Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 June 2009
The problem of entrepreneurship has been one of the central interests of economic theorists since the industrial revolution. Discussions of the entrepreneur in such theory tended to a large extent to focus upon the basis of entrepreneurship. This argument is typified by Schumpeter's criticism of Marx's handling of the problem of primitive accumulation; Schumpeter argues against the rejection by Marx of superior intelligence and energy as explanatory factors in entrepreneurial success.
2 Schumpeter, Joseph A., Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (New York and Evanston, 1962).Google Scholar
3 Hagen, Everett, On the Theory of Social Change (Homewood, Illinois, 1962).Google Scholar
4 Ibid., p. 5 and passim.
5 Ibid., pp. 353–384.
6 Ibid., p. 377.
7 Ibid., p. 371–372.
8 The figures are 15.5% in the population at large versus 22.2% among executives.
9 Ibid., pp. 380–383.
12 Ibid., p. 383.
13 Kulischer, Eugene, Europe on the Move (New York, 1948), p. 227.Google Scholar
14 Vicens-Vives, Jaime, Historia Social y Economica de España y America, Vol. 2, Book 2 (Barcelona, 1959), p. 256.Google Scholar
15 Hagen, op. cit., p. 372.
16 Ibid., pp. 61–74.
17 Ibid., pp. 55–56.
18 For a province by province analysis see Brennan, Gerald, The Spanish Labyrinth (Cambridge, 1960), pp. 87–130.Google Scholar
19 Since the middle of the 19th century there has been a decrease in the degree of self-sufficiency.
20 Caro, Julio, Los Vascos (Madrid, 1949), p. 275.Google Scholar
21 Dovring, Folke, Land and Labour in Europe 1900–1950 (The Hague, 1956), p. 158.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22 Caro, op. cit., p. 277.
23 Ibid.,
24 Veyrin, Phillippe, Les Basques: de Labourde, de Soule et Basse Navarre (Grenoble, 1947).Google Scholar
25 Caro, op. cit., pp. 277–278.
26 Ibid., p. 278.
27 Those who choose the church, or to remain celibate members of their own households, would tend to be individuals who want a well defined institutional framework and are willing to accept it at the sacrifice of possibly much greater, although less sure, rewards outside.
28 A similar adaptation may be at the root of the boundary maintenance systems of many peasant groups where the land is inadequate for supporting a growing population. Cf. Hughes, Everett, French Canada in Transition (London, 1946), pp. 20–21, 216.Google Scholar
29 Hagen, op. cit., 193–194.
30 This is greatly facilitated by the fact that the basic comparative data on Ireland and Norway have been summarized in a form particularly useful for the interests of concern here. Park, George K., “Sons and Lovers: Characterological Requisites of the Roles in a Peasant Society”, Ethnology, 1 (4): 412–424, 10 1962CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Professor G. P. Murdock suggested this comparison to me.
31 George K. Park, personal communication.
32 George K. Park, op. cit., 417–419
33 It might seem reasonable to assume that birth order determines differences in personality. The most recent evidence on this is largely negative. See Turner, Ralph, “Some Family Determinants of Ambition”, Sociology and Social Research, 46: 397–411 (07 1962)Google Scholar, and also Weller, Leonard, “The Relationship of Birth Order to Anxiety”, Sociometry, 25: 415–417 (12 1962).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
34 Park, op. cit., 422–423, makes a similar point in discussing “character” as a sociologically significant variable in understanding peasant societies.
35 Erasmus, Charles, Review of David McClelland, The Achieving Society in American Anthropologist, 64: 624 (06 1962).Google Scholar
36 Ibid., p. 625.