¹ The unpublished material upon which this paper is based comes from post-Soviet archives, and my citation of it follows the standard system in the field of Russian studies. The archival collection, the inventory, the file, and the folio are thus indicated respectively with the following Russian abbreviations: f. (fond), op. (opis'), d. (delo), and l. (list). All the translations from Russian, Persian, and Chaghatay are my own.

² When reading the royal warrants of appointment to the office of judge, one can discern formulaic expressions indicating that it was incumbent on the qadi to “manage the possessions of orphans and the demented as well as appoint guardians” (ẓabṭ-i amwāl-i ītām wa majānīn wa naṣb-i awṣiyāʾ). See A. Urunbaev, G. Dzhuraeva, and S. Gulomov, Katalog sredneaziatskikh zhalovannykh gramot iz fonda Instituta vostokovedeniia im. Abu Raikhana Beruni Akademii Nauk Respubliki Uzbekistan (Halle and Saale: Mitteilungen des Sonderforschungsbereich, 23 Oct. 2007), documents 18, 22, 23, 68, 69, 80, and 120. These texts attest to practices in Kokand and Bukhara, but royal warrants issued in Khorezm display a similar formulaic phrasing: “[It is incumbent on the qadi] to safeguard the possessions of the orphans” (ītām amwālī muḥāfiẓatīgha iqdām kīltūrūb). See Karimov, El'ior, Regesty kaziiskikh dokumentov i khanskikh iarlikov Khivinskogo khanstva XVII—nachala XX v. (Tashkent: Fan, 2007)Google Scholar, document U-r 3, p. 201.

³ Appeal to the Tashkent city commandant, 27 Apr. 1896, Central State Archive of Uzbekistan (henceforth TsGARUz), f. I-17, op. 1, d. 5775, ll. 9–9ob.

⁴ Receipt (in Chaghatay), 21 Feb. 1892, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 5775, l. 33.

⁵ Report to the city commandant, 12 June 1896, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 5775, ll. 1–2ob.

⁶ The original in Chaghatay is in TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 5775, l. 22.

⁷ Report to the city commandant, 20 Apr. 1897, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 5775, ll. 51–52.

⁸ Merry, Sally Engle, “Colonial Law and Its Uncertainties (Forum: Comment),” Law and History Review 28, 4 (2010): 1067–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 1067. See also Comaroff, John J., “Colonialism, Culture, and the Law: A Foreword,” Law and Social Inquiry 26, 2 (2001): 305–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 306–7.

⁹ I take here a socio-legal approach to historical material, as illustrated, for example, by Merry, Sally Engle, “Culture, Power, and the Discourse of Law,” New York Law School Review 37 (1992): 209–25Google Scholar. On legal consciousness, see Ewick, Patrick and Silbey, Susan S., The Common Place of Law: Stories from Everyday Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998)Google Scholar, 46. See also Merry, Sally Engle, Colonizing Hawai'i: The Cultural Power of Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ I use “Muslims” throughout this essay as a term of self-identification. In no way do I intend to reduce the complexity of disciplinary affiliations and doctrinal genealogies of Central Asian colonial subjects that were at play both prior to and after the Russian conquest. Viewing colonial subjects through the prism of their communal organizations or their affiliation to the Ḥanafī school of law does not help us elicit meanings from the specific material that I discuss in this paper.

¹¹ Throughout the essay I purposefully use the term sharīʿa as an emic category. I thus view “Islamic law” as a domain that includes the jurists' modes of reasoning as well as the cultural perceptions of the uninitiated. For a similar approach, see Scheele, Judith, “Councils without Customs, Qadis without State: Property and Community in the Algerian Touat,” Islamic Law and Society 17 (2010): 350–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here note 3.

