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³ Quoted by Grousset, R., L'Empire des Steppes (Paris, 1939), p. 174Google Scholar, and cited by Dawson, C., The Mongol Mission (New York, 1955), p. x, n. 1.Google Scholar

⁴ The authoritative work on the Greek view of the barbarian is Jüthner, J., Hellenen und Barbaren aus der Geschichte des Nationalbewusstseins (Leipzig, 1923).Google Scholar

⁵ See Sherwin-White, A. N., Racial Prejudice in Imperial Rome (Cambridge, 1967). The title of Mr. Sherwin-White's book is misleading, because Roman bias was ‘cultural’ rather than ‘racial’ in the modern sense.Google Scholar

⁶ There is nothing in the historiography of the European Middle Ages comparable to Lechner's, K. study of the meaning and use of the word in Byzantine literature, Hellenen und Barbaren im Weltbildder Byzantiner (Munich, 1954).Google Scholar

⁷ Erwin, R., ‘Civilization as a Phase of World History’, American Historical Review, LXXI (1966), 1188–9. In this highly interesting article Erwin tries to put civilization in proper perspective within the context of world history.Google Scholar

⁸ Sinor, D., ‘Les Barbares’, Diogine, XVIII (1957), 54Google Scholar, argues that the Chinese always viewed the barbarian as aggressive. See also Granet, M., La Civilisation Chinoise (Paris, 1929), pp. 86Google Scholar ff. There are some interesting comments on nomadism and barbarians applicable to history in general in Lattimore, O., Studies in Frontier History: Collected Papers, 1928–1958 (London, 1962), pp. 415 ff.Google Scholar, 469 ff. The Greek poet, Cavafy, speculates on the relationship of civilization to barbarism in ‘Expecting the Barbarians’, which concludes, ‘ … night is here but the barbarians have not come. Some people arrived from the frontiers,/ and they said that there are no longer any barbarians./ And now what shall become of us without any barbarians?/ Those people were a kind of solution.’ Quoted from Complete Poems of Cavafy, trans. Dalven, R. (New York, 1961), p. 19Google Scholar, by Stillman, E. and Pfaff, W., The Politics of Hysteria (New York, 1965), p. 5.Google Scholar

⁹ Alföldi, A., ‘The Moral Barrier on Rhine and Danube’, Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, ed. Birley, E. (Durham, 1952), pp. 1–16.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Piggott, , op. cit., p. 256.Google Scholar

¹¹ The best work recently on the cross-cultural approach to history is Bagby, P., Culture and History: Prolegomena to the Comparative Study of Civilizations (Berkeley, 1959).Google Scholar

¹² In addition to Juthner (q.v. supra), see Diller, H., ‘Die Hellenen-Barbaren-Antithese im Zeitalter der Perserkriege’, Fondation Hardt, Entretiens VIII (1962), 37–68Google Scholar; Murray, G., Five Stages of Greek Religion (New York, 1930), pp. 59–62Google Scholar; Jaeger, W., Paedeia: the Ideals of Greek Culture (3 Vols.; New York, 1939–1944), II, 256–57Google Scholar; Edelstein, L., The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity (Baltimore, 1967), p. 48Google Scholar; Kitto, H. D. F., The Greeks (Chicago, 1964), pp. 7–8Google Scholar (who minimizes the pejorative content of the word); Pauly, A., Realencyclopadie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft (43 Vols.; Stuttgart, 1893–1967)Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Barbaroi’; and Darembergand, C.Saglio, E., Dictionnaire des Antiquites Grecques et Romaines (5 Vols.; Paris, 1877–1913), s.v. ‘Barbari’.Google Scholar

¹³ Polybius remarked, in The Histories, XI, 34Google Scholar, that the invasion of nomads threatened a region with a lapse into barbarism. See the edition by Paton, W. R. for the Loeb Classical Library [LCL] (6 Vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1960), IV, 300–2.Google Scholar

