¹ Hunt, Lynn. The Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 7Google Scholar. See also, Pateman, Carole, The Sexual Contract (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1988Google Scholar).

² Eve Sedgwick, Kosofsky. Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985Google Scholar).

³ On homeland as a female body, see Parker, Andrew. Russo, Mary, Sommer, Doris, and Yaeger, Patricia, “Introduction,” Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992Google Scholar), particularly, 5–12. See also Stallybrass, Peter, “Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed,” in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, Ferguson, M. W., Quilligan, M., and Vickers, N. J., eds. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986Google Scholar); Sen, Samita, “Motherhood and Mothercraft: Gender and Nationalism in Bengal.” Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 231–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Thaper, Suruchi, “Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist Movement,” Feminist Review, 44 (summer 1993), 81–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ See Winichahul, Thongchai, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994Google Scholar).

⁵ Parker et al. Nationalisms and Sexualities, 1 (emphasis in original).

⁶ Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (rev. ed., London: Verso, 1991), 5Google Scholar.

⁷ I am taking (and modifying) the concept of “constitutive work” from Poovey's, MaryUneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988CrossRefGoogle Scholar). See. in particular, chapter one, “The Ideological Work of Gender.” I owe more to this book than the mere phrase.

⁸ McClintock, Anne, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge, 1995), 61Google Scholar.

⁹ McClintock, Imperial Leather, 61–62.

¹⁰ Chatterjee, Partha, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993Google Scholar).

¹¹ For an essay on Chinese modernity that deals with similar concerns, see Liu, Lydia, “The Female Body and Nationalist Discourse: The Field of Life and Death Revisited,” in Grewal, Inderpal and Kaplan, Caren, eds., Scattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994Google Scholar).

¹² See Tavakoli-Targhi, Mohamad, “Refashioning Iran: Language and Culture During the Constitutional Revolution,” Iranian Studies, 23:1–4 (1990), 77–101CrossRefGoogle Scholar. and his The Formation of Two Revolutionary Discourses in Modern Iran: The Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1906 and the Islamic Revolution of 1978–1979 (Ph. D. disser., The University of Chicago. 1988Google Scholar).

¹³ See Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran.”

¹⁴ See Baron, Beth, “The Construction of National Honour in Egypt,” Gender and History, 5:2 (summer 1993), 244–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Najmabadi, Afsaneh, “Zanhā-yi millat: Women or Wives of the Nation,” Iranian Studies, 26:1–2 (winter-spring 1993), 51–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ See Najmabadi, Afsaneh, “The Eclipse of the Female Sun: Masculine State, Fantasmatic Females, and National Erasures” (paper presented at the Middle East Institute, Columbia University, New York, October 26, 1995Google Scholar).

¹⁶ For similar changes in Arabic and Turkish, see Lewis, Bernard. The Political Language of Islam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1988), 40–41Google Scholar; idem.The Middle East and the West (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), 75–78. and Ayalon, Ami. Language and Change in the Arab Middle East: The Evolution of Modern Political Discourse (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 52–53Google Scholar. For a work concerned with changes in language. Ayalon is unfortunately careless about, if not oblivious to, the gendered meaning of words. Ibn al-waṭan [son of homeland] is translated as “the child of the homeland” (p. 52). When women began to join the ranks of children of vatan. they invariably did not envisage themselves as ibn or abnā; instead, bint alwatan (daughter of homeland) and khvāharān-i vaṭanī (patriotic sisters) were coined.

¹⁷ On the centrality of “land” to the emergence of Iranian nationalist discourse in the nineteenth century, see Kashani-Sabet, Firoozeh, “Fragile Frontiers: The Diminishing Domains of Qajar Iran,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:2 (1997), 205–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and idem., “The Frontier Phenomenon: Perceptions of the Land in Iranian Nationalism,” Critique, (Spring 1997), pp. 19–38.