¹² Sartori, Paolo, “Judicial Elections as a Colonial Reform: The Qadis and Biys in Tashkent, 1868–1886,” Cahiers du monde russe 49, 1 (2008): 79–100.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ I have explored this idea in “The Evolution of Third-Party Mediation in Sharīʿa Courts in 19th- and Early 20th-Century Central Asia,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, 3 (2011): 311–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Changes in the very definition of the qadi's office did not include the latter's powers of law enforcement, however. In precolonial Central Asia the enforcement of law was mostly a prerogative of the ruling principality.

¹⁴ Sharafi, Mitra, “The Marital Patchwork of Colonial South Asia: Forum Shopping from Britain to Baroda,” Law and History Review 28, 4 (2010): 979–1009.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁶ Newbigi, Eleanor, Denault, Leigh, and De, Rohit, “Introduction: Personal Law, Identity Politics and Civil Society in Colonial South Asia,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 46, 1 (2009): 1–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 2. See also the articles of “Forum: Maneuvering the Personal Law System in Colonial India,” published in Law and History Review 28, 4 (2010).Google Scholar

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²³ From the Editors, “The Imperial Turn,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 7, 4 (2006): 705–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 706.

²⁴ Benton, Lauren, Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History: 1400–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)Google Scholar, 3.

²⁵ A move back from “the global” to the “regional” has been recently advocated by Balachandran, Gopalan, “Claiming Histories beyond Nations: Situating Global History,” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 49, 2 (2012): 242–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 267; and Scheele, Judith, Smugglers and Saints of the Sahara: Regional Connectivity in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 12.

²⁶ Bayly, C. A., The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2004)Google Scholar, 8.

²⁷ For an insightful illustration of this approach, see Beverley, Eric Lewis, “Frontier as Resource: Law, Crime, and Sovereignty on the Margins of Empire,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, 2 (2013): 241–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁸ Ghosh, Durba, “Another Set of Imperial Turns?” American Historical Review 118, 3 (June 2012): 772–93.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹ This approach is exemplified throughout the volume Muslim Family Law in Sub-Saharan Africa: Colonial Legacies and Post-Colonial Challenges, Jeppie, Shamil, Moosa, Ebrahim, and Roberts, Richard, eds. (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ Johansen, Baber, “Signs as Evidence: The Doctrine of Ibn Taymiyya (1263–1328) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 1351) on Proof,” Islamic Law and Society 9, 2 (2002): 168–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 168.

³¹ Rapoport, Yossef, “Royal Justice and Religious Law: Siyāsah and Sharīʿah under the Mamluks,” Mamlūk Studies Review 16 (2012): 71–102Google Scholar, here 75. One should consider that in post-Mongol Central and South Asia the relationship between the jurists and the state were different from the Mamluk context.

³² See a circular regulating the office of the qadis in Astana (Khorezm), Jan. 1910, TsGARUz, f. I-125, op. 1, d. 579, ll. 1–2 (in Chaghatay).

³³ TsGARUz, f. I-125, op. 1, d. 498, l. 29, three early twentieth-century qadis' seals.

³⁴ This goes against the presumption that locals filed their grievances in colonial courts rather than in the bureaucratic apparatus of the colony. See Merry, “Colonial Law and Its Uncertainties,” 1068.

³⁵ Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures, 3.

³⁶ Benton, Lauren, “Law and Empire in Global Perspective: Introduction,” American Historical Review (Oct. 2012): 1092–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 1094.

³⁷ Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures, 3.

³⁸ Ibid., 13.

³⁹ Ibid., 148–49.

⁴⁰ Ibid., 168.

⁴¹ Benton, “Law and Empire,” 1098.

⁴² Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures, 168; Comaroff, “Colonialism, Culture, and the Law,” 305–14.