¹⁴ De Re Publica, I, 37, 58Google Scholar, ed. Keyes, C. W., LCL (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), p. 86.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Livy, , Ab Urbe Condita, XXI, 29,15–16Google Scholar, ed. Foster, B. O. et al. , LCL (14 Vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1967), IX, 86.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Colossians, III, ii; and also Leeuwen, A. T. van, Christianity in World History, trans. Hoskins, H. H. (London, 1964), pp. 118–33, 197–204.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Mazzarino, S., The End of the Ancient World, trans. Holmes, G. (New York, 1966), p. 162Google Scholar; Alföldi, , loc. cit., p. 4.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Poema, XVII, lines 261–4Google Scholar, Patrologiae Cursus Completus … Series Latina (221 Vols.; Paris, 1844–1864), ed. Migne, J. P., LXI, cols. 488–9Google Scholar, reads, which, Orbis in muta regione per tel Barbari discunt resonare Christum I Corde Romano, placidamque casti I Vivere pacemGoogle Scholar. See also Poema, XXVII, lines 69–71, col. 650.Google Scholar

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²¹ Cochrane, C. N., Christianity and Classical Culture: A Study of Thought and Action from Augustus to Augustine (New York, 1940), p. 350.Google Scholar

²² G. Vernadsky emphasized the continuing importance of steppe nomadism within European history in ‘The Eurasian Nomads and their Impact on Medieval Europe’, Studi Medievali, ser. terza, IV/2 (1963), 401–34.Google Scholar See for the steppe nomads and Rome, , Mazzarino, , op. cit., p. 25Google Scholar; Walser, G., Rom, das Reich und die Fremden Vdlker in der Geschichtschreibung der Friihen Kaiserzeit (Baden, 1951).Google Scholar There has recently developed considerable interest in steppe nomadism, see Phillips, E. D., The Royal Hordes: Nomad Peoples of the Steppes (New York, 1965)Google Scholar, and for an appreciation of their art, Carter, D., The Symbol of the Beast: the Animal-Style Art of Eurasia (New York, 1957).Google Scholar

²³ Cochrane, , op. cit., pp. 345–6.Google Scholar See also Pavan, M., La Politico Gotica di Teodosio nella Pubblicistica del suo Tempo (Rome, 1964).Google Scholar

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²⁵ Contra Orationem Symmachi, II, 816–19Google Scholar, ed. Thomson, H. J., LCL (2 Vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1961–1962), II, 70. See also lines 291–3, p. 28.Google Scholar

²⁶ De Civitate Dei, I, 1Google Scholar, ed. McCracken, G. E. et al. , LCL (7 Vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1960–1966), I, 12–14. Augustine attributed (I, 7) this uncustomary mercy of the barbarians to divine influence since they are naturally fierce and cruel: ‘Absit ut prudens quisquam hoc feritati inputet barbarorum. Truculentissimas et saevissimas mentes Hie terruit, Hie frenavit, Hie mirabiliter temperavit….’Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid., XVI, 8 (Vol. V, pp. 47–8).

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²⁹ Quoted in translation, ibid., p. 69 and n. 2.

³⁰ Epistolae, LX, 4Google Scholar, ed. Wright, F. A., LCL (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), p. 272.Google Scholar

³¹ Earl, D., The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome (Ithaca, 1967), pp. 101–3, 111–15.Google Scholar

³² Epistolae, CXXVIII, 5 (p. 478).Google Scholar

³³ Letters, III, 4Google Scholar; Poems, XII, ed. Anderson, W. B., LCL (2 Vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1963–1965), II, 20–2 and I, 212.Google Scholar He speaks of the Gothic ‘whirlwind’ in Letters, VI, 10 (Vol. II, p. 274).Google Scholar

³⁴ For Venantius Fortunatus’ contrast of Romanitas and barbarism, see Sestan, E., Stato e Nazione Nell’ Alto Medioevo: Richerche suite Origine Nazionali in Francia, Italia, Germania (Naples, 1952), p. 169.Google Scholar

³⁵ Historiarum adversum Paganos Libri VII, 1,16Google Scholar, ed. Zangemeister, C. (Leipzig, 1889), p. 29.Google Scholar Translated by Raymond, I. W. for the Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1936).Google Scholar

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³⁷ Ibid., VII, 43 (p. 300).

³⁸ Lacroix, B., Orose et ses Idees (Montreal, 1965), pp. 161–73.Google Scholar

³⁹ De Gubernatione DeiLibri VIII, V, 5Google Scholar, in Salviani Presbyteri Massiliensis Opera Omnia, ed. Pauly, F., Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum (Vienna, 1883), p. 108.Google Scholar Translated by Sanford, E. M.for Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1930).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid., IV, 14 (p. 88).

