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²⁸ Ibid., 231–32; Helleiner, Gerald K., “The Eastern Nigeria Development Corporation: A Study in Resources and Uses of Public Development Funds, 1949–62,” Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social Studies, 6:1 (03 1964), 98–123.Google Scholar

²⁹ Coker, G. B. A., Kassim, J. O., and Williams, Akintola, Report of the Coker Commission of Inquiry into the Affairs of Certain Statutory Corporations in Western Nigeria (Lagos: 1962), I, II, III.Google Scholar The flow of public funds through the various private business concerns of top Action Group politicians and supporters is reconstructed in Diamond, Larry J., “The Social Foundations of Democracy: The Case of Nigeria” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1980), 556–82.Google Scholar

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³¹ Coker, et al. Report, I, pt. 3.Google Scholar For a summary of local and regional corruption and a provocative comparative analysis, see Wraith, Ronald and Simpkins, Edgar, Corruption in Developing Countries (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1963).Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Sklar, , “Nature of Class Domination,” 547.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Sklar, , “Contradictions in Nigerian Political System,” 203–4.Google Scholar The label one attaches to this social formation has important theoretical implications. In his original pathbreaking study of Nigerian politics, Nigerian Political Parties, 474–505Google Scholar, Sklar used the term “new and rising class” to describe the emergent dominant class distinguished by high levels of income, education, and occupational status, and business ownership or control. His subsequent adoption of the term “political class” followed Gaetano Mosca's use to denote that class which controls “the dominant institutions of society.” The label has been frequently misinterpreted as designating only politicians. To overcome the confusion and to emphasize the role of the private and public business elite, Sklar has more recently favored the term “managerial bourgeoisie,” which also encompasses other upper-level bureaucrats, members of the learned professions, and leading politicians. (See his article, “Postimperialism: A Class Analysis of Multinational Corporate Expansion,” Comparative Politics, 9:1 (10 1976), 81, 91 n.51.Google Scholar) Precisely because this class forms and consolidates its social dominance through political power, I favor the term “political class.”

⁴⁷ Smythe, and Smythe, , New Nigerian Elite, 78–79.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Post, , Nigerian Federal Election of 1959, 396.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Nnoli, , Ethnic Politics in Nigeria, 152.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Ibid., 346.

⁵⁵ Sklar, , Nigerian Political Parties, 70.Google Scholar

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⁶⁶ Ibid.

⁶⁷ Ibid., 26.

⁶⁸ Ibid.; Sklar, , Nigerian Political Parties, 119–24, 245–55, 296–302, 339–54;Google ScholarPost, , Nigerian Federal Election of 1959, 78–98.Google Scholar

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⁸⁹ Ibid., 559.

⁹⁰ Dudley, B. J., Instability and Political Order (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1973), 76.Google Scholar The italics are Dudley's.

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