⁴³ Makinde, Abdul-Fatah ’Kola and Ostien, Philip, “Legal Pluralism in Colonial Lagos: The 1894 Petition of the Lagos Muslims to Their British Colonial Masters,” Die Welt des Islams 52 (2012): 51–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁸ On the promotion of this particular text for the codification of Anglo-Muhammadan Law, see Travers, Robert, Ideology and Empire in Eighteenth-Century India: The British Bengal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 123; Giunchi, Elisa, “The Reinvention of Sharīʿa under the British Raj: In Search of Authenticity and Certainty,” Journal of Asian Studies 69, 4 (2010): 1119–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵¹ For the Orientalist Orest Shkapskii, who was illiterate in Central Asian languages, the Russian translation of al-Hidāya no doubt proved helpful to compile a treatise on forms of land tenure in Khorezm and to address legal issues as complex as “lease” and “rent.” See his Amu-dar'inskie ocherki: K agrarnomu voprosu na nizhnei amu-Dar'e (Tashkent: Tipo-Litografiia V. M. Il'ina, 1900)Google Scholar, 122, 238, 241–42, 245, 253–54.

⁵² Nineteenth-century Central Asian jurists did not utilize al-Hidāya to deliver legal opinions on every point of law. It would be thus helpful to clarify in which cases muftis referred to al-Hidāya in order to situate this text within the broader Ḥanafī literature.

⁵³ Polozhenie ob upravlenii v stepnykh oblastiakh, in Kraft, I. I., Sbornik uzakonenii o kirgizakh stepnykh oblastei (Orenburg: Tipo-litografiia P. N. Zharipova, 1898)Google Scholar, 103, 108 (articles 119–20, 125); Materialy po kirgizskomu zemlepol'zovaniiu: Syr-Dar'inskaia oblast': Aulieatinskii uezd (Tashkent: Tipo-Litografiia V. M. Il'ina, 1915), 54–55Google Scholar; Materialy po kirgizskomu zemlepol'zovaniiu raiona reki Chu i nizov'ev reki Talasa Cherniaevskogo i Aulieatinskogo uezdov Syr-Dar'inskoi oblasti (Tashkent: Tipo-Litografiia V.M. Il'ina, 1915)Google Scholar, 100. See also Campbell, Ian W., “Settlement Promoted, Settlement Contested: The Shcherbina Expedition of 1896–1903,” Central Asian Survey 30, 3–4 (2011): 423–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 425.

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⁵⁵ Russian statutory laws refer to the land that belonged to the former Muslim principalities of Central Asia as amliak-land, where amliak is a calque from amlāk, a term borrowed from the administrative jargon of the Bukharan Emirate and used to denote “state land.” See Schwarz, Florian, “Contested Grounds: Ambiguities and Disputes over the Legal and Fiscal Status of Land in the Manghit Emirate of Bukhara,” Central Asian Survey 29 (2010): 33–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 38. Had the officials who drafted the statute had in mind the Ottoman Mejelle, they would have employed other terms such as miri or arazi-i memleket. See Mundy, Martha and Smith, Richard Saumarez, Governing Property, Making the Modern State: Law, Administration and Production in Ottoman Syria (London: I. B. Tauris, 2007)Google Scholar, passim.

⁵⁶ Werth, Paul, “Changing Conceptions of Difference, Assimilation, and Faith in the Volga-Kama Region, 1740–1870,” in Burbank, J., von Hagen, M., and Remnev, A., eds., Russian Empire: Space, People, Power, 1700–1930, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007)Google Scholar, 178.

⁵⁷ Dingel'shtedt, N., “Zametki. Sudebnoe preobrazovanie v Turkestane,” Zhurnal grazhdanskogo i ugolovnogo prava 9 (1892): 1–75Google Scholar, here 5.

⁵⁸ See, for example, the fatwā issued by the Tashkent muftis in 1868, which backed the Russian statutory laws changing the procedures for appointing qadis. The text has been discussed in Sartori, “Judicial Elections,” 85.

