¹ This article focuses on the provinces that occupied the territory of modern Greece and western Turkey. This densely urbanized region, oriented toward the Aegean and Mediterranean coasts, was the traditional heart of the Greek world, differentiated from the Levant and Egypt (where Greek culture was a relatively recent import) by a long tradition of civic self-government. Monumental streets were constructed throughout the eastern provinces; but the political meanings that will be discussed here were particular to Greece and Asia Minor.

² For a useful survey of euergetism, see Zuiderhoek, Arjan, The Politics of Munificence in the Roman Empire: Citizens, Elites and Benefactors in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Heinzelmann, Michael, “Städtekonkurrenz und kommunaler Bürgersinn: die Säulenstrasse von Perge als Beispiel monumentaler Stadtgestaltung durch kollektiven Euergetismus,” Archäologischer Anzeiger (2003): 197–220Google Scholar; Pont, Anne-Valérie, Orner la cité: enjeux culturels et politiques du paysage urbain dans l'Asie gréco-romaine (Pessac, 2010), 177–87Google Scholar; Burns, Ross, Origins of the Colonnaded Streets in the Cities of the Roman East (Oxford, 2017)Google Scholar, 166f.

⁴ On the development of the Arcadiane, see Schneider, Peter, “Bauphasen der Arkadiane,” in Friesinger, Herwig and Krinzinger, Fritz, eds., 100 Jahre österreichische Forschungen in Ephesos: Akten des Symposions Wien 1995 (Vienna, 1999), 467–78Google Scholar.

⁵ For recent research on the Embolos, see Thür, Hilke, “Zur Kuretenstrasse von Ephesos: eine Bestandsaufnahme der Ergebnisse aus der Bauforschung,” in Ladstätter, Sabine, ed., Neue Forschungen zur Kuretenstrasse von Ephesos (Vienna, 2009), 9–28Google Scholar.

⁶ In recent years, several scholars have examined the feedback loop between political power and political space in the classical world. See, for example, Revell, Louise, Roman Imperialism and Local Identities (Cambridge, 2009)Google Scholar; Dickenson, Christopher, “Kings, Cities and Marketplaces: Negotiating Power through Public Space in the Hellenistic World,” in Dickenson, Christopher and Nijf, Onno Van, eds., Public Space in the Post-Classical City (Leuven, 2013), 37–75Google Scholar; and Zuiderhoek, Arjan, “Controlling Urban Public Space in Roman Asia Minor,” in Bekker-Nielsen, Tønnes, ed., Space, Place, and Identity in Northern Anatolia (Stuttgart, 2014), 99–108Google Scholar.

⁷ The possibilities of comparing Renaissance Italian and ancient cities are oftener suggested than explored. The most important exception is Mohlo, Anthony, Raaflaub, Kurt, and Emlen, Julia, eds., City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy (Ann Arbor, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁸ Although the formal political arrangements were quite different—a council of several hundred notables in the case of Ephesus, a single duke at Florence—both cities were effectively dominated by a small inner elite: Ephesus by a few exceptionally wealthy and well-connected council members, Florence by the duke and representatives of the city's great families (Litchfield, R. Burr, Emergence of a Bureaucracy: The Florentine Particians, 1530–1790 (Princeton, 1986)Google Scholar).

⁹ My approach is ultimately founded on the premise, associated with Lefebvre and his followers, that space is a social product, shaped by and shaping a complex set of sociopolitical relationships (Lefebvre, Henri, The Production of Space, Nicholson-Smith, D., trans. Cambridge, Mass., 1991Google Scholar). Some of the most compelling applications of Lefebvre's theories to premodern contexts include: Smith, Adam T., The Political Landscape: Constellations of Authority in Early Complex Polities (Berkeley, 2003)Google Scholar; Moore, Jerry, Architecture and Power in the Ancient Andes: The Archaeology of Public Buildings (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), esp. 172–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Fogelin, Lars, Archaeology of Early Buddhism (New York, 2006), 57–80Google Scholar. A useful parallel approach is outlined in DeMarrais, Elizabeth, Castillo, Luis, and Earle, Timothy, “Ideology, Materialization, and Power Strategies,” Current Anthropology 37 (1996): 15–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Rubenstein, Nicolai, The Government of Florence under the Medici, 1434 to 1494 (Oxford, 1968)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Najemy, John provides a useful survey of Cosimo's reign, in A History of Florence, 1200–1575 (Malden, Mass., 2006), 468–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a fuller account, see Cochrane, Eric, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, 1527–1800 (Chicago, 1973), 13–92Google Scholar. On Cosimo's patronage of the arts and its political implications, see the useful survey of Cox-Rearick, Janet, “Art at the Court of Cosimo I de’ Medici,” in Luchinat, Cristina, ed., The Medici, Michelangelo, and the Art of Late Renaissance Florence (New Haven, 2002), 35–45Google Scholar. On the building projects of Cosimo I, see Spini, Giorgio, “Introduzione generale,” in Spini, G., ed., Architettura e politica da Cosimo I a Ferdinando I (Florence, 1976), 9–77Google Scholar; and the useful summary in Najemy, John, “Florentine Politics and Urban Spaces,” in Crum, R. and Paoletti, J., eds., Renaissance Florence: A Social History (New York, 2006), 50–54Google Scholar.

