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⁹ One can broadly divide French textile firms into two categories in terms of their labor policies. In the highly competitive factories of Lille, paternalist practices shared much with the older practices of charity. In Mulhouse, on the other hand, company labor management was closer to that in the metalworking factory of Le Creusot, discussed later in this article. See Pierrand, Pierre, La vie ouvriére à Lille sous le Second Empire (Paris:Bloud et Gay, 1967);Google ScholarBorghese, Arthur, “Industrialist Paternalism and Lower-Class Agitation: The Case of Mulhouse, 1848–1851,” Histoire sociale-Social History, 13 (05 1980), 55–84.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Devillers, Christian and Huet, Bernard, Le Creusot (Seyssel:Champ Vallon, 1981), 124.Google Scholar The statue to Eugéne Schneider revealed the nature of paternalism at Creusot, Le. Huret, Jules wrote in the 1890s: “It is the effigy of the founder of the factories of Le Creusot, father of the current director. At the pedestal of the statue, in bronze like it, there is a symbolic group: a woman of the people indicates with her raised arm ‘the Benefactor,’ to a young twelve-year-old forgeworker.” Enquête sur la question sociale en Europe (Paris:Perrin et Cie, 1897), 37. The statue was a tribute from the owner to his father; on another level, the founder of the firm took the father's place in the portrait of the working-class family.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Companies recognized the dependent position in which such a system placed the worker. For this reason, Roche-la-Moliére judged that a pension fund like that of the miners would be humiliating for engineers and annually contributed an amount equal to 10 percent of the engineer's salary to an account which he was given as a lump sum on his retirement. Guillaume, Pierre, “Notes sur les ingénieurs des charbonnages de la Loire au XIXe siécle,” in Charbon et sciences humaines, Trénard, Louis, ed. (Paris:Mouton, 1966), 225–26.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Schneider, Etablissements, Economie sociale (Paris:Imprimerie Générale Lahure, 1912), 90.Google Scholar For more on Cheysson and the company he kept, see Elwitt, Sanford, “Social Reform and Social Order in Late Nineteenth-Century France: The Musée Social and Its Friends,” French Historical Studies, 11:3 (1980), 431–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷ Gibon, A., “Les institutions patronales et Teurs services pendant les crises industrielles,” La reforme sociale, 2d ser. (1 02 1886), 139.Google Scholar At the turn of the century in the coal-mining firm of Bruay-les-Mines, half of a miner's wages was given to him and half to his wife. Dubrecq, Adolphe, Un minur nommé Patience. Propos recueillis par Claude Pasteur (Paris:Editions France-Empire, 1981), 194.Google Scholar The demographic basis of paternalism raises an important issue: did workers limit births at some point as either a rational response to economic insecurity or as the ultimate antipaternalist gesture? Both Montceau-les-Mines and Le Creusot experienced traumatic strikes at the turn of the century. Births per 1,000 inhabitants fell from 34.6 in 1900 to 14 in 1913 at Montceau-les-Mines, and from 29.9 in 1893 to 17.6 in 1912 at Le Creusot. At Montceau-les-Mines the number of births per marriage fell from 3.54 to 2.84 from 1890–1899 to 1900–1909. Laroche, Léon, Montceau-les-Mines (Montceau-les-Mines:Imprimerie ouvriére, 1924), 129–37;Google ScholarPeyronnard, Lucien, Le Charbon de Blanzy, 2 vols. (Le Creusot:EcOmusée, 1981), II, 257–58.Google Scholar

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²⁰ Annuaire statistigue, administratif et commercial de la Niévre 1829, quoted in Thuillier, Guy, Aspects de l'économie nivernaise au X1Xe siécle (Paris:Mouton, 1966), 277.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Yet, as the most astute contemporary critics of industrial paternalism noted, there was a clear divide between such a socially construed notion of paternity and the workings of the nineteenth-century family. The paternalist employer was more like Freud's primal father than a bourgeois head of household. The Catholic social reformer Paul Bureau put the matter succinctly at the turn of the century: he criticized paternalism by pointing out that in a family the father seeks to rear his children to become independent and self-sufficient, not to remain as children. For this reason the paternalist employer found himself in the position of the father who “cannot imagine that his children will join together in order to look after their interests against him.” Montceaules-Mines et le paternalisme (La Chapelle-Montligeon:Imprimerie-Librarie de Notre-Dame de Montligeon, 1902), 2, 22.Google Scholar

²⁷ Cheysson, Emile, Oeuvres choisies, 2 vols. (Paris:A. Rousseau, 1911), II :32. The analysis of paternalism in this article differs from that of E. P. Thompson because it deals less with the breakdown of a relationship of deference and expectations than with efforts to create such a relationship.Google Scholar

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²⁹ Clemenceau, , Rapport.Google Scholar See also Rolande, Trempé's discussion of reforms of mining operations in Carmaux in Les mineurs de Carmaux (Paris:Editions Ouvriéres, 1971).Google Scholar

³⁰ As David Landes has pointed out, paternalist firms publicized their social programs to deflect adverse publicity about relations with their workers. “French Entrepreneurship and Industrial Growth in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Economic History, 9:1 (05 1949), 58.Google Scholar

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³⁷ Brooke, Michael Z., Le Play (London:Longman, 1970), 29, 137.Google Scholar Le Play's followers, like Cheysson, used the term patronage in preference to paternalisme, which took on negative connotations over the course of the nineteenth century. My usage of “paternalism” in this article precludes the need to make this differentiation.