⁵⁹ Martin, Virginia, Law and Custom in the Steppe: The Kazakhs of the Middle Horde and Russian Colonialism (Richmond, UK: Curzon, 2001)Google Scholar; Bobrovnikov, V. O., Musuĺmane Severnogo Kavkaza: Obychai, pravo, nasilie (Moscow: Vostochnaia literatura, 2002)Google Scholar; Jersild, Austin, Orientalism and Empire: North Caucasus Mountain Peoples and the Georgian Frontier (Montreal: McGill-Queen's Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Kemper, Michael, Herrschaft, Recht und Islam in Daghestan: Von den Khanaten und Gemeindebünden zum ğihād-Staat (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2005)Google Scholar; Crews, Robert D., For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Crews, For Prophet and Tsar, 273.

⁶¹ Ibid., 258.

⁶² Ibid., 259.

⁶³ This opens up interesting parallels with British India, where “we do not have a simple recurrence of older forms of address; instead, we have a palimpsest of experiments”; Bear, Laura, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy, and the Intimate Historical Self (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 116.

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⁶⁷ On the concept of sblizhenie, see Morrison, Russian Rule, 35, 98, 284.

⁶⁸ While it is true that Qazaqs, following a request of the Russians, produced summaries of their rulings so that these could serve as legal precedents, there is no evidence to date that they resorted to these codes when applying customary law; Sartori, Paolo, “Murder in Manghishlaq: Notes on an Instance of Application of Qazaq Customary Law in Khiva,” Der Islam 88, 2 (2012): 217–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁹ Burbank, “An Imperial Rights Regime,” 400.

⁷⁰ A revealing parallel can be drawn here by considering the French treatment of customary law in North Africa. See Scheele, Judith, “A Taste for Law: Rule Making in Kabylia (Algeria),” Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, 4 (2008): 895–919.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷¹ Proekt uprazdneniia narodnykh sudov v Turkestanskom krae, 1914, TsGARUz, f. I-36, op. 1, d. 6009, l. 166ob.

⁷² TsGARUz f. I-36, op. 1, d. 6009, ll. 163ob–164; 169ob.

⁷³ Morrison, Russian Rule, 269.

⁷⁴ See articles 252, 253, and 254 in the 1886 statutory laws: Polozhenie ob upravlenii Turkestanskogo kraia, repr. in Masevich, M. G., ed., Materialy po istorii politicheskogo stroia Kazakhstana (Alma-Ata: Izdatel‘stvo Akademii Naukh Kazakhskoi SSR, 1976)Google Scholar, 372. The articles were left unchanged in the revised version of the statutory laws that was published in 1901.

⁷⁵ Nil S. Lykoshin, “Kazii (Narodnye sud'i): Bytovoi ocherk osedlogo naseleniia Turkestana,” in Russkii Turkestan: Sbornik 1. Prilozhenie k gazete “Russkii Turkestan” (Tashkent: Tipografiia “Russkii Turkestan,” 1899), 51–52.

⁷⁶ Otchet po revizii Turkestanskogo kraia po Vysochaishemu poveleniyu Senatorom Gofmeisterom Grafom K. K. Palenom: Narodnye Sudy Turkestanskogo Kraia (St. Petersburg: Senatskaia Tipografiia, 1909), 31–32Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ See Morrison, A., “Sufism, Pan-Islamism and Information Panic: Nil Sergeevich Lykoshin and the Aftermath of the Andijan Uprising,” Past and Present 214 (2012): 255–304CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 262–64.

⁷⁸ Raport, 19 May 1892, TsGARUz, f. I-36, op. 1, d. 3367, l. 8ob.

⁷⁹ Here the qadi showed compliance with the prescriptive rules of the khans. See the royal warrants for the appointment of qadi, which made it incumbent upon the judges to act as guardians of the wealth of minors (see note 2).

