¹ Among other examples, Mary Nolan, Social Democracy and Society: Working Class Radicalism in Dusseldorf, 1890–1920 (New York, 1981)Google Scholar; Moss, Bernard, The Origins of the French Labor Movement, 1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976)Google Scholar; Lidtke, Vernon, The Alternative Culture: Socialist Labor in Imperial Germany (New York, 1985).Google Scholar

² “Socialist consciousness through organization,” argues Hobsbawm, Eric J., “is thus an essential complement of working class consciousness” (Workers [New York, 1984], 28), although he admits elsewhere in the same work that a by-product of this attitude is that other working-class movements, such as the British National Democratic League of the 1890s, have been almost completely ignored (4–5, 211).Google Scholar

³ Hobsbawm, Eric J., The Age of Capital, 1848–1875 (New York, 1975), 272.Google Scholar

⁴ Many scholars studying working-class movements focus almost exclusively on socialists or simply dismiss Catholicism. For example, Moses, John, Trade Unionism in Germany from Bismarck to Hitler, 2 vols. (Totowa, N.J., 1982) I, xv, 134–36Google Scholar; Hobsbawm, , Workers, 33–48Google Scholar; Nolan, 72–73, 133, 231. Nolan mentions more radical action by Catholic workers, but does not integrate this action into her portrayal of Catholic conservatism (pp. 149, 288–89). A recent report on scholarship on Catholic unions noted “the rudimentary knowledge about Catholic unions in Europe” (Schatz, Ronald, in “International Conference on Working Class History, Linz, Austria,” International Labor and Working Class History, 23 [Spring 1983], 58–59).Google Scholar

⁵ Scholl, S. H., ed., 150 Ans du mouvement ouvrier chrétien en Europe de l'Ouest (Louvain and Paris, 1966)Google Scholar; Brose, Eric Dorn, Christian Labor and the Politics of Frustration in Imperial Germany (Washington, D.C., 1985)Google Scholar; Steinisch, Imgard, “Der Gewerkverein Christlicher Bergarbeiter,” in Glück auf, Kamaraden! Die Bergarbeiter and Ihre Organisationen in Deutschland, Mommsen, Hans and Borsdorf, Ulrich, eds. (Cologne, 1979).Google Scholar One of the very few comparisons of socialist and Catholic workers is Bell, Donald, “Worker Culture and Worker Politics: The Experience of an Italian Town, 1880–1915,” Social History, 3:1 (1978), 1–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Joll, James, The Second International, 1889–1914 (London, 1955), 97,122, 152–53, 171.Google Scholar In 1913, there were 126,745 socialist unionists in Belgium and 86,818 Catholic unionists (Commission syndicale du Parti ouvrier et des syndicats independents, Rapports présentés au congres syndical, juillet, 1914 (Brussels, 1914), 56–57Google Scholar; and Scholl, S. H., ed., 150 Jaar Katholiek Arbeidersbeweging in België (1789–1939), 3 vols. (Brussels, 1965), II, appendix).Google Scholar By comparison, in Germany in 1913, there were 2,574,000 socialist unionists and 343,000 Catholic union members (Moses, , Trade Unionism, I, 211).Google Scholar

The best histories of pre-1914 Belgian socialism are Mommen, Andre, De Belgische Werklieden- partij, 1880–1914 (Ghent, 1980),Google Scholar and Liebman, Marcel, Les socialistes beiges, 1885–1914 (Brussels, 1979).Google Scholar On Catholicism, Scholl, 150 Jaar Katholiek Arbeidersbeweging, despite its title, can in fact serve as a general history of Catholic political and social movements in Belgium. On the Catholic workers' movements per se, it is less helpful. Rersohazy, Rudolph, Origine et formation du catholicisme social en Belgique, 1842–1909 (Louvain, 1958),Google Scholar is informative on the general history of Catholic movements. One of the best introductions to modern Belgian history is Lorwin, Val, “Belgium: Religion, Class, and Language in National Politics,” in Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, Dahl, Robert, ed. (New Haven, 1966), 148–87.Google Scholar

⁷ Kittell, Alan, “The Revolutionary Period of the Industrial Revolution: Industrial Innovation and Population Displacement in Belgium, 1830–1880,” Journal of Social History, 1:2 (1967), 119–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mokyr, Joel, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven and London, 1976), 26–82Google Scholar; Clapham, J. H., The Economic Development of France and Germany, 1815–1914 (Cambridge, 1951), 285.Google Scholar

⁸ “The Belgian Massacres,” reprinted in Geschiedenis van de Socialistische Arbeidersbeweging in België, Dhondt, Jan, ed. (Antwerp, 1960), 282.Google Scholar

⁹ Lorwin, “Belgium”; Aristide Zolberg, “Belgium,” in Crises of Political Development in Europe and the United States, Grew, Raymond, ed., (Princeton, 1978), 115–35Google Scholar; Kossmann, E. H., The Low Countries, 1780–1940 (Oxford, 1978), 140–60, 206–59, 361–74.Google Scholar Although historians commonly refer to a “Catholic party” in the pre-World War I period, there was no formally organized political party embracing all classes or groups of Catholics until 1921. Instead, a number of Catholic groups and individuals formed alliances to run slates of candidates. Upper-class Catholics first organized a political organization in 1867, the “Federation of Constitutional and Conservative Associations.” Beginning with the first election under universal male suffrage in 1894, the conservative Federation formed alliances with the new, more progressive Ligue démocratique belge/Belgisch Volksbond, to which most Catholic workers' groups belonged, and the Boerenbond, representing Flemish Catholic farmers.

¹⁰ Zolberg, Aristide, “The Making of Flemings and Walloons: Belgium, 1830–1914,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 5:2 (1974), 179–235CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clough, Sheperd B., The History of the Flemish Movement in Belgium (New York, 1930).Google Scholar

¹¹ Figures calculated from Belgium, Office du travail, Recensement des industries et des métiers, 1896 (Brussels, 1900); and Belgium, Ministere de l'interieur, Statistique de la Belgique. Population. Recensement général, 1890, and 1910 (Brussels, 1893 and 1912–16).Google Scholar

¹² Belgium, Ministere de l'interieur, Recensement général, 1890; Zolberg, , “Making of Flemings and Walloons”; Roger Mols, Bruxelles et les Bruxellois (Brussels, 1961), 37–60.Google Scholar

¹³ “Bruxelles,” La Voix de l'Ouvrier (8 December 1889), p. 2Google Scholar; “Cà et Ià,” Le Peuple (9 April 1890), p. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “Brusselse Federatie,” De Bouwwerker (January 1908), pp. 7–8Google Scholar; “La chronique du travail,” Le Peuple (11 July 1890), p. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁵ “Les faits divers,” Le Peuple (14 January 1890), p. 3.Google Scholar

¹⁶ DeWeerdt, Denise, De Gentse Textielbewerkers en Arbeidersbeweging tussen 1866 en 1881 (Leuven and Paris, 1959), 127, 207Google Scholar; Vandecaveye, Hendrik, “Het proletariersleid,” Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis/Revue beige d'histoire contemporaine (cited hereafter as BTNG/RBHC), 11:3 (1980), 171–204.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Dossier, “Sociétés anarchistes et socialistes, Ligues ouvrières,” Carton 225, Parket General/Parquet Générale, Algemeen Rijksarchief/Archive Générale du Royaume, Brussels (cited hereafter as PG, AR/AGR); Neuville, Jean, L'origine des premiers syndicate, Vol. I of Naissance et croissance du syndicalisme (Brussels, 1979), 69–87, 115–69.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Avanti, [pseud.], Een terugblik, Proeve eener Geschiedenis der Gentsche Arbeidersbeweging gedurende de XIXe eeuw (Ghent, 1908), 312–4Google Scholar; Claeys, Emiel, Beknopte Geschiedenis der Vakbeweging to Gent (Ghent, 1924), 23, 38–39Google Scholar; Centrale der Boeknijverheid, Gent, Afdeeling, 85 Jaar Syndikale Strijd der Gentse Boekarbeiders, 1867–1952 (Ghent, 1953), 5–10Google Scholar; Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie der Metaalbewerkers to Gent, 1879–1912 (Ghent, 1912), 1–10.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Avanti, , Een terugblik, 358.Google Scholar

²⁰ Neuville, , Naissance et croissance, 245–54Google Scholar; Varvenne, A., “Les teinturiers en peaux,” Journal des correspondances (cited hereafter as JdC), (February 1904), 1–3.Google Scholar

²¹ Neuville, , Naissance et croissance, 126–27Google Scholar; DeWeerdt, Denise, De Belgische Socialistische Arbeidersbeweging op zoek naar een eigen vorm, 1872–1880 (Antwerp, 1972), 50.Google Scholar

²² DeWeerdt, , De Gentse, 127Google Scholar; “Bericht,” De Lichtstraal (13 November 1886), p. 1Google Scholar; Histoire des syndicats des ouvriers bronziers, (Ghent, 1906), 98–99, 108–110Google Scholar; XXV^me anniversaire du syndicat des peintres en equipages de /'agglomeration bruxelloise (Ghent, 1908), 4.Google Scholar

²³ “Oeuvre du patronage des jeunes ouvrières,” Annales religieuses de Bruxelles et du diocese de Malines (21 February 1875), 137–38Google Scholar; Verhaegen, Arthur, Vingt-cinq années d' action sociale (Brussels, 1911?), 6–7, 17–19Google Scholar; “De Christelijke Arbeidersbeweging in het Brusselse,” typescript (n.d.), 4; Appel en faveur de la Fédération Beige des Oeuvres Ouvrières Catholiques, Sermon preche à Bruxelles le 25 avril, 1880 (Brussels, 1880).Google Scholar On the Liberals, Laurent, F., Les sociétés ouvrières de Gand (Ghent, 1880).Google Scholar

²⁴ Of thirty-seven socialist leaders in Brussels whom the police identified in 1886, seven were printers, seven were woodworkers, nineteen were workers from a variety of trades, and the remaining four were a journalist, a bookseller, and two lawyers (Dossier, “Sociétés anarchistes et socialistes”). In Ghent, the leading socialists were two printers, two painters, two tailors, a mechanic, and three weavers (Kenis, Paul, Het Leven van Edward Anseele (Ghent, 1948), 33, 128).Google Scholar

²⁵ Varlez, Louis, “La fédération ouvrière gantoise,” Le musée social, no. 1 (01 1899), 1–41Google Scholar; bruxelloise, Fédération, Rapport annuel, 1909 (Brussels, 1910), 3.Google Scholar

²⁶ De Vier Getouwen (Ghent, 1893), 12–13.Google Scholar

²⁷ DeWeerdt, , De Gentse, 194Google Scholar; Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 23, 29.Google Scholar

²⁸ Avanti, , Een terugblik, 358.Google Scholar See also DeWeerdt, , De Gentse, 181Google Scholar; Tijtgat, Karel, De Geschiedenis der Gentsche Socialistische Katoenbewerkersvereeniging (Ghent, 1932), 40–44.Google Scholar

²⁹ “Ons Programma,” De Kleermaaker (November 1890), p. 1.Google Scholar

³⁰ On woodworkers, Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 27, 33, 39Google Scholar; and De Houtbewerker, no. 2 (February 1907), p. 1.Google Scholar On dockers, Avanti, , Een terugblik, 493–95Google Scholar; De Dokwerker (15 December 1890), pp. 1–4Google Scholar, and (March-April 1892), pp. 1–2, and Op voor den Tarief! Propagandaschrift Uitgegeven door den Socialistische Dokersbond (Ghent, 1904).Google Scholar On metallurgists, Avanti, , Een terugblik, 535Google Scholar; and Gentsche Metaalbewerkersbond, Vijfentwintigjaarig Jubelfeest, 1882–1907 (Ghent, 1907), 44–45.Google Scholar

³¹ JdC (November 1907), 130–37Google Scholar; De Christelijke Arbeid (15 June 1903), p. 267.Google Scholar

³² Avanti, , Een terugblik, 338–40, 370, 420, 433–34Google Scholar; Varlez, , “La fédération,” 1–7.Google Scholar On socialist women, Marinette Bruwier, “Le socialisme et les femmes,” in 1885/1985. Du Parti Ouvrier Beige au Parti Socialiste, Desama, Claude, ed. (Brussels, 1985), 312–13Google Scholar; and Liebman, , Les socialistes beiges, 237.Google Scholar

³³ Varlez, , “La fédération,” 13.Google Scholar

³⁴ De Lichtstraal (5 December 1886), p. 1Google Scholar; Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années 33–34, 41–43.Google Scholar

³⁵ Varlez, , “La federation,” 1.Google Scholar The Ghent socialists also helped create the Guesdist socialist federation in the Nord department in France (Strikwerda, Carl, “Regionalism and Internationalism: The Working-Class Movement in the Nord and the Belgian Connection, 1871–1914,” Proceedings of the Western Society for French History, 12 [1984], 221–30).Google Scholar

³⁶ bruxelloise, Fédération, Rapport annuel, 1909, 3.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid., 18–19; Mission, A., Le mouvement syndical. Son histoire en Belgique de 1800 à 1914 (Namur, 1921), 110–20.Google Scholar

³⁸ Commission syndicale du parti ouvrier, Compte rendu du IV^e Congres, [1902] (Brussels, 1903), 52–54.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid., 60–61.

