¹ For a review of the current “state of play,” see Marks, S., “Recent developments in the historiography of South Africa”, in Jewsiewicki, B. and Newbury, D., African Historiographies: What History for Which Africa? (New York: Sage, 1986)Google Scholar.

² In addition to the books under review here, see for example, Greenberg, S. B.: Race and State in Capitalist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Lamar, H. and Thompson, L., eds. The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982)Google Scholar. For a work not explicitly comparative, but influenced by the recent work on South Africa, see Foner, E., Nothing But Freedom: Emancipation and its Legacy (Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1983)Google Scholar. In a tour de force, Denoon, Donald, Settler Capitalism: The dynamics of dependent development in the southern hemisphere (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983)Google Scholar compares South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Argentina, Uruguay and Chile. The last quotation is from Skocpol, Theda, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979) 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who also remarks that it was her “early intellectual confrontation with the case of South Africa” which led her to look beyond “Parsonian structure-functionalist explanations of societal order and change” and challenged the “commonplace and comforting predictions that mass discontent would lead to revolution against the blatantly oppressive apartheid regime” (page xii).

³ Abrams, Philip, Historical Sociology (West Compton House, Somerset: Open Books Publishing Ltd., 1982), 154Google Scholar.

⁴ Skocpol, Theda, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China (Cambridge University Press, 1979), Preface, pagexviCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Clearly, this review is written with the benefit of hindsight; there would be little point in writing it at this stage if one did not take advantage of hindsight. Since 1981 a certain amount of new work has either appeared or is now underway that Frederickson could clearly not have known about at the time of writing. See fn. 7–9 below.

⁶ It was an appreciation of this which led Lamar and Thompson to give up their attempt to provide a truly systematic comparison of the frontier in their collection on the frontier experience in North America and South Africa; Lamar, and Thompson, , The Frontier in History, 13Google Scholar.

⁷ See especially Elpick, Richard, “A comparative history of white supremacy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XIII:3 (Winter 1983) 503–513, esp. 508–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Giliomee, H., “White Supremacy—a comparative analysis,” Standpunte, 1983Google Scholar, both of whom provide evidence to the contrary, as does Worden, N. A., Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁸ Ross, Robert, “The rise of the Cape gentry,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 9:2 (1983), 193–217CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ This is based on Newton-King, Susan, “The precolonial and colonial Khoikhoi: from fragile independence to permanent servitude,” unpublished seminar paper, Centre of African studies, University of Cape Town, 05, 1984, and her forthcoming Ph.D. (University of London) on the political economy of Graaf Reinet in the late eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuriesGoogle Scholar. See also Rayner, Mary, “Laborers in the Vineyard: Work and Resistance to Servitude during the years of the Wine-farming Boom in the Cape Colony, 1806–1824,” paper presented to the History Workshop at the University of Witwatersrand, 02, 1984, and her Ph.D. dissertationGoogle Scholar, “Wine and Slaves … ” (Duke University, 1986).

¹⁰ Burke, Peter, Sociology and History (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1980), 33Google Scholar.

¹¹ Cf. Quarles, Bernard, The Negro in the Making of America (New York: 1964), 131Google Scholar, cited in Wilson, William Julius, The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2nd edition, 1980), 53Google Scholar, for a very different approach.

¹² Trapido, S., “The origins of the Cape franchise qualifications of 1853,” Journal of African History, V:1 (1964), 37–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ Trapido, S., “Natal's Non-racial Franchise, 1856–1863,” African Studies, 22:1 (1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Mosse, George L., Towards the Final Solution. A History of European Racism (London, Melbourne and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons, 1978)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Davies, Robert H., Capital, State and White Labour in South Africa, 1900–1960 (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1979), 32Google Scholar.

¹⁶ See especially Johnstone, Frederick R., Race, Class and Gold: A Study of Class Relations and Racial Discrimination in South Africa (London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1976)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Ibid.

¹⁸ “The Negro and the United Mine Workers of America,” in his Work, Culture and Society in Industrializing America: Essays in American Working Class and Social History (New York: Vintage Books, 1977), 195Google Scholar.

¹⁹ van Onselen, C., Chibaro: African Labour on the Rhodesian Gold Mines, 1900–1930 (London: Pluto Press, 1976)Google Scholar and “Worker consciousness' in black miners: Southern Rhodesia, 1900–1924,” Journal of African History 14:2Google Scholar; Hemson, D., ‘Class consciousness and migrant workers: dockworkers of Durban’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation Warwick, 1980)Google Scholar; Bonner, P., “The Transvaal Native Congress, 1917–1920,” in Marks, S. and Rathbone, R., Industrialisation and social change in South Africa: African class formation, culture and consciousness 1870–1930 (London and New York: Longman, 1982), 270–313 and the introductionGoogle Scholar; Bradford, H.: “Mass movements and the petty bourgeoisie: the social origins of ICU leadership, 1924–1929,” Journal of African History 25:3 (1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and “The Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union inthe South African Countryside,” Ph.D. thesis for the University of the Witwatersrand, 1985Google Scholar.

²⁰ Cf. Houghton, D. Hobart and Dagut, J., eds. Source Materials on the South African Economy, 1860–1960 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1972), vol. 1, 177–8, for evidenceGoogle Scholar.

²¹ See especially Davies, , Capital, State and White Labour, 54Google Scholar.

²² Legassick, Martin, “The making of South African ‘Native policy,’ 1903–1923,” Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London: Institute of Commonwealth Studies, vol. 16, 1971–1972)Google Scholar. “The rise of South African liberalism: its assumptions and its social base,” unpublished seminar paper, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, London, 1973Google Scholar, and “Race, Industrialisation and social change: the case of R. F. Hoernle,” African Affairs, 75 (04, 1976)Google Scholar.

²³ Preeminently, perhaps, that of Howard Rabinowitz and J. Morgan Kousser.

²⁴ I elaborate this further in “Natal, the Zulu Royal family and the ideology of segregation,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 4:2 (1978), 172–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar and in my The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, and Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Lacey, Marion, Working for Boroko. The origins of a coercive labour system in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1981)Google Scholar deals with the Hertzog period in depth. See also Dubow, Saul, “Holding ‘A Just Balance between White and Black,’” Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2(1986), 217–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The turbulence of the late 1920s is very clear in Helen Bradford's work on the ICU, and in essays in Colin Bundy and Robert Hill and Gregory Pirio in Marks, S. and Trapido, S., eds. The State, Ideology and Politics in twentieth century South AfricaGoogle Scholar (forthcoming). It was also noted in my “Natal, the Zulu Royal Family and the ideology of segregation,” in 1978.

²⁶ Heaton Nicholls papers, Killie Campbell Library, Durban, Ms. Nic.2.08.1 KCM 3348 to J. H. Zutphen, 28 May 1929.

²⁷ For very different interpretations of this period and a critique of the existing literature, see, for example, Marks, S. and Trapido, S., “Lord Milner and the South African State,” History Workshop, 8(Autumn, 1979), 50–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Marks, S., “Scrambling for South Africa,” Journal of African History, 23:1 (1982), 97–113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.