¹ It may be objected at the outset that journalism does not qualify as a profession, and if one adopts a rigorous definition of a profession, stressing possession of a systematic body of knowledge acquired through a long specialized training, then the objection is valid. Decisive, however, is the fact that journalism was commonly regarded in the nineteenth century as a profession and is now. It requires considerable education and experience, and the journalist does as a rule have access to certain information denied the ordinary person.

² Karr, Alphonse, Les guêpes, 3 vols. (Paris, 1858), I, 9.Google Scholar On the French newspaper press during this period there is the standard work of Hatin, Eugène, Histoire politique et littéraire de la presse en France, 8 vols. (Paris, 1859–1861)Google Scholar, and the indispensable study by Collins, Irene, The Government and the Newspaper Press in France, 1814–1881 (New York, 1959).Google Scholar

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⁴ Heine, Heinrich, “Lutezia”, Sämtliche Werke, Walzel, Oskar and others (eds.), 10 vols. (Leipzig, 1911, 1912, 1920), IX, 66–67.Google Scholar German observers often noted the pressure exerted by the French press on political and social life, and its corruption of public opinion. See Kautz, Klara, Das deutsche Frankreichbild in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Cologne, 1957), p. 75.Google Scholar

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⁷ This was the world immortalized by Balzac, in Illusions Perdues.Google Scholar The Marxist critic Lukacs, George, Studies in European Realism (London, 1950), p. 49,Google Scholar has described this as a novel of disillusionment, the Don Quixote of the bourgeoisie. “Lost Illusions is a tragi-comic epic showing how … the spirit of man is drawn into the orbit of capitalism. The theme of the novel is the transformation of literature (and with it of every ideology) into a commodity and this complete ‘capitalization’ of every sphere of intellectual, literary and artistic activity. …” The interpretation is persuasively argued, but the reverse of Lukacs' thesis would seem to be nearer the truth. Balzac was describing the beginnings of a new profession, and his journalists were venal not so much because they lived in a capitalistic society as because their society was not capitalistic enough. With the development of capitalism all the professions were to expand, as the public demand for their services grew, and with this expansion the public understandably began to insist upon certain standards of efficiency and probity. The professions usually met this demand by regulating themselves rather than provoke outside control. Also their economic rewards increased as society grew richer, so that the incentive to dishonesty lessened.

⁸ deRémusat, Charles, Mémoires de ma vie, Pouthas, Charles H. (ed.), v. 1–3 (Paris, 1958–), III, 193.Google Scholar

⁹ The tendencies typified by the Presse were also part of what seems to have been a change in the political climate, as Louis-Philippe's government took a stiffer line against its enemies. The press law of 1835 made opposition more difficult and so contributed to lessen the emphasis on political events, which were, in any case, less interesting in the period 1840–48, when the regime appeared to be at last firmly entrenched. See Aguet, Jean Pierre, “Le tirage des quotidiens de Paris sous la Monarchic de Juillet”, Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte, X (1960), 216–86.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Chamber of Deputies, AP, 27 March 1820.

¹⁸ Count Portalis, Chamber of Deputies, AP, 22 March 1820.

²⁰ Chamber of Deputies, AP, 25 January 1817.

²⁰ AP, 28 February 1820.

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³⁰ Quoted in Cox, Cynthia, Talleyrand's Successor Armand-Emmanuel du Plessis Due de Richelieu 1766–1822 (London, 1959), p. 118.Google Scholar

³¹ Girardin, Saint-Marc, Souvenirs et reflexions d'un journaliste, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1873), p. 84.Google Scholar

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³⁵ de Rémusat, Charles, “Th. Jouffroy, mélanges posthumes”, Revue des deux mondes, nouvelle série, XIV année, VII (1 August, 1844), 435.Google Scholar

³⁶ Nettement, Alfred, Histoire politique, anecdotique et littéraire du Journal des Débats, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1842), pp. 222–23, 295–96.Google Scholar The Debats had supported the king but opposed Polignac. Cf. Nobécourt, R. G., La vie d'Armand Carrel, 11th ed. (Paris, 1930), pp. 118–19.Google Scholar

³⁷ Chateaubriand, F. A. René, Mémoires d'outre tombe, 6 vols. (Paris, Dufour, Mulat, and Boulanger, 1860), V, 337.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid., VI, 293.

³⁹ Quarterly Review, LXXXIII (No. 165, 1848), 266.Google Scholar

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⁴² Foreign Quarterly Review, XXXIII (No. 66, 1844), 372.Google Scholar On the German press in general see Salomon, Ludwig, Geschichte des deutschen Zeitungswesen von den ersten Anfängen bis zur Wiederaufrichtung des Deutschen Reiches, 3 vols. (Oldenburg, 1900–1906);Google ScholarGroth, Otto, Die Geschichte der deutschen Zeitungswissenschaft (Munich, 1948).Google Scholar

⁴³ The French legal historian Henri Klimrath contrasted French with German officials and saw “the essential difference that they are surrounded by respect and the greatest consideration. People fear them; everyone honors them.” “Lettres écrites de l'Allemagne, deuxième lettre”, Nouvelle revue germanique, XII (11, 1832), 201.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Laing, Samuel, Notes of a Traveller, on the Social and Political State of France, Prussia, Switzerland, Italy, and other Parts of Europe, during the Present Century, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 94;Google Scholar cf. Howitt, William, German Experiences: Addressed to the English; Both Stayers at Home, and Goers Abroad, 3rd ed. (London, 1844), pp. 157–58.Google Scholar

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⁵² Gutzkow, Karl, “Hitzig über die Existenz der Schriftsteller”, Vermischte Schriften, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1842–1850), II, 21–35. Written about 1838.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Börne, Ludwig, “Briefe aus Paris”, 5 November 1830, Gesammelte Schriften, 8 vols. (Leipzig, 1899), V, 47.Google Scholar And see Theodor Mundt's reaction to meeting Janin, Jules, “Tagebuch aus Paris”, Spaziergänge und Weltfahrten, 3 vols. (Altona, 1838), I, 336.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Groth, O., Geschichte der deutschen Zeitungswissenschaft, pp. 106–07;Google ScholarGutzkow, Karl, “Säkularbilder”, Gesammelte Werke, 13 vols. (Frankfurt a.M., 1845–1852), X, 292–306.Google Scholar “Säkularbilder” first published 1837.