³⁸ Archives Nationales (hereafter cited as AN) 84AQ23, Direction de Decazeville to Conseil d'administration of the Société des Houilléres et Fonderies de I'Aveyron, 21 December 1840.

³⁹ AN 84AQ34, Conseil to Direction, 28 December 1840.

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⁴² Schneider, Etablissements, Economie sociale, 84.Google Scholar As a result of these changes, the cafe became the institutional counterpart to paternalist institutions in the company town. Serge Bonnet and Roger Humbert write of the cafe in tum-of-the-century iron towns in Lorraine: “The cafe lodges and nourishes a number of workers. The cafe-owner does a business in labor. Contractor for small jobs, he hires workers on the condition that they board with him. He has a hold on the workers who, as consumers, spend at his place as much and more than they earn.” La ligne rouge des hauls fourneaux (Paris:Editions Denoël, 1981), 123.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ Archives départementales de I'Aveyron, U Watrin VI, no. 338, interrogation of Jules Grés, 1 March 1886.

⁴⁵ Ibid., no. 310, interrogation of Pierre Galtié, 1 March 1886.

⁴⁶ See Elaine Glovka Spencer's study of the restriction of foremen's prerogatives in the Ruhr before 1914. Her findings are similar to those I have uncovered in French heavy industry. “Between Capital and Labor: Supervisory Personnel in Ruhr Heavy Industry before 1914,” Journal of Social History, 9:2 (Winter 1975), 178–92.Google Scholar For the situation in America, see Edwards, Richard, Contested Terrain (New York:Basic Books, 1978).Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Blanzy, the Chagots' mining firm at Montceau-les-Mines, was an exception.

⁵⁰ Cheysson, Emile, “L'autorité patronale et les gréves.” La réforme sociale, 2d ser., 2 (1 07 1886), 28–29.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Barbichon, G. and Moscovici, Serge, “Modernisation des mines. Conversion des mineurs,” Revue francaise du travail, 16:3 (07–12 1962), 129.Google Scholar Miners' union leaders Casimir Bartuel and Henri Rullieére wrote that “the hewer, in his work area, has in some respect charge d'âames.” La mine et les mineurs (Paris:Librairie Octave Doin, 1923), 233.Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ Lebon, André, Martin du Tiss, mineur en 1900 (Paris, Jean-Pierre Delarge, 1979), 13.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Vuillemin, La gréve, 78. On Anzin's difficulties at this time, see Simard, Marc, “Situation économique de l'entreprise et rapports de production: Le cas de la Compagnie des Mines d'Anzin (1860–1894),” Revue du Nord, 65 (07–09 1983), 581–602.Google Scholar

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⁶² Ibid., 52–55.

⁶³ Ibid., 175.

⁶⁴ Willoughby, “Industrial Communities,” 235. This system later became the basis of an extended “apprenticeship,” which allowed companies to pay young miners at a lower production rate than their more senior colleagues with whom they worked. Dumoulin, Georges, “La crise de l'apprentissage,” Mouvement syndicaliste, 25:207 (02 1909), 103–4.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Clemenceau, Rapport, 159–60.Google Scholar The situation in the Pas-de-Calais was particularly revealing in this regard. During the first decades of operation, in the second half of the nineteenth century, companies in the Pas-de-Calais imported foremen from the Nord who established the same pattern of internal self-recruitment which characterized Anzin and other mines in the Nord. These foremen often mistreated the native recruits under their command. But, Georges Dumoulin reports, until the end of the 1880s, foremen in the Pas-de-Calais also often acted as the miners' “accomplices” by turning a blind eye or actually aiding miners in their efforts to get paid for more work than they had done. “Au pays des gueules noires” [1912], in Germinal. Projet sur un roman (Paris:Christian Bourgois, 1975), 79, 97.Google Scholar In addition, Dumoulin explains, the personnel from the Nord taught miners in the Pas-de-Calais how to demand their rights. During its early years the miners' union in the Pas-de-Calais occasionally turned to foremen for leadership. “La fédé?ation du minurs,” Mouvement syndicaliste, 24:203 (15 10 1908), 242, 244.Google Scholar

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⁶⁹ Clemenceau, , Rapport, 159–60. There was no marchandage at Escarpelle, however.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ Ibid., 217, n. 1.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 253.

⁸¹ Ibid., 255–57. Bartuel and Ru'here seemed unconcerned by the ultimate thrust of much “human relations” literature, embodied in the comment of one French coal-mining engineer: “The worker is much more grateful for a friendly attitude from his supervisors than for the same attitude on the part of workers' leaders.” Condevaux, John, Le mineur du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais. Sa psychologie. Ses rapports avec le patronat (Lille: Imprimerie L. Danei, 1928), 57.Google Scholar

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