⁴¹ The Germans were the principal representatives of barbarism during this era; although the word was also applied to soldiers of the Empire. See Latouche, R., Les Grandes Invasions et la Crise de L'Occident au V^e Siècle (Paris, 1946), pp. 14–15Google Scholar; and the interesting article by Sinnigen, W. G., ‘Barbaricarii, Barbari, and the Notitia Dignitatum’, Latomus, XXII (1963), 806–15.Google Scholar

⁴² Registrum Epistolarum, ed. Ewald, P. and Hartmann, L. M., Monumenta Germaniae Historica [MGH] (2 Vols.; Berlin, 1891–1899), I, 325, line 2.Google Scholar

⁴³ Roman State and Christian Church: A Collection of Legal Documents to A.D. 535, ed. and trans. Coleman-Norton, P. R. (3 Vols.; London, 1966), No. 646.Google Scholar Victor of Vita, Historic Persecutionis Africanae Provinciae, ed. Petschenig, M., Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum (Vienna, 1881), p. 103, speaks of the ‘barbara ferocitas et heresis Arriana’ of the Vandals.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ As did Jordanes, according to Courcelle, P., Histoire Litteraire des Grandes Invasions Germaniques (Paris, 1948), pp. 172–3.Google Scholar See Momigliano, A., ‘Cassiodorus and Italian Culture of His Time’, Proceedings of the British Academy, XLI (1955), 207–45.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cassiodori Senatoris Variae, IV, 33Google Scholar, ed. Mommsen, T., MGH, Auctores Antiquissimorum (Berlin, 1894), p. 128: ‘Custodia legum civilitatis est indicium et reverentia priorum principum nostrae quoque testatur devotionis exemplum. Quid enim melius quam plebem sub praecepto degere velle iustitiae, ut conventus multorum disciplinabilium sit adunatio voluntatum ? Hoc enim populos ab agresti vita in humanae conversationis regulam congregavit.’Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibid., III, 17 (p. 88).

⁴⁷ Ibid., III, 43 (p. 100): ‘Delectamur iure Romano vivere quos armis cupimus vindicare, nee minor nobis est cura rerum moralium quam potest esse bellorum. Quid enim proficit barbaros removisse confusos, nisi vivatur ex legibus’. See also ibid., IV, 39 (pp. 131–2).

⁴⁸ This is the argument of MacMullen, R., Enemies of the Roman Order: Treason, Unrest and Alienation in the Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), p. 231.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ Earl, , op. cit., pp. 103 ff.Google Scholar

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⁵¹ De Reditu Suo, 1, 63–6, 129–40Google Scholar, in Minor Latin Poets, ed. Duff, J. W. and Duff, A. M., LCL (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), pp. 768, 774.Google Scholar

⁵² De Gubernatione Dei, V, 5Google Scholar, in Pauly, ed., p. 108.Google Scholar

⁵³ Translated in The Age of Attila, ed. Gordon, C. D. (Ann Arbor, 1960), pp. 86–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See the extremely helpful and thorough study of Ewig, E., ‘Volkstum and Volksbewusstsein im Frankenreich des 7. Jahrhunderts’, Caratteri de Secolo VII in Occidente… Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull' alto Medioevo, II (Spoleto, 1958), 609–20.Google Scholar An older work is Thibaut, F., ‘Les Impôts Directs’, Révue Historique de Droit Francaise, XXV (1901), 708–9.Google Scholar References to some secondary sources are in Musset, L., Les Invasions: les Vogues Germaniques (Paris, 1965), pp. 219–20.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Vitae Patrum, VIGoogle Scholar, in Gregorii Turonensis Opera, ed. Arndt, W. and Krusch, B., MGH, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum (2 Vols.; Hanover, 1884–1885), II, 681.Google Scholar Translated by Brehaut, E.for Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1916).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Pact us Legis Salicae, Germanenrechte Neue Folge: Westgermanisches Recht, ed. Eckhardt, K. A. (2 Vols. in 4 parts; Göttingen, 1954–1957), 1/2, 314. The prologue reads: ‘Nuper ad catholicam fidem conversa, inmunis ab herese, dum adhuc ritu detineretur barbarico, inspirante Deo, inquirens sdentiae clavem, iuxta morum suorum qualitatem desiderans iustitiam et custodiens pietatem.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid., p. 322 (XI, 1): ‘Si quis ingenuus Francum hominem am barbarum occiderit, qui lege Salica vivit.…’