¹⁸ I borrow this expression from Ana Mariá Alonso. though she uses it somewhat differently. See her Thread of Blood: Colonialism, Revolution, and Gender on Mexico's Northern Frontier (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press. 1995), 86Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Sayyid , “Vaṭanīyah'hā.” pt. 1, Guftigū, 8 (summer 1995), 163–72, and pt. 2, Guftigū, 9 (fall 1995), 90–99Google Scholar.

²⁰ That love in classical Perso–Islamic literature is often male homoerotic is reflected not only in the celebration of same-sex male love couples, such as Maḥmūd and Ayāz. but also in books of advice with separate chapters on “Love” and on “Marriage,” in which the beloved in chapters on “Love” is male, and issues of marriage and love, unlike in the later modernist discourse, are constructed as belonging to different domains. See. for instance, ‘Unṣur al-Ma'ālī, Qābusnāmah, Yūsufī, Ghulāmḥusayn, ed. (Tehran: Jībī, 1974), ch. 14, 100–6Google Scholar, “On Love,” and ch. 26, 144–6, “On Seeking a Wife.”

²¹ See Najmabadi, “Zanhā-yi millat.”

²² Not surprisingly, concepts of wife and mother went through paradigmatic shifts in this same period. I discuss these shifts in “Crafting An Educated Housewife in Iran,” in Lughod, Lila Abu, ed. Remaking Women: eminism and Modernity in the Middle East (Princeton: Princeton University PressGoogle Scholar, forthcoming).

²³ For pre-modern concepts of vaṭan in Persian literature, see Muḥammad Shafī'i Kadkanī, ‘Talaqqī-i qudamā az vaṭan” [Our Ancestors' Understanding of Homeland]. Alifbā, 1; 1 (n.d.), 1–26.

²⁴ See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40. On this literature in Persian, see Shafī'i Kadkanī, “Talaqqī,” 12–17, 19–22. He also gives examples of poets with an opposite sentiment who preferred the pain of exile to suffering at home. See ibid, 17–19.

²⁵ See Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, 40–41; Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939 (rev. ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

²⁶ Firaydūn Ādamīyat credits Ākhūndzādah and Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kirmānī (1853–1896), more than any other nineteenth-century political thinkers, with constructing the new meaning of vaṭan in Iranian modernity. For notions of vaṭan in the writings of these two thinkers, see Firaydūn Ādamīyat, Andīshah'hā-yi Mīrzā Fatḥ'alī Ākhūndzādah (Tehran: Khvārazmī. 1970), 114–33, and his Andīshah'hā-yi Mīrzā Āqā Khān Kirmānī (Tehran: Payām, 1978), 267–87Google Scholar.

²⁷ Mīrzā Fatḥ'alī Ākhūndzādah, Maktūbāt, M. Subḥdam, ed. (n.p.: Mard-i imrūz, 1985). The definitions of these terms, and others, appear on pages 9–14; quote is from page 11.

²⁸ Tavakoli-Targhi characterizes this as a “dual process of projection and introjection,” in which “Iranian modernists attributed undesirable customs and conditions to Arabs and Islam, and appropriated desirable European manners and cultures by depicting them as originally Iranian” (Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran,” 83). In the case of vatan, however, its Iranianization drew on the sufi concept of love, even while disassociating itself from the sufi concept of vaṭan.

²⁹ Shafī'i Kadkanī, “Talaqqī,” 8–12.

³⁰ These concepts are in turn related to how the figure of mother is written in sufi biographical dictionaries. Many sufīs are depicted as devoted to their mothers, serving her unfailingly in her old age. The only earthly love that is not seen either as a manifestation, or disruptive, of the sufi's love for the divine seems to be his love for his mother. For a survey of female in sufi writings, see Schimmel, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1975Google Scholar), appendix 2. “The Feminine Element in Sufism,” 426–35.

