¹ The historical relationships between Jews and Africa have been studied in a very erratic way. The relationship between Jews, Palestine, and Ethiopia is well known: see Doresse, Jean, L'Empire du Prêtre-Jean (Paris, 1957), Vols. 1 and 2Google Scholar; Hammerschmidt, Ernst, ‘Jewish Elements in the Cult of the Ethiopian Church,” in The Journal of Ethiopian Studies 3:2 (07 1968)Google Scholar; and Sven, Rubenson, ‘The Lion of the Tribe of Judah Christian Symbol and/or Imperial Title,”Google Scholar in ibid. The links between the Jews and other parts of East Africa are less certain. There are many oral traditions and a few historical documents concerning Madagascar: see Ferrand, Gabriel, ‘Migration Musulmane et Juive a Madagaskar,” in Revue d'Histoire des Religions, 52 (1905), 381–417Google Scholar, and R.P.fr. Razakandrainy, X., Parenté des Hovas et des Hebreux (Tananarive, 1926)Google Scholar, as well as the more contemporary Oded, Arie, ‘Ha'Bayudaya Umyasda Semei Kakungulu” in Hamizrah HeHadash, 27:1–2 (1967), 65–66Google Scholar. With regard to West Africa, historical evidence of Jewish presence and influence less rich and extensive than for Northern Africa and the Sahara. There is a vast literature on the Kahima and the Berbers, see Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), 10, pp. 587–88 and 685Google Scholar, as well as an interesting article by Levi, Israel, ‘Le lait de la Mere et le Proselytisme” in Revue des Etudes Juives 87 (1929), 94–95Google Scholar, and Hirschberg, H.Z., ‘The Problem of the Judaized Berbers,” in Journal of African History 4:3 (1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. An acute study of the ancient presence and role of the Jews in West Africa is Raymond Manny's ‘Le Judaisme, Les Juifs et l'Afrique Occidentale,” in Bulletin de l'lnstitut français d'Afrique Noire 11:34 (07–08. 1949)Google Scholar, Mendelssohn, G., Jews of Africa (London, 1920)Google Scholar and Williams, J. J., Hebrewism of West Africa: From the Nile to Niger with the Jews (London, 1930).Google Scholar

² Blyden, Edward W., The Jewish Question (Liverpool, 1898).Google Scholar

³ Crisis (Feb. 1919).Google Scholar

⁴ Aptheker, Herbert, American Negro Slave Revolts (New York, 1970).Google Scholar

⁵ Herzl, Theodor, Old-New Land (New York, 1960).Google Scholar

⁶ Those more relevant here are: Memmi, Albert, Portrait d'un Juif (Paris, 1962)Google Scholar and Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth (New York, 1968)Google Scholar. Another pertinent book, although relating to the special experience of the Jewish Lebanese intellectuals, is Elia, Lucien, Les Rates de la Diaspora (Paris, 1969)Google Scholar. I found illuminating evidence for the common mentality of Jewish and African intellectuals in ‘Les Intellectuels Africains: Où sont-ils?” in Realités Africaines 6 (12. 1963–Jan. 1964).Google Scholar

⁷ Ekeh, Peter P., ‘Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa,” in Comparative Studies in Society & History 1: (1975), 91–112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ Segre, D. V., Israele e il Sionismo: Dall' Auto-emancipazione all' Auto-colonizzazione (Milano, 1979).Google Scholar

⁹ The first open clashes between the old Jewish residents of Palestine and the immigrants took place in 1889, significantly, over the request of the Jerusalem rabbis to let the fields lie fallow during that sabbatical year. In 1890, performance of the first Hebrew play, Zurubabel by M. L. Lilienblum, was stopped by the Turkish authorities, who had received word that the play was subversive. The first Hebrew newspaper, Hazevi, aroused such deep resentment among the old Yishuv that its founder, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda (who revived modern Hebrew) was denounced and then arrested by the Turks in 1894.

