^{page 241 note 1} The American Communist Party: A Critical History (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1962), p. 501.Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 2} Reply to a letter to the editor by Cohen, Stephen F., The New York Review of Books, IX (12 21, 1967), 40Google Scholar.

^{page 241 note 3} (London: Andre Deutsch, 1964), p. 23.

^{page 241 note 4} Ibid., p. 25.

^{page 241 note 5} E.g., Brachkovitch, M. M. and Lazitch, B., in their essay, ‘The Communist International’, in Drachkovitch, , ed., The Revolutionary Internationals (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1966), p. 187,Google Scholar state only that the anti-intellectual policy began as a ‘byproduct’ of the ‘class against class’ strategy decided upon by the International at the Sixth World Congress in Summer 1928. Short, Robert S., in ‘The Politics of Surrealism, 1920–1936’, in The Left Wing Intellectuals between the Wars, 1919–1939 (Journal of Contemporary History, No. 2; New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1966), pp. 16–17, says that domination of writers and the dogma of socialist realism superseded ‘the era of comparative tolerance toward intellectuals [that was] fostered by Trotsky and Lunacharsky’.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 1} Caute, pp. 86–9, and especially p. 366, where he says that ‘a sizeable group quit the Party in January 1923 merely because the Comintern had succeeded in enforcing its United Front policy’. The leading members of this group did not resign, but were expelled, as Caute himself points out on p. 88. Cf. Walter, Gerard, Histoire du Parti communistefrancais (Paris: Somogy, 1948), p. 123.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 2} Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick, ‘Manifesto of the Communist Party’, Selected Works in Two Volumes (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1962), I, 43.Google Scholar The word translated as ‘bourgeois ideologists’ is Bourgeois-ideologen in the original. Ausgewählte Schriften (Munich: Kindler Verlag, 1962), p. 816.Google Scholar

^{page 243 note 1} ‘The Class Struggles in France, 1848–1850’, Selected Works, I, 148.Google Scholar

^{page 243 note 2} ‘Circular Letter’, Marx, and Engels, to Bebel, A., et al. September 17–18, 1879, Selected Works, II, 485.Google Scholar

^{page 243 note 3} (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955).

^{page 243 note 4} Ibid., p. 79.

^{page 243 note 5} Ibid., p. 109.

^{page 243 note 6} Ulam, Adam, The Bolsheviks: The Intellectual and Political History of the Triumph of Communism in Russia (New York: The Macmilian Company, 1965), esp. pp. 210–11,Google Scholar where Ulam maintains that Lenin hated the intelligentsia; also Frank, Victor S., ‘Lenin and the Russian Intelligentsia’, in Schapiro, L. and Reddaway, P., eds., Lenin: The Man, the Theorist, the Leader, A Reappraisal (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), pp. 23–36,Google Scholar and Peter Reddaway, ‘Literature, the Arts and the Personality of Lenin’, ibid., pp. 37–70.

^{page 243 note 7} Fischer, Louis, The Life of Lenin (New York: Harper & Row, 1964), p. 258.Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 1} Der I. Kongress der Kommunistischen Internationale: Protokoll der Verhandlungen in Moskau vom 2. bis zum 19. März 1919 (‘Bibliothek der Kommunistischen Internationale’, VII; Hamburg: Verlag der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1921), p. 24.Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 2} ‘Die Kommunistiche Internationale und die Intellektuellen’, Die Kommunistische Internationale, No. 17 (1921), 203.Google Scholar The sabotage Lunacharsky spoke of was purely verbal: intellectuals were still, he said, murmuring against the government, making wild accusations, and rejoicing at the failures of the Revolution while deploring its successes. Still, it is pertinent here to recall that in Soviet usage the word intelligentsia has a much wider scope than does the essentially French word intellectuels; it includes not only the lawyers, writers, journalists, scientists and teachers to which the French word (along with its German and English equivalents) applies, but also experts, managers, technicians and other ‘brainworkers’, some of whom had opportunities for real ‘sabotage’. The difference probably results from the fact that the French word came into popular use only at the time of the Dreyfus Affair, in the late 1890s, after French industry was well developed. In Russia, where the word intelligentsia was taken up in the 1860s, it became part of the language of a quite undeveloped country. The French intellectuels, who were critical of French society, were quite clearly only a small percentage of the educated class-most university graduates, particularly engineers and technicians, were thoroughly integrated into French life and had no interest in radical change. The Russian intelligentsia of the 1860s probably included most graduates in every field of endeavor, and, by definition, they favored change. Soviet usage, made official in 1934, differs from pre-Revolutionary usage in lacking the connotation of rebellion and including a large semi-educated class of white collar workers that hardly existed before the Revolution. There exists now, of course, a group of intellectuels in the Soviet Union; they are referred to as the ‘creative intelligentsia’ or, sometimes, the ‘true intelligentsia’, and they are often in trouble with the regime. The upshot of this peculiar situation is that the admittedly vague word intellectuel in its French, English and German forms is still more precise than its Russian equivalent, intelligent. Differences in definition, resulting in a mutual lack of comprehension by speakers of different languages, probably have exacerbated arguments over the mental makeup and social functions of the groups discussed, but it is difficult to see how this could be documented. The best discussion of these matters is Pipes, Richard, ed., The Russian Intelligentsia (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961).Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 3} Lunacharsky, , ‘Die Volksbildung in Sowjetrussland’, Die Kommunistische Internationale, No. 6 (1919), 96.Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 4} ‘Les Origines du Parti communiste russe’, Bulletin communiste (Paris), II (12 1, 1921), 891.Google Scholar