³¹ These sufi concepts in turn influenced more orthodox interpretations of this narrative. See, for instance. Imāmī, Sayyid MaḥmūdIṣfahānī, Samarāt al-ḥayāt (Tehran: Dār al-kutub al-Islāmīyya. 1953), vol. 1. 34–35Google Scholar.

³² Muḥammad, Shaykh Bahā' al-Din al-'Āmilī. Kullīyāt-i ash'ār-i fārsī va mūsh-u-gurbah-'i Shaykh Bahā'ī, Tawḥīdīpūr, Miḥdī, ed. (Tehran: Maḥmūdī, 1958), 23Google Scholar.

³³ Iranian frontiers in this period, as Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet has powerfully argued, were anything but well-defined. Their “fragility” in part intensified the nationalist desire for territorial certitude. See Kashani-Sabet, “‘Fragile Frontiers’.”

³⁴ Tālibuf, 'Abd al-Rahīm, Kitāb-i Aḥmad, Mu'minī, Bāqir. ed. (Tehran: Shabgīr, 1977Google Scholar [originally published in three volumes in 1893. 1895. and 1906]), 93.

³⁵ See Anderson, Imagined Communities, particularly chs. 2. 10, and 11.

³⁶ Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran,” 77–78.

³⁷ See Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran,” 80–82. The success of this process can be seen in the prevalent assumption among Iranians that Firdausi's Iran is what they today consider their homeland. This is reflected in Shafī'i Kadkanī's essay as well. See “Talaqqī,” 3–4.

³⁸ See Kazemzadeh, Firuz, Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864–1914: A Study in Imperialism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968Google Scholar).

³⁹ I'timād al-Salṭanah, Muḥammad Ḥasan Khān. Mir' āt al-Buldān, Navā'ī, 'Abd al-Ḥusayn and Hāshim Muḥaddas, Mīr. eds. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1989Google Scholar). See. for instance, volume 1, 438–57, where I'timād al-Salṭanah integrated verbatum the report by Mīrzā Mīhdī Khān, who had been officially sent to Baluchistan to measure and map that province. The report, according to I'timād al-Salṭanah, had originally been published in issue number 258 of the state gazette. The internal structure of the state gazette, starting with the news of the capital, followed by the news of each province, and then by the news of foreign lands, was itself constructive of territorial Iran. I'timād al-Salṭanah himself contributed not only to narrating Iran historically but also to mapping it geographically. As an appendix to his history of the Ashkanids, Durar al-tījān fī tārīkh-i banī al-Ashkān, he provided a geographical dictionary to “convert the old and new geographical expressions of Iran.” The entries listed geographical names according to “ancient geographies” and their contemporary equivalents, so that when contemporary readers come upon these locations as they are expressed in Greek books of history and geography, they could be properly located on maps. He saw this work as a “service to not only the sons of vatan but to all Persian speakers of Turkistan. Hindustan and other provinces of Asia.” The entries were prefaced by chapters on “Ancient Geography,” including a section on maps and mapping; on “Ethnography”; and on “Languages of Ancient Times.” See al-Salṭanah, Muḥammad Ḥasan Khān I'timād, Taṭbīq-i lughāt-i jughrāfiā'ī-i qadīm va jadīd-i Īrān, Muḥaddis, Mīr Hāshim, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1984Google Scholar). The above quotation and the paraphrases preceding it are from pages 15–16. For a discussion of Durar al-tījān, see Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran,” 83–85. An edited version of Durar al-tījān has now been published, edited by Ni'mat Aḥmadī (Tehran: Atlas, 1992Google Scholar).

⁴⁰ Tavakoli-Targhi. “Refashioning Iran.” 78–79. al-Salṭanah, I'timād. Mir' āt al-Buldān, vol. 1, 3Google Scholar.

⁴¹ al-Salṭanah, I'timād, Mir' āt al-Buldān, vol. 1. 5Google Scholar.