¹⁰ Katz, Jacob, Tradition and Crisis, Jewish Society at the end of the Middle Ages (New York, 1971), p. 262.Google Scholar

¹¹ Arendt, Hannah, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1951), p. 131.Google Scholar

¹² Ekeh, , op. cit.Google Scholar

¹³ Elkana, Y. and Segre, D. V., ‘Philosophical Queries on the Presuppositions underlying Technical and Science Teaching in Developing Countries,” The Van Leer Jerusalem Foundation (Jerusalem, 1972).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Vital, David, The Origins of Zionism (Oxford, 1975), p. 36.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The question of the relevance of ancient, non-Western traditions to modern life in Third World nations is a central problem of the contemporary worldwide phenomenon of transculturation, not discussed here. I have dealt with the impact of Jewish tradition on modern Israeli society in: Segre, Dan V., ‘Jewish Political Thought and Contemporary Politics,” Shefa Quarterly, A Journal of Jewish Thought and Studies 1:2 (1977), 76–92.Google Scholar

¹⁶ In the case of the assimilationists, opposition to Jewish national revival strengthened that form of Jewish self-criticism for which the German philosopher, Theodor Lessing, coined the expression ‘Jewish self-hate.” Karl Marx is a well-known case: see Silberner, Edmund, ‘Was Marx an Anti-Semite?” in Historia Judaica 11:1 (04, 1949), 3–52Google Scholar. The phenomenon developed considerably after the creation of the State of Israel. See Tas, Luciano, ‘L'Odio Ebraico di Se,” in Gli Stati 1:7 (10. 1972), 3–7Google Scholar (Italian) and Livneh's, Eliezer article (in Hebrew), Ma'ariv (05 28, 1971).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Vital, , op. cit.,p. 363.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Fanon, Frantz, speech at the First Congress of Negro Writers and Artists (Paris, 1956)Google Scholar, in Toward the African Revolution (London, 1970), pp. 41–54.Google ScholarPubMed

¹⁹ Berlin, Isaiah, ‘Jewish Slavery and Emancipation,” in Hebrew University Garland, A Silver Jubilee Symposium (London, 1952).Google Scholar

²⁰ Nadel, Baruch, ‘Black Money,” in The Jerusalem Post (01. 28, 1977)Google Scholar and ‘Black Controls White,” in The Jerusalem Post (02. 4, 1977)Google ScholarPubMed. This view has been challenged, inter alia, by Krivine, David, ‘Rebuttal on Black Money,” The Jerusalem Post (03 4, 1977).Google Scholar

²¹ The two most publicized scandals were those of Michael Tsur and Asher Yadlin. The indictment of Tsur, Managing Director of the Israel Corporation, a government-sponsored investment company, and a former Director-General of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, showed the intricate connections between international financial circles and Israeli bureaucracy. The indictment of Asher Yadlin, a former Secretary-General of Hevrat Ovdim, the holding company of the Histadrut (Labor Federation) economic enterprises, underlined the corrupting interconnection of money, favoritism and party politics in the socialist establishment. It led to the suicide of a cabinet minister (David Ofer, Minister of Construction, who, on his own written admission, committed suicide because he could no longer stand the accusations in the press of complicity in the Yadlin case). The fact that Yadlin's case was started by the vindictive revelations of an abandoned mistress on the day Yadlin was selected to be Governor of the Bank of Israel added drama to the whole affair and contributed to the loss of public support for the socialist establishment. For insights into the intricate play of money and power in Israel and the Diaspora see ‘The Big Families of Business.” in Yuval Elitzur and Eliahu Salpeter, Who Rules Israel? (New York, 1973). pp. 220–40.Google Scholar

²² Rabin, Itzhak, speech delivered on Mount Scopus after receiving a doctorate honoris causa from the Hebrew University (July, 1967).Google Scholar

²³ ‘A Year Later,” pamphlet published by Hatzair, Hashomer, quoted in Ha'Aretz (11. 22, 1968).Google Scholar

²⁴ ‘The Symbolic Force of Begin's Power,’ Outlook, The Washington Post (08. 15, 1977).Google Scholar