Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7czq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T05:20:42.877Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Case of Attempted Segmental Modernization: Rampur State, 1930–1939

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Lance Brennan
Affiliation:
The Flinders University of South Australia

Extract

The last major bastions of dynastic rule exist among the Muslim states of the Middle East. In the last thirty years, as they have emerged from under the “protective” umbrella of European domination, the rulers of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf States have attempted to maintain their personal control while coping with problems, on the one hand of unstable external conditions, and on the other of the pursuit of economic and administrative modernization. Their successes and, more recently, their failures, have held the attention of the world. In some ways their predicament represents a more acute aspect of the problem confronting some of the Indian princes in the 1930s when, as British dominance in the subcontinent was increasingly challenged by the Indian National Congress, they attempted to lead their states on the first halting steps towards modernity.

Type
The Autonomy of the Dependent
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1981

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

An earlier version of this article was presented at a conference on “Modernization in South Asia” convened by the University of Rajasthan in 1978. I would like to express my appreciation to my colleagues at Jaipur, and also to Riaz Hassan and Robin Jeffrey for their criticism and assistance.

1 The Indian princely states were so varied that there was no single pattern of social, economic, or political development. See Jeffrey, Robin, ed., People, Princes and Paramount Power (New Delhi, 1978).Google Scholar For a discussion of the process in Hyderabad, see Elliott, Carolyn M., “Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946–1951,” Journal of Asian Studies 34(1974), 2748.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Rudolph, L. I. and Rudolph, S. H., The Modernity of Tradition (Chicago, 1967).Google Scholar For a concise discussion of the problem of analyzing modernity and tradition see, Rudolph, S. H., “Beyond Modernity and Tradition: Theoretical and Ideological Aspects of Comparative Social Sciences,” in Tradition and Politics in South Asia, Moore, R. J., ed. (New Delhi, 1979), 1731.Google Scholar

3 See Grew's comment: “In the last two centuries, something similar has happened to most of the world—in technology obviously, through economics clearly, but also in politics and social organization… These large-scale changes that put people in schools and change their diets, redefine work, amass new wealth and power, and alter the organizations through which all of this is structured while maintaining surprising continuity—this whole process deserves a name and modernization springs to mind.” Grew, Raymond, “Modernization and Its Discontents,” American Behavioral Scientist, 21 (1977), 301–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 The prime example of this kind of change has been Iran under Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi. For an interesting insight into the ideas of this ruler, see Bayne, E. A., Persian Kingship in Transition: Conversations with a Monarch Whose Office is Traditional and Whose Goal is Modernization (New York, 1968)Google Scholar; see also Madhavy, H., “The Coming Crisis in Iran,” Foreign Affairs 44 (1965), 134–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chapman, Richard A., “Administrative Reform in Saudi Arabia,” Journal of Administration Overseas, 13 (1974), 332–47.Google Scholar

5 Bendix, Reinhard, “Tradition and Modernity Reconsidered,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 9 (1967), 329.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Braibanti, Ralph, ed., Asian Bureaucratic Systems Emergent from the British Tradition (Durham, 1966), 10.Google Scholar

7 Eisenstadt, S. N., “Post-traditional Societies and the Continuity and Reconstruction of Tradition,” Daedulus, 102 (1973), 3.Google Scholar

8 Census of India, 1931, XVIII, pt. 2Google Scholar, United Provinces (Delhi, 1933), 3Google Scholar; Gazetteer of Rampur State (Allahabad, 1911), 1Google Scholar; Wilber, Donald, Iran, Past and Present, 8th ed. (Princeton, 1976), 153Google Scholar; Halliday, Fred, Arabia without Sultans (Harmondsworth, England, 1974), 515–16.Google Scholar

9 An outline of the nineteenth-century history of Rampur may be found in the Gazetteer of Rampur State, 96105.Google Scholar

10 The literacy rate of Muslims (2.28 percent) was twice that of Hindus (1.14 percent). Census of India, 1931, XVIII, pt. 2Google Scholar, United Provinces, 454, 468.Google Scholar

11 It is not clear when the ruling family became Shias, but there is evidence that Nawab Hamid Ali Khan's predecessor was a “strict Sunni.” Buckland, C. E., Dictionary of Indian Biography (London, 1906), 351.Google Scholar For Nawab Hamid Ali Khan's control over the Sunni ulema in Rampur, see Nawab to Sir James Meston (Lieutenant-governor, United Provinces), 17 October 1917Google Scholar, Rampur Miscellaneous Records [hereafter cited as RMR] file 11, temporary basta 247, Regional Record Office [hereafter cited as RRO], Allahabad.