⁴² On Nāṣir al-Dīn Shāh's travelogues, see Iraj Afshar. “Nigāhyī bah safarnāmah'nivīsī-i Nāṣir al-Dīn Shāh” [A Look at Nāṣir al-Dīn Shāh as a travelogue-writer], Āyandah, 9:10–11 (winter 1984), 757–69Google Scholar.

⁴³ In her suggestion that gender is the story that a culture relates about sex, a social elaboration of sex, Val Plumwood draws on “the way in which land and ‘country’ is thought of in Australian aboriginal culture, where ‘country’ is land as given social significance and meaning, in a story (theory) about the land, its origins, effects and proper treatment; and of course, how this is lived out in a practice relating people to the land.” See Plumwood, Val, “Do We Need a Sex/Gender Distinction?,” Radical Philosophy, 51 (Spring 1989), 2–11Google Scholar. Quotation is from page 8. In a similar move, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick draws on Gayle Rubin's “sex/gender system” to suggest “habitation/nation system” [land/country?/ as a parallel construction for negotiating between a particular geographical space that one inhabits and “the far more abstract, sometimes even apparently unrelated organization of what has emerged since the late seventeenth century as her/his national identity, as signalized by, for instance, citizenship.” See her essay “Nationalisms and Sexualities in the Age of Wilde,” in Parker et al., Nationalisms and Sexualities, 235–45. Quote is from page 239.

⁴⁴ Tālibuf, Kitāb-i Aḥmad, 147.

⁴⁵ For a thorough historical survey of love (and wine) in sufi literature, see Naṣrullāh Pūrjavādī, ‘Bādah-'i 'ishq” [Wine of Love], published in the following issues of Nashr-i dānish. 11:6 (October-November 1991), 4–13Google Scholar; 12:1 (December 1991–January 1992), 4–18; 12:2 (February-March 1992), 6–15; 12:3 (April-May 1992), 26–32: 12:4 (June-July 1992), 22–30.

⁴⁶ The article, by Mīrzā 'Alī Muḥammad Kāshānī, editor first of Surayyā and then of Parvarish, both published in Cairo, was titled “The Strange Dream and the Peculiar Discovering” (Ru'yā-yi gharīb va mukāshifah-'i 'ajīb). It was serialized in Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1900), 10–13Google Scholar, then in subsequent issues: 2 (June 15, 1990), 10–13; 3 (June 23, 1900), 9–12: 5 (July 9, 1900), 8–11:8 (July 30, 1900), 11–13; 10 (August 13, 1900), 12–14; 22 (November 23, 1900), 14–16.

⁴⁷ Parvarish, 1:1 (June 8, 1990), 10–13Google Scholar. Further references will be noted in the text by reference to issue number, followed by page number. On “dream literature.” see Cole, Juan R. I., “‘Reform’ in Dream Time: Literary Aspects of Qajar Social Thought” (paper presented at the twenty-fifth annual conference of Middle Eastern Studies Association of North America. November 22–25, 1991. Washington D.C.Google Scholar).

⁴⁸ Many of the metaphors of these passages come directly from classical love poetry and would evoke strong affective associations for the reader familiar with that literature. For instance, the notion of the beloved appearing khawykanlah [sweated, in a state of ecstasy], recalls a famous verse from Hafiz. See Muḥammad, Shams al-Dīn [Hafiz], Dīvān, Khānlarī, Parvīz Natl. ed. (Tehran: Khvārazmī, 1980), 60Google Scholar. for the full ghazal. Note also that the beloved is spoken of as “our beloved,” apparently an object of desire for a male homosocial community, whose bonding is perhaps produced in part through their shared love for this beloved.

⁴⁹ At this point in the text, it is still not clear if the beloved is male or female, since Persian pronouns do not indicate gender. Moreover, in classical Persian literature about the beloved, female and male figures are inscribed in similar bodily terms. A stature as elegant as a cypress [sarv] could describe a handsome man or woman. In complicity with the modernist moves to erase such ambiguities. I have dissolved this ambiguity in favor of the female pronoun in English translation because I have teleological knowledge of its use further in the text. This of course deprives the text of its powerful ambiguity and tension up to that point of resolution.