^{page 245 note 1} ‘Les Classes moyennes dans la Révolution russe’, BC, III (08 3,1922), 614. This article continues in the issue of August 10, pp. 630–2.Google Scholar

^{page 245 note 2} ‘Die Internationale der Intellecktuellen’, Die Kommunistische Internationale, No. 7–8 (1919), 1128.Google Scholar

^{page 245 note 3} ‘Die burgerliche Intelligenz in der russischen proletarischen Revolution’, Die Kom munistische Internationale, No. 19 (1922), 128.

^{page 245 note 4} Walter p. 101: Wohl, Robert, French Communism in the Making, 1919–1924(Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1966), p. 189.Google Scholar

^{page 246 note 1} BC, I (March 18, 1920), 5. The CYI was neither particularly influential nor orthodox, but its position on this question was consonant with Soviet experience.

^{page 246 note 2} Ibid., p. 16.

^{page 247 note 1} ‘Actes du Comité Executif de l'lnternationale communiste’, BC, I (October 7, 1920), 25.1 have been unable to find this reference in the official minutes of the ECCI, but in view of the consistent accuracy of the BC in reporting such actions it seems reasonable to accept it.

^{page 247 note 2} Der Zweite Kongress der Kommunistischen Internationale: Protokoll der Verhandlungen vom 19. Juli in Petrograd bis 7. August 1920 in Moskau (‘Bibliothek der Kommunistishchen Internationale’, XXII; Hamburg: Verlag der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1921), p. 755.Google Scholar

^{page 247 note 3} ‘Our Foreign and Domestic Position and the Tasks of the Party’, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1966), XXXI, 425.Google Scholar

^{page 248 note 1} ‘False Talk on Freedom’, ibid., pp. 391–6.

^{page 248 note 2} ‘Commentaires d'un communiste’, BC, II (May 5, 1921), 295. (Italics in the original.) Souvarine, who was the moving spirit behind the adhesion of the French Socialist Party to the Third International, was the representative of the PCF at the Executive Committee of the International. Levi, the most eminent intellectual in the German party in 1921, at the time of the unsuccessful putsch called the March Action, was expelled because he held the International responsible for the fiasco.

^{page 248 note 3} Wohl, pp. 247–51.

^{page 249 note 1} Walter, pp. 80–2; extracts from the theses approved by the ECCI are given in Degras, Jane, ed., The Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, Vol. I: 1919–1922 (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), pp. 307–16.Google Scholar

^{page 249 note 2} Walter, pp. 82–112.