12 Notes on the Revenue System in Rampur State [probably compiled by K. B. Abu Mohammed, revenue minister Rampur, and given by B. H. Zaidi, acting chief minister, to political secretary, Government of India] July 1933, in Government of India, Foreign and Political Department [hereafter cited as For. Pol.] 419–P/33, National Archives of India [hereafter cited as NAI], New Delhi.

13 Notes on the Revenue System in Rampur, State, July 1933Google Scholar, in Government of India, For. Pol. 419–P/33, NAI. See, for comparison, Brennan, L., Land Policy and Social Change in Northern India: Rohilkhand, 1800–1911 (Nedlands, Western Australia, 1978), 105–21Google Scholar; and Brennan, L., “Political Change in Rohilkhand” (D. Phil, thesis. University of Sussex, 1972), 2142.Google Scholar For a description of contemporary agrarian conflict in the United Provinces, see Pandey, Gyanendra, The Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh 1926–34 (Delhi, 1978).Google Scholar

14 See Jeffrey, , People, Princes, 3Google Scholar; Powers of His Highness the Nawab of Rampur, Political Department, Government of United Provinces, November 1916, A. Proc. 1–4, 8–15, United Provinces State Archives, Lucknow; Nawab, to Stubbs, L. (political agent), 6 May 1928Google Scholar, RMR file 15, temporary basta 366, RRO.

15 Meston, to Nawab, , 12 November 1917Google Scholar, Meston Papers, MSS. Eur. F 136/4, India Office Records [hereafter cited as IOR], London. For the Nawab's efforts to put down the Khilafat agitation in Rampur, see RMR file 4, temporary basta 247, RRO. For a similar case involving the Sikh rulers of the Punjab states, see Ramuzak, Barbara, “Punjab States: Maharajahs and Gurdwaras: Patiala and the Sikh Community,”Google Scholar in Jeffrey, , People, Princes, pp. 183–93.Google Scholar

16 Drake-Brockman, D. L., commissioner of Rohilkhand, to chief Secretary, United Provinces, 8 May 1932,Google Scholar Government of India, Home Political Department, 1428/32, NAI.

17 Khan, Akbar Shah, The Truth about Rampur (Delhi, 1934), 56Google Scholar; Hindustan Times (Delhi), 31 August 1930, p. 4.Google ScholarPubMed

18 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 78Google Scholar; Hindustan Times, 31 August 1930, p. 4.Google Scholar

19 For discussions of the shah's policies, see Bayne, , Persian Kingship; Leonard Binder, Iran (Berkeley, 1962), 65, 8788Google Scholar; Wilber, , Iran, Past and Present, 153Google Scholar; and Madhavy, , “Coming Crisis in Iran.”Google Scholar For Saudi Arabian policy, see Chapman, , “Administrative Reform,” 332.Google Scholar

20 Hindustan Times, 31 August 1930, p. 4.Google Scholar

21 Note by Hailey, , 8 November 1933Google Scholar, L/P/13/1455, IOR. It is unclear what Hailey meant b) this phrase, but he remarked in a letter to the nawab that at his accession “there were many abuses that needed correction.” It seems likely that he was referring to the holding of mustajiri by officials and relatives of the nawab. Hailey, to Nawab, , 12 April 1934,Google Scholar Hailey Papers, MSS. Eur. E 220/276, ICR.

22 A list of non-Rampuris employed between 1930 and early 1934 includes ministers on Rs 1,000 per month, and an office stationery keeper on Rs 8 per month. The degrees held by the young graduates were an M.A. (Aligarh), an M.A. (Allahabad), a B.A. (Agra), a B.Com. (Lucknow), and a B.Sc. (Agra). Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 29, 123–58, 205Google Scholar. For an assessmem of the motivation behind the nawab's recruitment policy, see Symons, R. S., I.C.S., “Memoir,’ MSS. Eur. F 180/82, IOR.Google Scholar

23 Symons, “Memoir,” characterizes Saiyid Abu Muhammad Khan, the minister most disliked by the Rohillas, as “a bull-necked man with an obsessive respect for rules and regulations.” It is relatively easy to see why Rohilla officers, used to the more relaxed ways of his (Abu Muhammad's) predecessors, would fall afoul of his concern for the letter of the law.