⁵⁸ The Irish Penitentials, ed. Bieler, L., Scriptores Latini Hiberniae, V (Dublin, 1963), p. 68: ‘Qui praebent ducatum barbaris, XIII. annis, tamen si non accident stragis Christianorum et sanguinis effusio et dira captivitas. Si autem evenerit, agant residua vitae penitentiam reiectis armis. Si autem voluerit et non ad vota sibi barbaros ad Christianos educere, residuo vite suae peniteat’. See also p. 126.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid., p. 148.

⁶⁰ Ewig, , loc. cit., p. 620.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See the references in various early medieval sources in MGH, Scriptores, IV, 57, 89, 218, 510, 592, where the pagan identification is obvious. For the identification of Slavic peoples as barbari, cf., ibid., pp. 255, 610, 615, 792, 793; for Magyars, ibid., pp. 67, 268, 402, 403, 454, 455; for Northmen, ibid., pp. 704, 705, 760, 761, 773,775; and for a stray reference to Saracens as barbari, ibid., pp. 652–4. For an especially early reference, cf. Migne, LV, cols. 1029 ff.

⁶² MGH, Scriptores, IX, 425.

⁶³ The Chronicle of Aethelweard, I, 3, ed. Campbell, A. (London, 1962), p. 7.Google Scholar For other examples, see I, 4; III, 4 (pp. 9, 31). For a later English example of the equation of barbarians and pagans, see William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontificium Anglorum Libri Quinque, ed. N.E.S.A. Hamilton, Rolls Series [RS] (London, 1870), pp. 48, 215.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ MGH, Scriptores, I, 244. For a twelfth-century example of the notion of ‘tyrannical’ barbarism, see Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae, ed. Hammer, J. (Cambridge, Mass., 1951), p. 99.Google ScholarWidukind, , Rerum Gestarum Saxonicarum Libri Tres, III, 54, ed. Waitz, G. and Kehr, K. A., Scriptorum Rerum Germanicarum (Hanover and Leipzig, 1904), p. 113, gives an especially dramatic description of barbarism: ‘Sclavus barbarico more frendens et multa convicia evomens’.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ MGH, Scriptores, I, 405. Cf. also MGH, Scriptores, IV, 150, where the Translatio S. Liborii, spoke of the Saxons as ‘barbarae et semipaganae nationi. Danes are called ‘pagan’ and ‘barbarous’ by Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, H. R., RS (7 Vols.; London, 1872–1883), I, 428.Google Scholar But they are called ‘pagans’ by Asser, , Life of King Alfred together with the Annals of Saint Neots, ed. Stevenson, W. H. (Oxford, 1904), pp. 49, 54, 69, etc.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ MGH, Scriptores, VIII, 307.

⁶⁷ Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum Libri XX, ed. Lindsay, W. M. (2 Vols.; Oxford, 1911), I, 32.Google Scholar Cf. Souter, A., Glossary of Later Latin to 600 A.D. (Oxford, 1957), s.v. ‘barbarizo.’Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See the quotations from the Hisperica Famina and Aldhelm in Bolton, W. F., A History of Anglo-Latin Literature, 597–1066 (2 Vols.; Princeton, 1967), I, 46, 91.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Curtius, E. R., European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Trask, W. R. (New York, 1953), p. 414.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Vita Karolini, Proem, MGH, Scriptores, II, 443.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ibid., p. 458: ‘Mensibus etiam iuxta propriam linguam vocabula imposuit, cum ante id temporis apud Francos partim latinis partim barbaris nominibus pronunciarentur.’

⁷² Historiae Ecclesiasticae, III, 7,Google Scholar in Opera Historica, ed. King, J. E., LCL (2 Vols.; Cambridge, Mass., 1962–1963), I, 358.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ibid., II, 5 (Vol. I, p. 228).

⁷⁴ Ibid., III, 2; I, 12 (Vol. I, pp. 330, 60).