¹² Vasari's design of the Uffizi is most fully discussed in Satkowski, Leon, Giorgio Vasari: Architect and Courtier (Princeton, 1993), 24–44Google Scholar. On Cosimo's involvement in the design, see Lessmann, Joanna, Studien zu einer Baumonographie der Uffizien Giorgio Vasaris in Florenz (Bonn, 1975), 47–48Google Scholar.

¹³ Wolfgang Lotz discusses the development of architecturally regular public spaces in “Sixteenth-Century Italian Squares,” in Studies in Italian Renaissance Architecture (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 74–139Google Scholar. On the special case of Rome, see Ackerman, James, “The Planning of Renaissance Rome, 1450–1580,” in Ramsey, P. A., ed., Rome in the Renaissance: The City and the Myth (Binghamton, N.Y., 1982), 3–18Google Scholar; and Frommel, Cristoph, “Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome during the Renaissance,” in Rotberg, R. I. and Rabb, T. K., eds., Art and History: Images and Their Meaning (Cambridge, 1988), 39–65Google Scholar. For a broader perspective, see Calabi, Donatella, The Market and the City: Square, Street and Architecture in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot, 2004), 127–50Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Probably the most comprehensive treatment of the emergence of an aristocratic culture is Jones, Phillip, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria (Oxford, 1997), 521–82Google Scholar. On the consequences of these changes for public space in two Italian city-states, see Muir, Edward and Weissman, Ronald, “Social and Symbolic Places in Renaissance Venice and Florence,” in Agnew, J. and Duncan, J., eds., The Power of Place: Bringing Together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations (Boston, 1989), 81–103Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Particularly impressive examples include Ludovico Sforza's colonnaded forum at Vigevano (Lotz, “Sixteenth-Century,” 117–39) and the straight new boulevards and rationalized squares of Ercole d'Este's Ferrara; see Rosenberg, Charles, The Este Monuments and Urban Development in Renaissance Ferrara (New York, 1997), 110–52Google Scholar. Dukes, however, were far from the only elite patrons of Romanizing public spaces. In mid-sixteenth century, for example, a group of Genoese nobles collaborated to create a broad avenue lined by palaces with regular monumental facades; see Gorse, George, “A Classical Stage for the Old Nobility: The Strada Nuova and Sixteenth-Century Genoa,” Art Bulletin 79 (1997): 301–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Palladio's Basilica and Palazzo Chiericati at Vicenza, which were supposed to be incorporated into a monumental façade ringing the piazza, represented an analogous impulse (Palladio, I quattro libri II, 3).

¹⁶ On the Renaissance conceptions of public space adapted from Vitruvius’ discussion of the forum (De Architectura V. 1–2), see Kruft, Hanno-Walter, “L'idea della piazza rinascimentale secondo i trattati e le fonti visive,” Annali di architettura 4–5 (1993): 215–29Google Scholar. Vasari's borrowings from Vitruvius are discussed in Lessmann, Studien zu einer Baumonographie, 169–70; and Satkowski, Giorgio Vasari, 43. For a more general discussion of the ideas associated with Roman architecture in Renaissance Italy, see Weise, Georg, L' ideale eroico del rinascimento et le sue premesse umanistiche (Naples, 1961), 124–29Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Leon Battista Alberti, De Re Aedificatoria, VIII, 6; compare Filarete, Trattato di Architettura X.

¹⁸ I quattro libri dell'architettura III, 16–20.

¹⁹ On the forum in Serlio's Polybian city, see Hart, Vaughan and Hicks, Peter, eds., Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture, Volume 1 (New Haven, 1996), 424–31Google Scholar.