^{page 249 note 3} E.g., see Die Taktik der Kommunistischen Internationale gegen die Offensive der Kapitals: Bericht iiber die Konferenz der Erweiterten Exekutive der Kommunistischen Internationale: Moskau, vom 24. Februar bis 4 Marz 1922 (‘Bibliothek der Kommunistischen Internationale’, XXVII; Hamburg; Verlag der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1922), pp. 136–41;Google Scholar‘Un Discours de Trotsky (séance du 8 mai)’ BC, III (08 10, 1922), 623–4;Google Scholar‘Deuxieme discours de Trotsky (seance du 19 mai)’, BC, III (08 17, 1922), 638.Google Scholar

^{page 250 note 1} ‘Le Parti communiste francais jugé par Trotsky’, BC, III (05 25, 1922), 427.Google Scholar

^{page 250 note 2} ‘Zur Lage in der Kommunistischen Partei Frankreichs (Reden in der Sitzung der Exe- kutive der Kommunistischen Internationale am 8. u. 10. Juni 1922)’, Die Kommunistischen Internationale, No. 21 (1922), 89–111; quotation on p. 107.Google Scholar

^{page 251 note 1} ‘Les Ricentes decisions de l'lnternationale’, BC, III (07 6, 1922), 529Google Scholar.

^{page 251 note 2} ‘Reflexions d'un communiste allemand sur le cas Fabre’, BC, III (07 20, 1922), 582–4Google Scholar.

^{page 252 note 1} ‘Libertd et discipline’, BC, III (08 17, 1922), 637Google Scholar.

^{page 252 note 2} ‘Des Ouvriers, pas d'ouvrierisme’, BC, III (09 7, 1922), 681–3.Google Scholar

^{page 253 note 1} Walter, pp. 110–11.

^{page 253 note 2} Ibid., p. 116.

^{page 253 note 3} Rosmer, Alfred, Moscou sous Lenine: Les Origines du communisme (Paris: Pierre Horay- Flore, 1953), p. 241;Google ScholarFischer, Ruth, Stalin and German Communism: A Study in the Origins of the State Party (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1948), pp. 183–4, 245.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 253 note 4} Protokoll des Vierten Kongress der Kommunistischen Internationale, Petrograd-Moskau vom 5. November bis 5. Dezember 1922 (‘Bibliothek der Kommunistischen Internationale’, XXXVIII; Hamburg: Verlag der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1923), pp. 838–73.Google Scholar

^{page 254 note 1} ‘Die politische Resolution in der Franzosischen Frage’, Protokoll des Vierten Kongress der K. I., p. 986; English translation in Trotsky, The First Five Years of the Communist International (2 vols.; New York: Pioneer Publishers, 1945), II, 276. Degras's extracts (I, 402–5) do not include the paragraph quoted.Google Scholar

^{page 254 note 2} Walter, p. 123.

^{page 254 note 3} Ibid., pp. 121–2; Wohl, pp. 306–7.

^{page 255 note 1} See Landauer, Carl, European Socialism: A History of Ideas and Movements from the Industrial Revolution to Hitler's Seizure of Power (2 vols.; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1959), I, pp. 351, ၶ–7;Google ScholarMichels, Robert, Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy (transl. E., and Paul, C.; New York: Collier Books, 1962), pp. 277–304Google Scholarpassim; Reed, Louis S., The Labor Philosophy of Samuel Gompers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1930), p. 27. (I am indebted to Professor Rudolph J. Vecoli of the University of Minnesota for bringing the last reference to my attention.)Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 1} Humanité (Paris), July 19, 1924.

^{page 256 note 2} Amédée Dunois, ‘Démenti former’, Humanité, January 1, 1923, p. 1; see also my Anatole France: The Politics of Skepticism (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1965), pp. 225–7;Google ScholarLecache, Bernard, Séverine (Paris: Gallimard, 1930), pp. 229–30; Caute, pp. 76–7, 88–9.Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 3} Quoted in Drachkovitch and Lazitch, p. 189.

^{page 256 note 4} Ibid., pp. 187–8.

^{page 257 note 1} Gruber, Helmut, ‘Willi Miinzenberg's German Communist Propaganda Empire, 1921- 1933’, Journal of Modern History, XXXVIII (09 1966), 290, n. 39.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 2} Wood, Neal, Communism and British Intellectuals (London: Gollancz, 1959), p. 220.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 3} One particularly striking example of the persistence of this attitude showed up in the constitution of the Communist Party of Indonesia (1962), which set the probationary period for new members coming from the intelligentsia at one year, twice the length of time required for workers, agricultural workers, poor peasants or the urban poor, and also required stronger recommendations. van-der-Kroef, J. M., ‘Indonesian Communism's Cultural Offensive’, Australian Outlook, XVIII (04 1964), 42.Google Scholar