⁵⁰ The Joseph story of course has Biblical and Islamic versions and possibly even pre-Biblical early Egyptian connections. Through a versified version by the fifteenth-century poet. Jāmī, it became popularized as a love tale and remains a subject of intense contemporary interest. See, for instance, Bouhdiba, Abdelwahab, Sexuality in Islam, Sheridan, Alan, trans. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985Google Scholar): Malti-Douglas, Fedwa, Woman's Body, Woman's Word: Gender and Discourse in Arabo-Islamic Writing (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991Google Scholar): Goldman, Shalom, The Wiles of Women/The Wiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar's Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore (Albany: State University of New York Press. 1995Google Scholar); and Jalā; Sattārī, Dard-i 'ishq-i Zulaykhā [The Pain of Zulaykhā's Love] (Tehran: Tūs. 1994). See also Karen Merguenan and Afsaneh Najmabadi. “Zulaykhā and Yūsuf: Whose ‘Best Story’?” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 29:4. For an English translation of Jamī's version, with an insightful introduction by the translator, see Pendlebury's, David translation Yusuf and Zulaika (London: The Octagon Press, 1980Google Scholar).

⁵¹ The slippage perhaps demonstrates how our present modernist fixing of binary distinctions between male and female beloveds is not as determinate in these earlier modernist texts.

⁵² Quoted by Kāshānī, Muḥammad Mihdī Sharīf, Vāqi 'āt-i ittifāqīyah dar rūzigār, Ettehadieh, Mansoureh (Nizam Mafi) and Sa'dvandīān, Cīrūs. eds. (Tehran: Nashr-i Tārīkh-i Īrān, 1983), vol. 3. 631Google Scholar. These pages report on events in 1911. The Constitutional Revolution spanned the years 1906–09.

⁵³ These are popularly known hetero- and homoerotic love couples of classical Persian literature.

⁵⁴ Marāghah'ī, Zayn al-'Ābidīn, Sīāḥat'nāmah-'i Ibrāhīm Bayg, Sipānlū, M. A., ed. (Tehran: Asfār, 1985), 431–2Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Yaḥyā Mīrzā Iskandarī, 'Arūsī-i Mihrangīz [The Wedding of Mihrangīz], serialized in the constitutionalist paper, Īrān-i naw, from October 24, 1910, to February 18, 1911, Yaḥyā Mīrzā was a grandson of Muḥammad Tāhir Mīrzā Iskandarī, the nineteenth-century translator of many French texts into Persian, including Alexandre Dumas's Trois Mousquetaires [1316; 1899], La Reine Margor [1323; 1905], Conte de Monte Cristo [1312; 1895]. On these translations, see Dāvūd Navvābī, Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah-'i Farānsah bah Fārsī dar Īrān az āghāz tā kunūn (n.p. Kāvīān, 1984).

⁵⁶ This confession of love by the young woman to the trusted nanny, as well as the subsequent development of the plot, in which Suwaydā acts as a go-between for the two lovers, connects the story with classical love literature. One significant difference is that whereas in the classical plot the wet nurse-old woman takes verbal messages between lovers, here the two young educated lovers exchange letters. For the figure of the nanny, see Mustashārnīā, 'Iffat. Dāyah dar adabīyāt-i Fārsī [The Nanny in Persian Literature] (Ph. D. disser., Dept. of Literature. Tehran University, 1978Google Scholar): Farzaneh Milani. “On Nannies, Gypsies, and Ideal Men: Figures of Mediation” (paper presented at the First Biennial Conference of the Society for Iranian Studies, Arlington, VA, May 14–16, 1993): and Rouhi, Leyla. “A Comparative Typology of the Medieval Go-Between In Light of Western European, Near Eastern, and Spanish Cases” (Ph. D. disser., Harvard University, 1995Google Scholar).