²⁰ Ammannati's drawings are published in Fossi, Mazzino, ed., La città: appunti per un trattato (Rome, 1970)Google Scholar. Colonnades featured prominently in Ammannati's designs for the Uffizi (Satkowski, Giorgio Vasari, 30). Vasari's own nephew produced a similar set of plans for ideal cities; see Stefanelli, Virginia, ed., Giorgio Vasari il Giovane: La città ideale (Rome, 1970)Google Scholar; and Mollé, Roland Le, “La Ville Idéale: A propos de la publication des plans d'urbanisme de Georges Vasari le Jeune,” Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 33 (1971): 689–702Google Scholar.

²¹ Barbaro, Daniele, ed., I Dieci Libri dell’ Architettura di M. Vitruvio (Venice, 1556), 129Google Scholar: il portico di sua natura ha del grande: et vedere poi in testa di una bella strada uno arco triumphale sarebbe cosa & dilettevole & honorevole.

²² Vasari regularly cites Vitruvius in the discussion of architecture appended to the 1568 edition of his Lives. See also his comments on Jacopo Sansovino's introduction of Vitruvian architecture into Venice: Milanesi, Gaetano, ed., Le Opere di Giorgio Vasari (Florence, 1878–1885), VII, 502–3Google Scholar.

²³ Milanesi, Le Opere, I, 130. Compare Sebastiano Serlio, Regole generali di architettura (Venice, 1551), xvii.

²⁴ The basic plan was inspired by Pliny's Laurentian Villa and the ruins of Hadrian's Villa at Tivoli, as understood by early sixteenth-century Italian theorists; see Rosenthal, Earl, The Palace of Charles V in Granada (Princeton, 1985), 163Google Scholar.

²⁵ Drisin, Adam, “Intricate Fictions: Mapping Princely Authority in a Sixteenth-Century Florentine Urban Plan,” Journal of Architectural Education 57 (2004): 41–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁷ On Medieval Italian loggias, see Burroughs, Charles, “Spaces of Arbitration and the Organization of Space in Late Medieval Italian Cities,” in Hanawalt, Barbara and Kobialka, Michal, eds., Medieval Practices of Space (Minneapolis, 2000), 64–100Google Scholar.

²⁸ Tinagli, Paola, “Claiming a Place in History: Giorgio Vasari's Ragionamenti and the Primacy of the Medici,” in Eisenbichler, Konrad, ed., The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo I de 'Medici (Burlington, 2001), 63–76Google Scholar.

²⁹ Milanesi, Le Opere, VIII, 14: “…non volere alterare i fondamenti e le mura maternali di questo luogo, per avere esse, con questa forma vecchia, dato origine al suo governo nuovo. Che poi che egli, fu creato duca di questa repubblica, per conservar le leggi, e sopra quelle aggiunger que'modi che rettamente faccin vivere sotto la iustitia e la pace i suoi cittadini e che dependendo la grandezza sua da l’ origine di questo palazzo e mura vecchie, benchè sieno sconsertate e scomposte, gli è bastato l’ animo di ridurle con ordine e misura e sopr'esse ponendovi, come vedete, questi ornamenti diritti e ben composti….”

³⁰ On these proposals, see Satkowski, Giorgio Vasari, 26–28; see also Bocchi, Francesco, Le bellezze della città di Firenze (Florence, 1591), 71Google Scholar.

³¹ Litchfield, R. Burr, Emergence of a Bureaucracy: The Florentine Patricians, 1530–1790 (Princeton, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cosimo actually encouraged Florentine nobles to build, providing them with incentives for constructing larger palazzi in a 1551 law; Cantini, Lorenzo, Legislazione toscana raccolta e illustrata (Florence, 1800–5), vol. 2: 194–98Google Scholar.

³² Martin, Roland, L'urbanisme dans la Grèce antique, 2d ed. (Paris, 1974), 76–85Google Scholar, 217–20; Coulton, J. J., The Architectural Development of the Greek Stoa (Oxford, 1976), 177–80Google Scholar; and Bejor, Giorgio, Vie colonnate: paesaggi urbani del mondo antico (Rome, 1999), 15–21Google Scholar.