⁵⁸ Schneider, G. H., Der Press- und Vaterlandsverein 1832/33 (Berlin, 1897), pp. 22–23.Google ScholarBörne, L., “Briefe aus Paris”, Gesammelte Schriften, VI, 102,Google Scholar expressed warm approval of Wirth's proposal. Groth, O., Geschichte der deutschen Zeitungswissenschaft, pp. 114–16Google Scholar notes that there was discussion of this problem; Josef Görres was one to suggest that newspaper men be elected by the people.

⁶⁰ Metternich, Prince, Memoirs, Metternich, Prince Richard (ed.), 5 vols. (New York, 1880–1882), III, 289.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Münch-Bellinghausen, Freiherr von, representing Austria, Protokolle der Deutschen Bundesversammlung (Frankfurt a.M., 1817–1866), 16 08 1824. [Future references to PDB.]Google Scholar

⁶² Freiherr von Blittersdorff, representing Baden, PDB, 2 March 1832.Google Scholar

⁶³ Freiherr von Lerchenfeld, representing Bavaria, PDB, 20 February 1832.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Bassermann, Friedrich, Denkwürdigkeiten, 1811–1855 (Frankfurt a.M., 1926), p. 35.Google Scholar An interesting special study is Kruchen, Karl, “Die Zensur und deren praktische Anwendung bei rheinische Zeitungen in der vormarzlichen Zeit 1814–1848”, Düsseldorfer Jahrbuch, XXXIV (1928), 1–136.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ E.g. Uhland, Emilie, Ludwig Uhlands Leben (Stuttgart, 1874), pp. 244–47.Google Scholar

⁸¹ von Ense, Varnhagen, Tagebüeher, IV, 197–98.Google Scholar Also Bassermann, F., Denkwürdigkeiten, p. 33.Google Scholar

⁸² In regard to the extent of university attendance, the reader of Salomon, L., Geschichte des deutschen Zeitungswesen, III,Google Scholar cannot but note the high percentage of editors with the title of Dr. or Professor. Though one must bear in mind Laube's, H. remark, “Erinnerungen”, Gesammelte Werke, XL, 243:Google Scholar “… in Leipzig, every writer was called Doctor. …”

⁸⁸ The editors listed by Salomon, L., Geschichte des deutschen Zeitungswesen, III,Google Scholar in almost all cases were originally professors, civil servants, pastors, lawyers, librarians, or military officers. The same picture is given by studies more restricted in scope: e.g. Hanspach, Werner, Die periodische Presse der Stadt Dresden in der ersten Hälite des 19. Jahrhunderts (Dresden, 1939);Google ScholarWitzleben, E. D., Geschichte der Leipziger Zeitung (Leipzig, 1860).Google ScholarBrunohler, Kurt, Die Redakteurs der mittleren und grösseren Zeitungen im heutigen Reichsgebiet von 1800 bis 1848 (Leipzig, 1933),Google Scholar on the basis of a study of ninety editors, concludes that editing was increasingly becoming a full-time occupation, that the greater number of editors came from the middle class, mainly from families of teachers and pastors, and that most had a university education. It must be born in mind, of course, that those journalists who did not rise to the rank of editor were probably in most cases from less educated and socially respectable backgrounds, but it seems safe to claim, in view of the nature of the profession and the structure of German society, that the great majority must have come from the lower middle class at least, and enjoyed a decent education.

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⁸⁵ Salomon, L., Geschichte des deutschen Zeitungswesen, III, 334,Google Scholar suggests that an idea of the public evaluation of the journalist can be gathered from a Prussian ordinance of 1848 that placed newspaper correspondents in the same category as those who rented out furnished rooms as a means of livelihood. Writing in the 1850's, the moderate liberal August Lammers described the press as in universal disrepute before 1848: “Today at least no one would any longer assume or say that he was too good to write for the newspapers. … The world has ceased to regard the writer for the daily press as a man who has learned nothing better. The press is no longer the last refuge open to those whose careers have been destroyed.” “Zeitungswesen”, Deutsches Staats-Wörter-buch, J. Bluntschli, C. (ed.) (Stuttgart, 1857), XI, 290–91.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ Biedermann, K., Mein Leben, I, 126.Google Scholar

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⁹⁰ Halévy, Élie, The Triumph of Reform, 1830–1841 (London, 1950), p. 265.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ Ibid., p.745.

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¹⁰¹ Francis Jeffrey as editor of the Edinburgh Review had risen as high in journalism as probably any man could, but he appeared to regard law as his real profession and complained about the amount of time he spent in editorial work, while his friend Sydney Smith commiserated with him and agreed as to the obvious superiority of legal practice in terms of money and honor. On the prestige of the great reviews see Jack, Ian, English Literature, 1815–1832 (= Oxford History of English Literature, 10) (Oxford, 1963), pp. 8–9.Google Scholar On Jeffrey see Clive, John, Scotch Reviewers: The Edinburgh Review, 1802–1815 (London, 1957), pp. 43–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar