chatterjee, Partha and Pandey, Gyanendra, ed. (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992), 26. Kaviraj does not believe that language formed the basis for pre-modern communities in India, however. Whatever the situation might have been in the Bengali-speaking area, which was Kaviraj's case study, I believe that the medieval South Indian evidence sufficiently demonstrates the existence of elite linguistic identities there.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Early Kakatiya records are HAS 13.6, 7, 12; IAP-K nos. 14, 15, 19, 22, 24; IAP-W nos. 14, 22, 25, 29. Later Kakatiya inscriptions are ARIE no. 126 of 1958–59; HAS 13.3, 56; IAP-W no. 37; SII 4.1071, 1095, 1107; SII 6.212.

⁸² SII 6.796.

⁸³ For some other historical memories of the Kakatiyas, see Talbot, , “Political Intermediaries,” 281–3.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Sastri, Hirananda, Shitab Khan of Warangal, Hyderabad Archaeological Series No. 9 (Hyderabad: H. E. H. the Nizam's Government, 1932), 3 and 10.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Based on translation of Ibid., 23.

⁸⁶ Based on translation of Ibid., 24. P. V. Parabrahma.

⁸⁷ SII 26.622; Sastry, P. V. Parabrahma, Select Epigraphs of Andhra Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh Archaeological Series No. 31 (Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh, n.d.), 76–77.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ However, other types of sources do engage in an anti-Muslim polemic. Notable among these are the Rayavacakamu (Wagoner, Tidings of the King) and the village, family, and temple histories (kaifiyat) collected by Colin Mackenzie around 1800, many of which mention anarchy and destruction in the decades after the battle of 1565 (Sastri, Nilakanta and Venkataramanayya, , Further Sources, 2:245–50).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ In contrast to the 862 records originating in the eight decades between 1490 and 1570 C.E., the eighty-year span from 1570 to 1650 C.E. yields only 318 inscriptions—a mere third of the earlier total.

⁹⁰ At present, lists of sites where Hindu temples were destroyed and mosques or tombs (dargah) built in their place are being circulated by nationalist scholars. The data upon which these lists are based are not always provided, making the evidence suspect. Muslim chronicles and Perso-Arabic inscriptions are sometimes utilized, but neither of these types of sources is totally reliable. Sita Ram God is one scholar compiling such lists, see his “Let the Mute Witnesses Speak,” in Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them, A Preliminary Survey, Shourie, Arun et al., ed. (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1990), 88–181;Google Scholar and Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them, Pt. 2 The Islamic Evidence (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1991). Thanks are due to Richard M. Eaton for acquainting me with these works.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Michell, George, “City as Cosmogram: The Circular Plan of Warangal,” South Asian Studies, 8 (1992), 12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁹³ Although I believe Goel's lists are greatly inflated, this statement would be true even by his reckoning. In the approximately 140 sites of temple desecration that he records for Andhra Pradesh (“Let the Mute Witnesses Speak,” 88–95), the dates for the alleged incidents are given in sixty instances. Five date from the fourteenth century (phase one), six come from phase two, and nineteen date from 1565 to 1650 C.E. (phase three). The remaining thirty or so cases stem from the century after 1650, with a notable bunching of incidents in the late 1600s, when the Mughal empire was absorbing the former Qutb Shahi kingdom of Golkonda.

⁹⁴ SII 16.296.

⁹⁵ The Ahobilam Kaifiyat is summarized in Sastri, Nilakanta and Venkataramanayya, , Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, 3:246.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Sitapati, P., Sri Ahobilia Narasimha Swamy Temple (Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1982), 15.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ SII 5.1312.

⁹⁸ SII 10.755 and SII 5.1260. The same chief additionally granted a village to the famous temple at Simhacalam, also in northeaster Andhra. This leads K. Sundaram to surmise that the Simhacalam temple had been plundered at the same time as Srikurman, (The Slmhacalam Temple [Simhacalam, A.P.: Simhacalam Devasthanam, 1969], 33 and 104).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Sitapati, P., Srisallam Temple Kaifiyat, 2 vols. (Hyderabad: Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1981), 13.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Sitapati, , Ahobila Temple, 16;Google ScholarSastri, Nilakanta and Venkataramanayya, , Further Sources, 3:246.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ “Temple Desecration and the Image of the Holy Warrior in Indo-Muslim Historiography” (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, Boston, April 1994).

¹⁰² The other inscriptions on this slab are published as SII 5.1289–1311.

¹⁰³ Ernst, , Eternal Garden, 22–29 and 38–59.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Richard M. Eaton, “Islamic Iconoclasm in India—Some Case Studies” (Paper presented at Annual Conference on South Asia, Madison, WI, November 1994).

¹⁰⁵ This is true of the North Indian poet-saints, Kabir and Guru Nanak (Lorenzen, , “Vicissitudes of Bhakti,” 12Google Scholar) as well as Eknath from Maharashtra (Zelliott, Eleanor, “A Medieval Encounter between Hindu and Muslim: Eknath's Drama-Poem Hindu-Turk Samvad,” in Images of Man: Religion and Historical Process in South Asia, Clothey, Fred, ed. [Madras: New Era Publications, 1982]).Google Scholar