⁴⁰ Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie/Fédération des metallurgistes de Belgique (cited hereafter as LMB/FMB), XIV^e Jaarlijksch Congres, Brussel, 21–2 Mei, 1899 (Brussels, 1899), 32.Google Scholar

⁴¹ JdC (November 1908), 164.Google Scholar

⁴² On Ghent, LMB/FMB, XVI^e Congres annuel (Brussels, 1901), 28Google Scholar; Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie, 39–42Google Scholar; LMB/FMB, Beknopt Verslag van het XIII^e, Jaarlijksch Congres, Brussel, 1898 (Ghent, 1899), 67Google Scholar; and Avanti, , Een terugblik, 555–56, 562.Google Scholar On Brussels, Dossier, “Août à octobre 1896, Grève,” Carton 233, PG, AR/AGR. See also Carl Strikwerda, “Urban Structure, Religion, and Language: Belgian Workers, 1880–1914” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1983), 119–26, 146–55.

⁴³ LMB/FMB, Beknopt Verslag, 6.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Mahaim, E., Les abonnements d'ouvriers (Brussels, 1910)Google Scholar; Demain, H., Les migrations ouvrières à travers Belgique (Louvain, 1919).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Report, Gendarmerie, Brabant, 13 octobre 1896, Carton 233, PG, AR/AGR.

⁴⁶ Calculated from data in Belgium, Office du travail, Statistiques des grèves, 1896–1900, 1901–05 (Brussels. 1901, 1907)Google Scholar; idem, Recensement des industries … 1896; and idem, Recensement industrielle et commerciale, 1910 (Brussels, 1913). See also Strikwerda, “Urban Structure,” 389–94.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Watillion, Leon, The Knights of Labor in Belgium, Meyers, Frederic, tr. (Los Angeles, 1959) 28–29.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Histoire des syndicats des ouvriers bronziers, 7Google Scholar; DeWeerdt, , De Belgische, 18, 111Google Scholar; Mom-men, , De Belgische, 31–32, 38–39Google Scholar; XXV^e anniversaire du syndicat des peintres en equipages de l'agglomeration bruxelloise, 4–5, 13. It is unfortunate that the Association générale ouvrière has apparently never been studied by a Belgian historian. It may have been one of the few attempts to create a unified working-class movement that could avoid the deep division in Belgium between Catholicism and anticlericalism.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ On the Knights of Labor, Michel, Joel, “La chevalerie du travail (1890–1906), force ou faiblesse du mouvement ouvrier beige,” BTNG/RBHC, 9:1–2, (1978), 117–64Google Scholar; Neuville, , Naissance et croissance, 232–33, 250–51.Google Scholar On the Association générale, “Mouvement socialiste et anarchiste à Liège,” Fonds Frère-Orban, PG, AR/AGR, 186; VanderVelde, Emile, “La neutralité syndicale,” JdC (July 1905), 1.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Lalemand, Pierre, “Souvenir du passe,” Le mouvement syndical beige (21 July 1923), 202Google Scholar; Mertens, Corneille, Sur le mouvement syndical (Brussels, 1948), 17.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Sztejnberg, Maxine, “La fondation du Parti Ouvrier beige et la ralliement de la classe ouvrière à 1'action politique, 1882–1886,” International Review of Social History, 7:2 (1963), 198–215CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Moss, , Origins, 1–30, 156–60. It is striking that at least ten studies have been done of the pre-1914 Belgian socialist party and socialist unions, both of which had their national headquarters in Brussels, yet none has noted the gap between the class-conscious declarations of the Belgian Workers' Party and the conservative organization of the socialist unions in Brussels.Google Scholar

⁵² Verhaegen, , Vingt-cinq années, 93–96.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ De balloteering voor het Werkrechtersraad, no. 2 (10 April 1897), pp. 2–3Google Scholar; Avanti, , Een terugblik, 533, 606, 643–44.Google Scholar