⁸⁰ This is clearly reflected in the deeds that sanctioned the position of the qadi vis-à-vis the minors. Such records clarify, for instance, that in acting in the capacity of guardian the qadi was allowed to seize the minors' money (ba-wilāyat-i ʿāmma-yi khwud qābiż-i mablagh). See TsGARUz, f. I-164, op. 1, d. 6, l. 60. Other records emphasize that the custody (Ar. muḥāfaẓa) of such money is among the prerogatives of the guardianship performed by the qadi (mablagh-i madhkūr dar taṣarruf wa muḥāfiẓat-i qāżī-i madkūr barāy-i muḥāfiẓat ba-wilāyat al-qażā būd). See TsGARUz, f. I-164, op. 1, d. 7, l. 10; see also TsGARUz, f. I-164, op. 1, d. 7, l. 17: this deed clarifies that the monies were kept at the disposal of the qadi in order to safeguard them (ba-wilāyat-i qaẓā īstāda barāy-i jihat-i muḥāfiẓat).

⁸¹ Muḥyī al-Dīn Khwāja to Putintsev (in Chaghatay), 20 Jan. 1892, TsGARUz, f. I-36, op. 1, d. 3367, ll. 3–6.

⁸² 4800 rub: Mukhitdin sdal v bank po prikazaniiu Kapitana Lykoshina, General Office, Syr-Daria Provincial Government, Zhurnal, no. 482, 8 Oct. 1897, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 5775, l. 53ob.

⁸³ On 26 January and 24 April of 1892, Muḥyī al-Dīn Khwāja entrusted, among other things, bank checks to Fāṭima Bībī and Fażīlat Bībī, respectively. On those occasions the women also discharged the qadi from any obligations regarding the minors’ wealth: TsGARUz, f. I-164, op. 1, d. 7, ll. 48, 46.

⁸⁴ Ruling of the Tashkent qadis' assembly, 5 Oct. 1893, TsGARUz, f. I-164, op. 1, d. 23, l. 28.

⁸⁵ 18 Mar. 1892, TsGARUz, f. I-36, op. 1, d. 3373, ll. 20–21ob.

⁸⁶ This translation is based on the Chaghatay original of the fatwā (unstamped), TsGARUz, f. I-36, op. 1, d. 3367, l. 2, 7.

⁸⁷ Putintsev to the military governor, 19 May 1892, TsGARUz, f. I-36, op. 1, d. 3367, ll. 8–9.

⁸⁸ Āja Bībī to Tvertinov, 24 Dec. 1896, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6468, ll. 99–99ob.

⁸⁹ Āja Bībī to Tvertinov, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6468, l. 101–1оb (4 Jan. 1897), 103–103ob (24 Mar. 1897); 112 (17 Apr. 1897).

⁹⁰ TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6468, l. 101–101оb.

⁹¹ See three receipts for bank checks notarized before Tashkent qadis in 1892 and entrusted to three widows, in TsGARUz, f. I-164, op. 1, d. 7, ll. 46, 47, 48.

⁹² General Office, Syr-Daria Provincial Government, Zhurnal, no. 291, 14 June 1897, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6468, ll. 39–39ob.

⁹³ Ibid.

⁹⁴ In the year 1900, the qadi of the Kukcha district in Tashkent transferred minors' money to the state bank in twelve cases: TsGARUz, f. I-364, op. 1, d. 50, entries 22–31, 59, 79.

⁹⁵ Nāẓira Bībī to the governor-general, 10 July 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, l. 36ob.

⁹⁶ Nāẓira Bībī to the city commandant, 10 Apr. 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, ll. 1, 5ob (15 May 1898), and 24ob (25 June 1898); Nāẓira Bībī to the military governor, 19 June 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, l. 23; Nāẓira Bībī to the governor-general, 10 July 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, l. 36.

⁹⁷ TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, l. 5ob.

⁹⁸ City commandant to the state bank, 17 July 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, ll. 30–30ob.

⁹⁹ State bank (Tashkent Section) to the military govenor, 24 July 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, l. 28.

¹⁰⁰ City commandant to the Syr-Darya Provincial Chancellery, 23 July 1898, TsGARUz, f. I-17, op. 1, d. 6366, l. 33–34ob.

¹⁰¹ Ibid., 40ob.

¹⁰² Crews, For Prophet and Tsar, 308, 317.

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