³³ The classic survey of Greek civic government in the imperial era is Jones, A.H.M., The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (Oxford, 1940), 170–91Google Scholar. Good recent treatments of the governing class include Pleket, H. W., “Political Culture and Political Practice in the Cities of Asia Minor in the Roman Empire,” in Schuller, Wolfgang, ed., Politische Theorie und Praxis im Altertum (Darmstadt, 1998), 204–16Google Scholar; Zuiderhoek, Arjan, “On the Political Sociology of the Imperial Greek City,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48 (2008): 417–45Google Scholar; and Heller, Anna, “La cité grecque d'époque impériale: vers une société d'ordres?” Annales 64 (2009): 341–73Google Scholar.

³⁴ By the beginning of the second century CE, the roughly five hundred members of the Ephesian council sat together in a specially designated section of the theater; Inschriften von Ephesos (IvE) 27, #222–30.

³⁵ Pleket, “Political Culture,” 209–10.

³⁶ Ryan, Garrett, “Building Order: Unified Cityscapes and Elite Collaboration in Roman Asia Minor,” Classical Antiquity 37, 1 (2018): 151–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁷ On the council's role in civic building, see Martin, L'urbanisme, 48–72; and Pont, Orner la cité, 352–86.

³⁸ See Rogers, G. M., “The Assembly of Imperial Ephesus,” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 94 (1992): 224–28Google Scholar. On the continued (but delimited) vitality of assemblies in the imperial Greek world, see Fernoux, Henri-Louis, Le demos et la cité: communautés et assemblées populaires en Asie mineure à l'époque impériale (Rennes, 2011)Google Scholar.

³⁹ References to popular unrest in imperial Greek cities are collected in De Ste. Croix, G.E.M., The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World (Ithaca, 1981), 307–13Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Colonnades were especially attractive candidates for cooperative benefaction, since even donors of relatively modest means could contribute a few columns (e.g., IvE #465, 3851–52). That the Arcadiane was constructed collaboratively is suggested both by an inscription (IvE #465) that records a benefactor's gift of a few columns and by contemporaneous parallels like the main colonnaded street at Perge (Heinzelmann, “Städtekonkurrenz”). The Council's direction of construction is clearest in a decree it issued commending urban renewal projects inspired by the newly-built Temple of Domitian (IvE #449, 11–14).

⁴¹ Portrait statues certainly stood along the Arcadiane. But since the street was reconstructed in late antiquity, the disposition of honorific statues along the colonnades must be extrapolated from better-preserved streets of the same vintage, like the example at Termessos. See VanNijf, Onno, “Public Space and the Political Culture of Roman Termessos,” in Van Nijf, Onno and Alston, Richard, eds., Political Culture in the Greek City after the Classical Age (Louvain, 2011), 215–42Google Scholar.

⁴² Smith, R.R.R., “Cultural Choice and Political Identity in Honorific Portrait Statues in the Greek East in the Second Century A.D.,” Journal of Roman Studies 88 (1998): 56–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ A number of inscriptions record grants of honorific portraits by the Ephesian assembly (e.g., IvE #615, 674, 682A, 683B, 1546).

⁴⁴ Martin, Roland, Recherches sur l'agora grecque: études d'histoire et d'architecture urbaines (Paris, 1951), 503–41Google Scholar; Emme, Burkhard, Peristyl und Polis: Entwicklung und Funktionen öffentlicher griechischer Hofanlagenperistyle (Berlin, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sielhorst, Barbara, Hellenistische Agorai: Gestaltung, Rezeption und Semantik eines urbanen Raumes (Berlin, 2015), 21–29Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ma, John, Statues and Cities: Honorific Portraits and Civic Identity in the Hellenistic World (Oxford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁶ The Upper Agora, the political center of Ephesus, was lined with porticoes in the third century BCE and extensively remodeled in the reign of Augustus. It was recently discovered that the Upper Agora was ringed by colonnades as early as the mid-Hellenistic period. For an online summary of these findings (not yet published), see http://www.uni-regensburg.de/philosophie-kunst-geschichte-gesellschaft/klassische-archaeologie/forschung/projekte/ephesos/index.html. On the Augustan reconstruction of the agora (which enhanced its monumental appearance), see Kenzler, Ulf, “Die augusteische Neugestaltung des Staatsmarkts von Ephesos” Hephaistos 24 (2006): 169–81Google Scholar; and Thür, Hilke, “Wie römisch ist der sog. Staatsmarkt in Ephesos?” in Meyer, M., ed., Neue Zeiten—Neue Sitten: Zu Rezeption und Integration römischen und italischen Kulturguts in Kleinasien (Vienna, 2007), 77–90Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Monumental streets can be conceptualized as extensions of the forum/agora; see MacDonald, William, The Architecture of the Roman Empire, II: An Urban Appraisal (New Haven, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Burns, Origins of the Colonnaded Streets, 52–72.