24 Jansen, Godfrey, Militant Islam (London, 1979), 123–26Google Scholar; Halliday, Fred, Iran: Dictatorship and Development, 2d ed. (Harmondsworth, England, 1979), 154–56, 172, 218, 318Google Scholar; Khalifa, Ali Muhammad, The United Arab Emirates: Unity in Fragmentation (Boulder, 1979), 112Google Scholar; Mansfield, Peter, The Arabs (Harmondsworth, England, 1978), 375–84.Google Scholar For a discussion of long standing antiforeign feeling in Bahrein, see Halliday, , Arabia without Sultans, 440–47.Google Scholar

25 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 125, 147–48.Google Scholar The hostility to the Bahais in Iran because of their suspected influence with the shah bears some similarity to the Sunni antagonism to the Shias in Rampur, though the shah, in spite of his secular leanings was a Shia himself. See Binder, , Iran, 161–63.Google Scholar

26 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 2326.Google Scholar

27 In Iran the land was supposed to be transferred from the landlords and religious trusts (waqf) to the cultivators, whereas in Rampur the cultivators came into direct contact with the state, and therefore there was less opportunity for the avoidance of the reforms. Notes on the Revenue System in Rampur, For. Pol. 419–P/33, NAI; Binder, , Iran. 305, 312Google Scholar; Halliday, . Iran: Dictatorship and Development, 103–37.Google Scholar

28 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 39Google Scholar. The motivation for this restriction was laudable: the nawab was anxious to reduce violent crime among the hot-blooded Rohillas.

29 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 43.Google Scholar

30 Amnesty International Briefing, Iran (London, 1976)Google Scholar; Halliday, , Arabia without Sultans, 6567; 475–79Google Scholar; and Martin, Paul, “Pressure from the Left,” The Times (London), 28 September 1970Google Scholar; Long, David, Saudi Arabia (Beverley Hills, 1976), 61.Google Scholar

31 Leader (Allahabad), 7 September 1930, p. 13Google Scholar; Nawab, to Graeme, Major, First King George's Own Gurkha Rifles, 31 August 1931Google Scholar, RMR file 1, temporary basta 341, RRO.

32 Military advisor, Punjab State Forces, to staff officer, military advisor-in-chief, 5 January and 3 July 1931, For. Pol. 107–1/1930, NAI.

33 Special Report on Rampur State Forces at Conclusion of Training Year 1931–2, For. Pol. 107–1/1930, NAI.

34 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 8185.Google Scholar

35 Stubbs, to Nawab, , 2 November 1931Google Scholar, RMR file 2, temporary basta 341, RRO. It is not clear why Stubbs did not bring greater pressure to bear, but he may well have been more concerned about nationalist agitation and the disastrously low grain prices at the time. In common with other rulers, the nawab used his great hospitality to blunt the perception of the British about state affairs. The above file also contains details of the sumptuous Christmas party given in 1933 by the nawab for numerous British guests.

36 Ali, Asaf to Zaidi, B. H., 3 June 1933Google Scholar, RMR file 30, temporary basta 382, RRO.

37 Patrick, P. J. (Political Internal Department, India Office) to B. G. Glancy (political secretary, Government of India), 14 September 1933Google Scholar, Crown Representative's Records [hereafter cited as CRR] R/l/29/1112, IOR.

38 Clay, J. M. (chief secretary, United Provinces) to political agent, Rampur, 17 February 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR; Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 5657.Google Scholar

39 Williamson, R. H. (commissioner of Rohilkhand and political agent), Notes on Events in Rampur, 10 October 1933, For. Pol. 731–P(Secret)/1933, NAI.Google Scholar

40 Wahab, Maulvi Abdul was principal of the Jamait ul-marif madrassa.Google Scholar

41 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 187–89.Google Scholar

42 Memo by Pierce, A., 20 October 1933, For. Pol. 731–P(Secret)/1933, NAI.Google Scholar

43 Note by Sir Hailey, Malcolm, 8 November 1933, L/P/13/1455, IOR. “Khan, Truth about Rampur, 102–3.Google Scholar

45 Khan, Saulat Ali attended Colvin Taluqdars School, Lucknow. Interview with Saulat Ali's son, Rabat Ali Khan, Karachi, 24 January 1979.Google Scholar