⁵⁷ Īrān-i naw, 2:7 (October 29, 1910), 3Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Neatness and order are emphatic modernist themes in literature of this time, particularly wherever desirable domestic spaces are constructed. Glassed-in bookshelves became an icon of an enlightened display of modernity.

⁵⁹ Some of these titles were available in Persian translations by the turn of the century including: Polybius. History of Greece [Tārīkh-i Yunan]. Mīrzā 'Alī Khān Nasr. trans. (1910); Hugo's Les Miserables, Yūsuf I'tiṣamī, trans. (1897). See Navvābī. Tārīkhchah-'i tarjumah.

⁶⁰ On Dār al-Funūn, see Ekhtiar, Maryam. The Dār al-Funūn: Educational Reform and Cultural Development in Qajar Iran (Ph. D. disser., Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Literature New York University, 1994Google Scholar).

⁶¹ Hurmuz, said to have attended Dār al-Funūn, is an example of how modern education produced the egalitarian brotherhood of master and servant. This egalitarian tendency, not a common feature of modernist fiction, is also crafted here by the choice of the names of the three men. Hūshang, Firaydūn, and Hurmuz are all names of kings from the Shāhnāmah of Firdausi, Much of the later modernist fiction did the opposite, giving servants names with Islamic genealogies as a way of marking the class divide with a cultural flag. For the significance of new namings after the ancient mytho-historical names in this period, see Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran.”

⁶² Īrān-i naw; 2:9 (October 31, 1910), 3Google Scholar.

⁶³ See 'Aṭṭār, Farīd al-Dīn, Tazkirat al-'awlīā', with an introduction by Muḥammad Qazvīnī (Tehran: Ganjīnah, 1991), 82Google Scholar. My thanks to Kouross Esmaeli for bringing this story and the significance of the exclusion test of love to my attention.

⁶⁴ This brief summary cannot do justice to this rich novelette that deserves to be republished and analyzed independently.

⁶⁵ For samples of such poetry, see Mīrzā Muḥammad Ṣādiq Amīrī Adīb al-Mamālik Farāhānī, Ash'ār-i guzīn [Selected Poems], Muḥammad, Muḥammad MīrzaBahādur, Khān, ed. (Tehran: Armaghān, 1934Google Scholar); Namīnī, Husayn, ed., Jāvdānah Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn Ḥusaynī Gīlānī—Nasīm-i Shumāl (Tehran: Farzān, 1984Google Scholar); Bahār, Muḥammad Taqī, Dīvān-i ash'ār (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1965Google Scholar); ‘Ārif Qazvīnī, 'Ārif Qazvīnī: Shā'ir-i millī-i Īrān, Hā'irī, Sayyid Hādī, ed. (Tehran: Jāvīdān, 1980Google Scholar); Muḥammad Mirzādah 'Ishqī, Kulīyāt, Salīmī, 'Alī Akbar Musīr, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1971Google Scholar); Lāhūtī, Abū al-Qāsim, Kulīyāt, Mushīrī, Bihrūz, ed. (Tehran: Tūkā, 1979Google Scholar); and Farrukhī, Muḥammad, Dīvān-i Fanukhī Yazdī, Makkī, Ḥusayn, ed. (Tehran: Amīr Kabīr, 1978Google Scholar). See also Naqī, Mīr 'Alī, “Vaṭanīyah'hā”: and Muḥammad Aḥmad Panāhī, Tarānah'hā-yi Millī-i Īrān (Tehran: Zībā, 1990Google Scholar). For examples of another genre, baḥr-i ṭavīl, put to patriotic use, see a number of “baḥr-i ṭavīl-i vaṭanī” published in Ḥabl al-matīn, volume 15, the following issues: 21 (December 16, 1907), 7–8: 26 (January 20, 1908), 10–11; 30 (February 24, 1908), 17–18; 34 (March 23, 1908), 18–19: and 38 (April 27, 1908), 18. For general transformation of poetry in this period, see Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad, Re-Casting Persian Poetry: Scenarios of Poetic Modernity in Iranian Culture (Salt Lake City: Utah University Press, 1996Google Scholar).