⁷⁵ Ibid., II, 20 (Vol. I, p. 316).

⁷⁶ Hay, D., Europe: the Emergence of an Idea (New York, 1966), pp. 27Google Scholar ff. Hay has commented o n barbarians, pp. 23–4, and nn. See also Curcio, C., Europa: Storia di Un’ Idea (2 Vols.; Florence, 1958), I. 113 ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Rupp, J. has analyzed the evolution of a papal theory of Christendom in L'idée de Chrétienté dans la Pensée Pontificate des Origines à Innocent III (Paris, 1939).Google Scholar See also Daly, W. M., ‘Christian Fraternity, the Crusaders, and the Security of Constantinople, 1097–1204; the Precarious Survival of an Ideal’, Mediaeval Studies, XXII (1960), 43–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷⁸ Ullmann, W., The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages (2nd ed.; London, 1962), p. 61. See also pp. 63, 89, 111, 221–4.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ibid., p. 63; Ewig, , loc. cit., p. 614 and n. 79.Google ScholarUllmann, , op. cit., p. 47, quotes in translation a highly interesting letter from Pope Gregory II to t he Byzantine emperor wherein the word ‘barbarian’ is used in a cultural sense: ‘It is regrettable that the savages and barbarians have become cultured, whilst you as a cultured individual have degraded yourself to the level of the barbarians….Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Codex Carolinus, MGH, Epistolae, III, Nos. 52, 53, 55, 61, 62. etc., quoted by Sullivan, R. E., ‘The Papacy and Missionary Activity in the Early Middle Ages’, Mediaeval Studies, XVII (1955), 83 and n. 12.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Rimbert, , Vita Anskarii, 12, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum, p. 33Google Scholar, quoted by Sullivan, , loc. cit., p. 86 and n. 41.Google Scholar

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⁸³ Helmoldi Presbyteri Bozoviensis Cronica Slavorum, I, 6, 8, 21, 22, 40, ed. Lappenberg, J. M. and Schmeidler, B., Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum (Hanover and Leipzig, 1909), pp. 16–17, 19, 44, 45, 83.Google Scholar Translated by Tschan, F. J. for Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1935).Google Scholar Adam of Bremen is also accustomed to equate ‘barbarian’ and non-Christian and is likewise acutely aware of the frontier separating Christendom and barbarous regions. Cf. Adami Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, II, 25; IV, 8, 23, 29, ed. Pertz, G. H., Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum (Hanover, 1846), pp. 67, 185, 197–8, 203.Google Scholar Translated by Tschan, F. J. for Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1959).Google Scholar Both authors tend to view the ‘barbarian’ like pioneers encountering the Indians in the nineteenth century. Both were also aware of the classical contrast of Greek and barbarian, q.v. Helmold, , op. cit., I, 2 (p. 8)Google Scholar; Adam of Bremen, , op. cit., II, 19 (p. 61).Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ B. Humberti de Romanis Quinti Praedicatorum Magistri Generalis Opera de Vita Regulari, ed. Berthier, J. J. (2 Vols.; Rome, 1888–1889), II, 377.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ibid., p. 492.

⁹⁰ De Recuperatione Terre Sancte, 1, 44, ed. Langlois, C.-V. (Paris, 1891), p. 57.Google Scholar Translated by Brandt, W. I. for Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1956).Google Scholar