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⁵⁷ Ibid., 160, 166. See also La Voix de l'Ouvrier (14 March 1897), p. 2Google Scholar; Varlez, Louis, “Quelques pages d'histoire syndicate beige,” Le musée social, no. 3 (March 1902), 131–32Google Scholar; “Les grèves,” JdC (April 1910), 25Google Scholar; Clerck, Jules De, “Eene terechtwijzing,” De Metaalarbeider (October 1910), p. 4.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie, 56–57Google Scholar; Claeys, , Beknopte Geschiedenis, 34–35Google Scholar; Varlez, , “Quelques pages,” 171–75Google Scholar; Bliss, W. D. P., “What Is Being Done for the Unemployed in European Countries,” Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, no. 76 (May 1908), 741, 822, 829.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ On name-calling by the socialists, De balloteering voor het Werkrechtersraad, no. 2 (10 April 1897), pp. 1–2Google Scholar; De eerste Mei (Ghent, 1894), 12–13Google Scholar; Schoonjans, M., “Bij het 75 Jaarig Bestaan van de Gentse Afdeeling der Christelijke Centrale der Metaalbewerkers,” typescript (1965), 7–8.Google Scholar On Catholic name-calling, De Lichtstraal (27 November 1886), p. 3Google Scholar; Een Woord aan de Christelijke Werklieden (Ghent, 1892), pp. 8–9.Google Scholar On the accusations, Landelijke Metaalbewerkersbond van Belgie, Gent, Afdeeling, De Organisatie, 38,Google Scholar citing Het Volk; “Zal de les raak zijn?” De algemeene werkstaking to Gent (23 April 1893), p. 1.Google Scholar

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⁶⁵ “Onze Belangen” and “hij is hier,” De Katholieke Werkman, no. 1 (6 October 1907), p. 1. On the organization of the Catholic party, see the information in note 9.Google Scholar

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⁷⁶ bruxelloise, FédérationRapport annuel, 1909, 18–19Google Scholar; and Rapports exercice, 1912–13, table IIGoogle Scholar; Theunissen, Alfred, “Progres de la centralisation,” JdC (October 1910), 53–54.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ In 1907, the national socialist union newspaper had 738 subscribers in Brussels for its Dutch edition and 668 subscribers in Brussels for its French edition. But the paper, which had begun in 1903 as a French-language publication, did not produce a Dutch edition until 1906 (”Nos abonnés,” JdC (March 1907), 36).Google Scholar For background, see Strikwerda, Carl, “Language and Class Consciousness: Netherlandic Culture and the Flemish Working Class,” in Papers from the First Interdisciplinary Conference on Netherlandic Studies, Fletcher, William H., ed. (Lanham, N.Y., and London, 1985)Google Scholar; and Velthoven, Harry Van, “Onenigheid in de Belgische Werkliedenpartij: De Vlaamse Kwestie wordt eeen Vrije Kwestie (1894–1914),” BTNG/RBHC, 5:1–2 (1974), 123–65.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Mahaim, Les abonnements d'ouvriers, 178.Google Scholar The miners also opposed what they saw as the bureaucratic, reformist socialism of both the Bruxellois and Flemish socialists: “Le Congres de Charleroi,” Le Combat (10 April 1887), p. 1Google Scholar; Loor, P., “Au Toekomst,” Le Combat (28 April 1887), p. 1Google Scholar; Maroille, D., “Les endormeurs de peuple et la grève générale,” Le Combat (8 May 1887), p. 1.Google Scholar On the party's desire to recruit the miners, see JdC (November 1905), 53–54.Google Scholar

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⁸³ JdC (May 1912), 26Google Scholar; Verslag van het XII^e Congres, 19, 23Google Scholar; De Metaalarbeider (15 October 1910), p. 3,Google Scholar and (15 November 1910), p. 3.

⁸⁴ “Maatschappelijk Overzicht,” De Christelijke Arbeid (12 1900), p. 99Google Scholar; “Uit Brussel,” De Christene Metaalbewerker (20 April 1906), p. 15Google Scholar; Congres des syndicats chrétiens de l'arrondissement de Bruxelles, 31 juillet, 1904, 47.

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⁸⁷ Labor historians could do much more comparative research on why, in some cases, communities of workers came together to form more-or-less unified movements, as in Britain or post-1945 Germany, and why in others, France or Italy, for example, divisions have persisted for decades. On the relationship between community and class, see Calhoun, Craig, “Community,” in History and Class, Neale, R. S., ed. (Oxford, 1983), 108–9. Calhoun, however, has preindustrial communities as his model, not modem communities or movements of workers that are smaller than the working class as a whole.Google Scholar