⁶⁶ Īrān-i naw, 1:134 (February 16, 1910), 1Google Scholar. See also Tavakoli-Targhi. “Refashioning Iran,” 98–99. For similar arguments regarding the inclusivity of the category “Iranian” or “Muslims, Zoroasterians, Jews, Armenians” as well as “Shirazis, Isfahanis, Kirmanis, Tehranis, Baluchis, Bakhtiaris, Luris, Kurds, Irakis and Azerbaijanis,” see “Īrān va Īrānīān” [Iran and Iranians], Habl al-matīn, 14:46 (July 15, 1907), 1–8 and 17Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ On “the interweaving of private sentiments and public politics,” see Hunt, The Family Romance, 4.

⁶⁸ Ṣūr-i Isrāfīl. 18 (November 23, 1907), 3Google Scholar, from the complete reprint of Ṣūr-i Isrāfīl, edited with an introduction by Ettehadieh, Mansoureh (Tehran: Nashr-i Tārīkh-i Īrān, 1982Google Scholar).

⁶⁹ Āmuzgār, 15 (September 7, 1911), 1Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Al-Jamāl. 29 (January 1, 1908), 1–2Google Scholar.

⁷¹ “Lāyiḥah-'i yikī az dānāyān-i junūb,” Ḥabl ul-matīn. 15:18 (November 25, 1907), 13–18Google Scholar: quotations, page 15.

⁷² This shift in meaning of haqq was intimately linked to the shift in meaning of sīāsat from the ruler's (and parent's) prerogative to punish his subjects (children) to a citizen's rights to participate in politics, as explicated by Tavakoli-Targhi. in “Refashioning Iran.”

⁷³ For an English translation of a poem of this genre, see the 1913 poem by Pūr Davūd, in Edward Browne, G.. The Press and Poetry of Modem Persia (Los Angeles: Kalimat, 1983 [1914]), 289–91Google Scholar, from which I have taken the subtitle of this section: “fevered, tormented and grieved.” For a sample of a political essay that scripts Iran as a sick body in need of a knowledgeable physician and a caring nurse and narrates a history of Iran as cycles of health and illness, see Surayyā, 2:25 (May 26, 1900), 17–18Google Scholar. For a dialogue between two sons of vatan in which mother vaṭan is diagnosed as having contracted many diseases over centuries from foreign intruders (melancholia [mālīkhū;īā] from the Greeks, a stroke and paralysis resulting from the Arab attack, rabies from Genghiz Khan), see “Tashkhīṣ-i -i vaṭan yā dīāgnūstīk-i Īrān” [Recognizing the Illnesses of Vatan or a Diagnosis of Iran], in Ralmimā, vol. 1: the article was serialized from the first issue (August 6, 1907, 5–7) and continued through almost every issue, except for issues 4 and 21. The collection of Ralmimā to which I had access (Butler Library, Columbia University) ends with issue no. 24 (May 12, 1908), in which the essay appeared on pages 5 to 6 and was to be continued.

⁷⁴ “Ru'yā-yi ṣadiqānah,” Ḥabl al-matīn (Tehran), 2:43 (June 7, 1908), 1–5Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ The slippage from the sentiment of love for a beloved to the love of sons for their mother and her demands upon them is often correlated in these texts with a shift from the individual patriot to the brotherhood of compatriots. The shift thus avoids a disruption of the fraternal bonding of male citizens that rivaling over the love of a beloved would engender. For other implications of the double figure of beloved mother, see Najmabadi, Afsaneh. “Reading for Gender through Qajar Painting,” in Exhibition Catalogue (New York: Brooklyn Museum, “Exhibition on Qajar Court Art,” forthcoming in Fall 1998Google Scholar). For examples of such a shift, see “Īrān va Īrānīan,” Ḥabl al-matīn, 14:46( July 15, 1907), 1–8 and 17Google Scholar: and “Lāyiḥah-'i yikī az dānāyān-i junūb.” Ḥabl al-matīn, 15:18 (November 25, 1907), 13–18Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ See Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran.”