⁴⁹ To reference two of the best-known examples, a sanctuary of the Roman Emperors in Aphrodisias was modeled on the Forum of Nerva in Rome (R.R.R. Smith, Aphrodisias VI: The Marble Reliefs from the Julio-Claudian Sebasteion [Mainz, 2013]); and a scaled-down copy of the Pantheon was erected in the Sanctuary of Asclepius at Pergamum (Oskar Ziegenaus and Goia de Luca, Altertümer von Pergamon XI.3: Die Kulturbauten aus römischer Zeit an der Ostseite des heiligen Bezirks [Berlin, 1968], 30–75).

⁵⁰ Wilberg, Wilhelm, Forschungen in Ephesos III: Die Agora (Vienna, 1923), 189–213Google Scholar.

⁵¹ On the politically-conscious nature of Cosimo's patronage, see Forster, Kurt W., “Metaphors of Rule: Political Ideology and History in the Portraits of Cosimo I de’ Medici,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 15 (1971): 65–101Google Scholar. These projects have also been interpreted as attempts to translate memories of the Republic into the realm of history or art: Shearman, John, “Art or Politics in the Piazza?” in Nova, Alessandro and Schreurs, Anna, eds., Benvenuto Cellini: Kunst und Kunsttheorie im 16. Jahrhundert (Cologne, 2003), 31–32Google Scholar.

⁵² Kauffmann, Georg, “Das Forum von Florenz,” in Courtauld, J. et al. , eds., Studies in Renaissance & Baroque Art Presented to Anthony Blunt on His 60^th Birthday (London, 1967), 37–43Google Scholar; Lessmann, Studien zu einer Baumonographie, 167–70.

⁵³ The physical remains of the Forum of Augustus—thoroughly documented by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, Baldassare Peruzzi, Antonio Labacco, and other artists—were often confused with the nearby ruins of the Forum of Trajan. Plans of the ruins are collected in Bartoli, Alfonso, I monumenti antichi di Roma nei disegni degli Uffizi di Firenze (Florence, 1914–1922)Google Scholar; and discussed by Günther, Hubertus, Das Studium der antiken Architektur in den Zeichnungen der Hochrenaissance (Tübingen, 1988)Google Scholar. For an intriguing look at how the Forum of Augustus was understood in the sixteenth century, see Fulvius, Andrea, Antiquitates Urbis (Rome, 1527)Google Scholar, lib. III, fol. XLIIII.

⁵⁴ Suetonius, Divus Augustus 29.1–2, 31.5. On the Forum of Augustus, see the Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae II, 289–95, “Forum Augustum.”

⁵⁵ Lessmann, Studien zu einer Baumonographie, 223–25. The statues currently visible in the Uffizi courtyard were installed in the nineteenth century.

⁵⁶ On the idea of integrating exemplary sculptures and/or paintings into spaces associated with a ruler, compare Filarete, Trattati di architettura, A. M. Finoli and L. Grassi, eds. (Milan, I972), IX, 112–21; XIV, 186.

⁵⁷ “Orazione Terza in morte del Gran Duca Cosimo Primo,” in Prose Fiorentine raccolte dallo Smarrito Accademico della Crusca I (Venice, 1735), 25: “[Cosimo] fece quella gran fabbrica de’ Magistrati, l’ annestò al Palagio suo, e voleva nelle nicchie di que’ pilastri metter le statue de’ Cittadini illustri, e quasi in nuovo Ceramaico Ateniense, o Foro Romano, magnificare, e con generosa, e nobil dirittura distribuire, a’ suoi autori la Gloria della cittadinanza antica.” For other contemporary reactions to the Uffizi's gallery of virtue, see van Veen, H. T., Cosimo I de’ Medici and His Self-Representation in Florentine Art and Culture (New York, 2006), 84–85Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Crum, Roger J., “Cosmos, the World of Cosimo: The Iconography of the Uffizi Façade,” Art Bulletin 71 (1989): 237–53Google Scholar. Cosimo habitually likened himself to Augustus. The analogy appealed on multiple levels: Augustus had established lasting peace and prosperity, ruled justly, and, not least, put an end to the Roman Republic.