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⁹³ Flores Historiarum, ed. Hewlett, H. G., RS (3 Vols.; London, 1886–1889), I, 179Google Scholar, and also p. 218. Adhelm placed it in Scythia, , Opera, ed. Ehwald, R., MGH, Auctorum Antiquissimorum (Berlin, 1919), p. 72.Google Scholar Cf. Ralph of Coggeshale, MGH, , Scriptores, XXVII, 348–9.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ Polychronicon, ed. Babington, C. and Lumby, J. R., RS (9 Vols.; London, 1865–1866), I, 170: ‘…propter barbaras gentes quas continet generaliter Barbaria appelatur’.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Primera Cronica General de España, ed. Pidal, R. Menéndez (2 Vols.; Madrid, 1955), I, 27, 157; the notion of ‘barbarous’ or ‘heathen’ is suggested by Frederick IPs letter cited in note 91 above.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Sixteenth-century maps reproduced in Skelton, R. A., Explorer's Maps (New York, 1958), figs. 45, 60, place Barbaria in North Africa. In the fifteenth century an English source said, ‘Wytlandia i s … inhabite with peple of barbre worschippenge ydoles’, New English Dictionary, s.v. ‘Barbary’.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ There has been considerable doubt concerning the precise meaning of the word barbarus during the later Middle Ages in Europe. The contributor to Encyclopedia Italiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti (36 Vols.; Rome, 1929–1939)Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Barbari’, gives a summary of changing uses in the later Middle Ages. Mattei, R. de, ‘Sul Concetto di Barbaro e Barbarie nel Medio Evo’, Studi di Storia e Diritto in Onore di Enrico Besta per il XL Anno de Suo Insegnamento, IV (Milan, 1939), 495–6Google Scholar, has argued that the classical antithesis of Latinitas and barbarus was kept during the whole of the Middle Ages. For a collection of citations showing the use of the word in the literature of the later Empire and the early Middle Ages, see Cange, Du, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis (10 Vols.; Paris, 1937–1938), s.v. ‘Barbarus’.Google Scholar

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¹⁰² S. Anselmi Cantauriensis Archiepiscopi Opera Omnia, ed. Schmitt, F. S. (5 Vols.; Edinburgh, 1946–1951), IV, 124Google Scholar (Ep. 222): ‘Deo autem gratias quia in te semper episcopalis auctoritas per sever at, et inter barbaros positus non tyrannorum violentia, non potentum gratia, non incensione ignis, non effusione manus a veritatis annuntiatione desistis’. Cited by Cantor, , op. tit., pp. 158–9.Google Scholar

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¹¹² The Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, ed. Bridges, J. H. (2 Vols.; Oxford, 1897), I, 301: ‘Receperunt etiam pericula infinita, eo quod nesciverunt quando intraverunt regiones fidelium, quando schismaticorum, quando Saracenorum, quando Tartarorum, quando tyrannorum, quando hominum pacificorum, quando barbarorum, quando hominum rationabilium’.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ Ostensibly factual reports were heavily colored by presupposition based on ancient myth and rumor. See the remarks of Olschki, L., Marco Polo's Precursors (Baltimore, 1943), p. 13.Google Scholar For a recent discussion of European knowledge of Mongol Asia, consult Olschki, L., Marco Polo's Asia (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1960).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Anderson, A. R., Alexander's Gate, Gog and Magog, and the Inclosed Nations (Cambridge, Mass., 1932), p. 8.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Ibid., p. 20.

¹¹⁷ This is the usage of Mandeville's Travels: Texts and Translations, trans. Letts, M., Hakluyt Society, Ser. II, Vols. 101–2 (2 Vols.; London, 1953), II, 380.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁹ The Pseudo-Methodius has been published by Sackur, E., Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen (Halle, 1898).Google Scholar Aethicus Ister in his Cosmographiam, ed. Wuttke, H. (Leipzig, 1853), p. 18, identified the Turks as the descendants of Gog and Magog: ‘Gens ignominiosa et incognita, monstruosa, idolatria, fornicaria in cunctis stupriis et lupanariis truculenta, a quo et nomen accepit, de stirpe Gog et Magog. Comedent enim universa abominabilia et abortiva hominum, iuvenum carnes iumentorumque et ursorum, vultorum, item charadrium ac milvorum, bubonum atque visontium, canum et simiarun’.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Anderson, , op. cit., pp. 46 ff.Google Scholar; for Richard of Monte Croce, see Peregrinatores Medii Aevi Quatuor, ed. Laurent, J. C. M. (Leipzig, 1864), pp. 114–18.Google Scholar The Tartars, Magogoli, Mogoli, are said to be descended from Gog and Magog (p. 118).Google Scholar

¹²¹ Chronica Majora, VI, 77.Google Scholar

¹²² Ibid., IV, 386–9.

¹²³ See Cary, G., The Medieval Alexander (Cambridge, 1956), p. 130Google Scholar; and Langlois, C.-V., La Connaissance de la Nature et du Monde au Moyen Age (Paris, 1911), p. 81, which quotes a French source to the effect that the peoples of Gog and Magog are such, ‘Qui char d'omme manjuent cruel Et bestes com gent mescreue’.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Gesta Friderici I Imperatoris, II, 13Google Scholar, ed. Waitz, G., Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum (Hanover, 1884), pp. 92–3.Google Scholar Translated by Mierow, C. C. for Columbia Records of Civilization (New York, 1953).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Ibid., I, 32 (p. 40).