⁷⁷ Al-Ḥadīd, 1:6 (August 2, 1905), 8Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ For some examples, see Tamaddun, 1:15 (May 7, 1907), 2–3Google Scholar, Tamaddun, 1:12 (April 17, 1907), 3–4Google Scholar, Īrān-i naw, 13 (September 8, 1909), 2Google Scholar; Īrān-i naw, 43 (October 18, 1909), 2Google Scholar; Īrān-i naw; 114 (January 18, 1910), 4Google Scholar; Īrān-i naw, 148 (March 4, 1910Google Scholar): Īrān-i naw, 151 (March 8, 1910Google Scholar); Īrān-i naw, 157 (March 17, 1910Google Scholar); Īrān-i naw, 165 (March 29, 1910), 3Google Scholar: Īrān-i naw, 228 (June 12, 1910Google Scholar); Īrān-i naw, 3:83 (July 3, 1911). 3Google Scholar. Formulations of women as caring [dilsūz] daughters of mother vaṭan also appear in later women's journals. See, for instance, Shukūfah, 4:6 (February 19, 1916), 1Google Scholar, and Shukūfah, 4:7 (March 8, 1916), 4Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Īrān-i naw, 124 (February 3, 1910), 4Google Scholar. The letter, following the practice of women at the time, is signed by a reference to the woman's father: “daughter of Imām al-Ḥukamā.” The signature is preceded by another domestic expression used by women at this time: “servant of vaṭan” [khādimah-'i vaṭan].

⁸⁰ This is a proverbial phrase, used in the political language of this period to call upon men to take up the struggle and prove themselves superior to women. For a discussion of the inner tensions of the constitutional discourse about women, see Najmabadi, “Zanhā-yi millat.”

⁸¹ Shukūfah, 1:17 (November 3, 1913), 2Google Scholar.

⁸² Majlis, 6 (December 3, 1906), 3Google Scholar.

⁸³ Īrān-i naw, 19 (September 15, 1909), 3Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Shukūfah, 1:12 (July 28, 1913): 2Google Scholar. Note that these formulations also engender knowledge as female through her personification as a nurturing mother.

⁸⁵ Shukūfah, 2:8 (March 13, 1914), 3Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Shukūfah, 3:19 (October 8, 1915), 2Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Īrān-i naw, 65 (November 13, 1909), 3Google Scholar: 69 (November 18, 1909), 3: 78 (November 30, 1909), 2–3; 84 (December 8, 1909), 3; 92 (December 18, 1909), 3–4.

⁸⁸ Īrān-i naw, 78 (November 30, 1909), 3Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ For a discussion of these contesting notions within Iranian modernism, see Najmabadi. “Zanhā-yi millat.”

⁹⁰ Talibuf, Kitāb-i Aḥmad, 194.

⁹¹ Ibid., 92.

⁹² Al-Ḥadīd, 1:36 (March 15, 1906), 1–2Google Scholar.

⁹³ On the cultural significance of execution of Shaykh Nūri as “the cultural equivalent of the execution of Louis XVI,” see Tavakoli-Targhi, “Refashioning Iran,” 101.

⁹⁴ For a fuller discussion of this issue, see Najmabadi, “The Eclipse of the Female Sun.”

⁹⁵ Tabrīzī, Muḥammad 'Alī Karīmzādah, “Āsārī az hunarmandān-i Īrānī marbūṭ bah shāhanshāhī-i Pahlavī,” Barrasī'hā-yi tārikhī, 11 (special issue: March 1976), 347–82Google Scholar. Reproduction of this postcard appears on page 370.