46 Interviews with Khan, Khadim Ali, Karachi, 24 and 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

47 Compare Williamson, R. H., Notes on Events in Rampur (10 October 1933Google Scholar, For. Pol. 731–P(Secret)/1933, NAI) with Note by Sir Hailey, Malcolm (8 November 1933, 17 P/13/1455, IOR).Google Scholar

48 Interviews with Khan, Khadim Ali, Karachi, 24 and 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

49 Hailey, to Nawab, , 12 April 1934Google Scholar, Hailey Papers, MSS. Eur. E 220/276, IOR.

50 In 1960 Iranian oil income was US$285 million; in 1976, US$20,488 million. Halliday, , Iran, Dictatorship and Development, 26, 101, 143Google Scholar; Mansfield, , The Arabs, 528–29.Google Scholar

51 Williamson made marginal notes in a copy of Khan's book, The Truth about Rampur, indicating which specific adjustments would have to be made. Interview with Khan, Khadim Ali, 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

52 Saulat Ali Khan resigned as chairman six months later when the chief minister asked the Municipal Council to pass a resolution in favor of the minister responsible for local self-government. Interview with Khan, Khadim Ali, Karachi, 24 January 1979.Google Scholar

53 Hasan, K. B. Masud ul (president, Rampur Council) to private secretary to viceroy, 8 May 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR.

54 J. M. Clay (chief secretary, United Provinces) to Wingate, W. E. L. (officiating political secretary, Government of India) 21 June 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159 IOR; interviews with Khadim Ali Khan, Rabat Ali Khan, Zakur Ali Khan (son-in-law of Saulat Ali Khan), Karachi, , 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

55 Bomford, H. (chief secretary, United Provinces) to Major Prior (Political Department) 31 May 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR.

56 Clay, to Wingate, , 21 June 1934Google Scholar; Minute by Wingate, , 16 August 1934Google Scholar, on Report, Committee Investigating Riot and Shooting, both CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR.

57 He would have preferred confederation rather than federation, and he doubted the benefits of political reform in India: “… the Indian Princes should remember that plans and systems particular to Western genius cannot thrive in the East, which is so different from the West.” Civil & Military Gazette (Lahore), 13 June 1931, RMR temporary basta 333, RRO.Google Scholar

58 For example, in 1936 Khadim AH Khan returned to a position in the administration. The Legislative Committee now included six nonofficials, three elected by the Municipal Council, three rural members nominated by the Government, and eight official members.

59 Zaidi, Bashir Husain to Khan, Saulat Ali, 18 February 1937Google Scholar, quoted in memorial of Saulat Ali Khan et al. to Jinnah, Mohammad Ali, circa March 1939Google Scholar, in Rampur file, All-India Muslim League Papers [hereafter cited as AIML Papers], Archives of the Freedom Movement [hereafter cited as AFM], University of Karachi.

60 Zaidi, to Khan, Saulat Ali, memorial, 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers; Fortnightly Report on the Political Situation in Gwalior, Rampur, and Banaras, States [hereafter cited as FR] 2 June 1937Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1542 IOR; Hindustan Times, 20 September 1937, p. 3.Google Scholar

61 Leader, 12 September 1937, p. 16.Google Scholar

62 Khan, Saulat Ali et al. to Jinnah, Mohammad Ali, circa March 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM; Hindustan Times, 20 September 1937, p. 4.Google Scholar

63 Leader, 18 September 1937, p. 9Google Scholar; Statesman (Calcutta), 19 September 1937, p. 12.Google Scholar

64 Khan, Saulat Ali et al. to Jinnah, Mohammed Ali, circa March 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers; Summary of Events in Indian States during the Second Half of October 1937, IV P/13/840, IOR.