¹²⁶ Wallach, R., Das Abendlandische Gemeinschaftsbewusstsein im Mittelalter (Leipzig, 1928), pp. 36–7Google Scholar; for the concept of barbarism in the later Middle Ages and the Renaissance, see Hay, D., ‘Italy and Barbarian Europe’, Italian Renaissance Studies: A Tribute to the Late Cecilia M. Ady, ed. Jacob, E. F. (London, 1960), pp. 48–68.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ In the fifth letter, published in Dantis Alagheri Epistolae: the Letters of Dante, ed. Toynbee, P. (Oxford, 1920), p. 52.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ See the seventh letter, ibid., p. 110, wherein Dante said that God brought under Roman rule ‘barbaras nationes et cives’.

¹²⁹ Quoted by Mattei, R. de, Studi… Enrico Besta, pp. 495–6Google Scholar, from Apologia contra cuiusdam Anonymi Galli Calumnias, Opera, ed. Petri, H. (Basel, 1554), p. 1180.Google Scholar See Mattei, R. de, Il Sentimento Politico del Petrarca (Florence, 1944), pp. 38 ff.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Mattei, R. de, Studi… Enrico Besta, p. 496.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Ibid.

¹³² Quoted in translation from MGH, Leges, IV/2,1372, by Hay, D., The Italian Renaissance in Its Historical Background (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 94–6.Google Scholar

¹³³ Hay, , Italian Renaissance, pp. 138–9.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana, 10, MGH, , Scriptores, III, 349.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Buckler, G., Anna Comnena (London, 1929), pp. 440–1Google Scholar, cited by Hay, , Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. Jacob, , p. 54, and nn. 3, 4.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Il Principe, XXVIGoogle Scholar, in Niccolò Machiavelli Opere, ed. Bonfantini, M. (Milan/Naples [1954]), pp. 83–6.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Hay, , Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. Jacob, , pp. 62–3.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ See the discussion of the barbarian destruction of classical Rome in ‘A Report to Pope Leo X on Ancient Rome’, of the authorship of either Raphael or Baldassare Castiglione, translated in A Documentary History of Art, ed. Holt, E. G. (2 Vols.; Garden City, New York, 1957), I, 290–4.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Philobiblon, ed. Hand, S. (Albany, 1861), p. 132.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Hay, , Italian Renaissance Studies, ed. Jacob, , p. 56.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Ibid., p. 64, citing Celtis, , Selections, trans. Forster, L. (Cambridge, 1948), p. 43.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Mazzarino, , op. cit., p. 88.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ ‘Ibid.

¹⁴⁴ Ibid., p. 101.

¹⁴⁵ The best-known advocate of this view is McNeill, William, Rise of the West (Chicago, 1963)Google Scholar; but see also Hodgson, Marshall, ‘The Interrelations of Societies in History’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, V (1962–1963), 242 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ For a discussion of the differentiation of Chinese society from that of the nomadic barbarians, see Lattimore, O., Inner Asian Frontiers of China. American Geographical Society (New York, 1940), pp. 53 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ A Scottish source from the mid-sixteenth century observed: ‘Euere nation reputis vthers nations to be barbariens, quhen there tua natours and complexions ar contrar til vtheris’, New English Dictionary, s.v. ‘Barbarian’. In the fifteenth century the people of Hereford were said to be ‘ferocious and uncivilized’, Capes, W. W., The English Church in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (London, 1900), p. 204.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ For a sixteentb-century German illustration of ‘New World savages’ and ‘Old World barbarians’ side by side, see Hodgen, M. T., Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, 1964), p. 127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴⁹ The psychological and historical implications of the image of the ‘noble savage’ in Western civilization have been brilliantly described by Baudet, H., Paradise on Earth: Some Thoughts on European Images of Non-European Man, trans. Wentholt, E. (New Haven and London, 1965).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. Bury, J. B. (3 Vols.; New York, 1946), II, 1224–5.Google Scholar