65 FR 15 January 1938Google Scholar, L/P/13/1455, IOR; Report of the Commission on Unemployment and Industrial Development in Rampur, , January 1938, CRR R/2/802/31, IOR.Google Scholar

66 Saulat Ali Khan refused to serve on the Unemployment Commission and later went to live in Bareilly. Khan, Saulat Ali et al. to Ali Jinnah, Mohammed, circa March 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM; Aziz Ahmad Khan, by then Muslim League M.L.A. for Bareilly in the United Provinces Legislative Assembly, had attempted to regain some prestige in Rampur by raising the agitation for discussion in the Legislative Assembly but had been refused permission to do so by the Governor, Sir Haig, Harry. Leader, 19 September 1937, p. 10.Google Scholar

67 A league had been formed in June 1937 from the various groups in Rampur. Saulat Ali Khan was included but, though he accompanied a National League delegation to see Jinnah, in March 1939Google Scholar, he claimed he was not a member of the National League. Ali Khan, Saulat et al. to Ali Jinnah, Mohammed, circa March 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM.

68 FR 16 April 1938, CRR R/l/29/1680, IOR. One of the advantages for industrialists setting up factories in Rampur had been the laxity of the labor regulations.

69 See Jeffrey, , People, Princes, 2224.Google Scholar The Indian National Congress joined coalition governments in two other provinces.

70 FR 16 June 1938 and 17 August 1938, CRR R/l/29/1680, IOR.

71 Extract FR for second half August 1939, L/P/13/1455, IOR.

72 “Aims and Objectives of the National League, Rampur State (U.P.),” circa late 1938Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM.

73 Fisher (resident at Gwalior and political agent to Rampur) to Herbert, C. G. (joint secretary, Political Department), 18 January 1940Google Scholar, CRR R/2/802/32, IOR.

74 FR 14 July 1937, L/P/13/1456, IOR; see also Symons's description of his largely successful efforts to implement financial control and to work as a triumvirate with the nawab and Zaidi to institute agricultural development, in his “Memoir,” MSS. Eur. F 180/82, IOR.

75 FR 22 September 1937, CRR R/l/29/1542, IOR. His lack of interest in Rampur is clear because he was “on tour”—that is, outside Gwalior—for only nineteen days in 1939.1. Copland, “The Other Guardians: Ideology and Performance in the Indian Political Service,” in Jeffrey, , People, Princes, 279.Google Scholar

76 Haig, to Brabourne, Lord (acting governor general of India), 21 October 1938Google Scholar, CRR R/ 1/29/1934, IOR.

77 Fisherto, Glancy, B. (political adviser to viceroy), 25 January 1939,Google Scholar and extract FR for second half March 1939, both in CRR R/l/29/1918, lOR; Fisher, to Herbert, , 18 January 1940Google Scholar, CRR R/2/802/32, IOR; Ali Khan, Saulat et al. to Ali Jinnah, Mohammed, circa March 1939,Google Scholar Rampur file, AIML Papers. AFM.

78 Fisher, to Glancy, , 25 January 1939,Google Scholar CRR R/l/29/1918, IOR.

79 Fisher, to Herbert, , 7 March 1939Google Scholar and Saloway, R. H. (revenue minister, Rampur) to Fisher, 28 February 1939Google Scholar, both in Political Department (Political Branch) 11 (3)-P/39, NAI; extracts, Gwalior Residency Situation Report, second half October 1939, and second half November 1939, both in L/P/13/1455, IOR.

80 National Herald (Lucknow), 12 March 1940, p. 1Google Scholar; cf. ibid., 2 February 1940, p. 3, for an incisive attack on the constitution by a Congress party leader from Moradabad.

81 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 37Google Scholar; Hailey, to Mieville, , 10 May 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR; interviews with Khadim Ali Khan and Ali Khan, Rabat, Karachi, 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

82 See, for example, Hailey's comments on the nawab's reprimand of the jail authorities who had given hospital diet to an old man after he had been awarded “twenty-four stripes for failing to fulfil his full task of grinding corn.” Hailey, to Mieville, , 12 April 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR.

83 Compare the image of the shah in Bayne, , Persian Kingship,Google Scholar with that conveyed ten years later in Karanuja, R. K., The Mind of a Monarch (London, 1977).Google Scholar

84 For example, as a student in Allahabad, Khadim Ali Khan had resided in the center of advanced political thinking in the United Provinces and had been addressed by Jawaharlal Nehru on the topic of Soviet Russia. Interview 24 January 1979.

85 See, for example, Binder, , Iran, 319–43.Google Scholar

86 Halliday, , Iran, Dictatorship and Development, 290.Google Scholar