⁵⁹ Cosimo's addition of statues to the Piazza della Signoria can be regarded as an extension of his transformation of the Palazzo Vecchio into a personal residence. See Rubenstein, Nicolai, The Palazzo Vecchio, 1298–1532: Government, Architecture, and Imagery in the Civic Palace of the Florentine Republic (Oxford, 1995), 47–78Google Scholar; Starn, Randolph and Partridge, Loren, Arts of Power: Three Halls of State in Italy, 1300–1600 (Berkeley, 2012), 149–212Google Scholar.

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⁶¹ On how Renaissance spectators viewed and interpreted public art, see Shearman, John, Only Connect: Art and Spectator in the Italian Renaissance (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar. Whatever their economic background and level of education, all Florentines shared a basic field of reference for interpreting sculpture; see McHam, Sarah, “Structuring Communal History through Repeated Metaphors of Rule,” in Crum, R. and Paoletti, J., eds., Renaissance Florence: A Social History (New York, 2006), 104–37Google Scholar.

⁶² On the famous debate over this statue's placement, see Levine, Saul, “The Location of Michelangelo's David: The Meeting of January 25, 1504,” Art Bulletin 56 (1974): 31–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Parks, N. Randolph, “The Placement of Michelangelo's David: A Review of the Documents,” Art Bulletin 57 (1975): 560–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶³ It has also been suggested that, by juxtaposing Hercules and Cacus with Donatello's Judith and Holofernes, Cosimo wished to oppose the “male” vitality of his ducal rule to the effeminacy of the Republic. See Even, Yael, “The Loggia dei Lanzi: A Showcase of Female Subjugation,” Woman's Art Journal 12 (1991): 10–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶⁵ On the equestrian statue, see Gibbons, Mary, “Cosimo's Cavallo: A Study in Imperial Imagery,” in Eisenbichler, Konrad, ed., The Cultural Politics of Duke Cosimo I de’ Medici (London, 2001), 77–95Google Scholar. For a late-sixteenth century assessment of the statue, see Bocchi, Le bellezze … Firenze, 82–85.

⁶⁶ Heikamp, Detlef, “Poesie in vituperio del Bandinelli,” Paragone 175 (1964): 59–68Google Scholar; Weil-Garris, Kathleen, “On Pedestals: Michelangelo's David and Bandinelli's Hercules and Cacus and the Sculpture of the Piazza della Signoria,” Romisches jahrbuch fur Kunstgeschichte 20 (1983), 377–415Google Scholar; Milner, Stephen, “The Piazza della Signoria as a Practiced Place,” in Crum, R. and Paoletti, J., eds., Renaissance Florence: A Social History (New York, 2006), 102Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Waldman, Louis, “Miracol’ novo et raro: Two Unpublished Contemporary Satires on Bandinelli's Hercules,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 38 (1994): 419–27Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Milanesi, Le Opere, VIII, 221: “…mi è parso che quelle tante fatiche delli antichi cittadini e delli avoli vostri sieno state quassi che una scale a condurre il dignor duca Cosimo nella Gloria e nella felicità presente.”

⁶⁹ Like their Renaissance counterparts, ancient viewers were accustomed to viewing statues not only as artistic achievements or objects of devotion, but also as political tokens. See, for example, Dio Chrysostom's description of the famous statue of Zeus at Olympia (Oration 12.55–84) and Pausanias’ exhaustive descriptions of many statues and sculptural assemblages in the cities of Roman Greece. For a useful discussion, see Pollitt, J. J., The Ancient View of Greek Art: Criticism, History, and Terminology (Yale, 1974)Google Scholar. It is possible that nymphaea and other structures with extensive sculptural ensembles received a speech of dedication explaining their programs; see Pernot, Laurent, La rhétorique de l'éloge dans le monde gréco-romain (Paris, 1993), 240–41Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Pleket, “Political Culture,” 208–10.

⁷¹ On the growth of large estates, see Pont, Anne-Valerie, “Élites civiques et propriété foncière: les effets de l'intégration à l'empire sur une cité grecque moyenne, à partir de l'exemple d'Iasos,” in Lerouxel, F. and Pont, A.-V., eds., Propriétaires et citoyens dans l'Orient romain (Bourdeux, 2016), 233–60Google Scholar. On the provincial councils, see Edelmann-Singer, Babette, Koina und Concilia: Genese, Organisation und sozioökonomische Funktion der Provinziallandtage im römischen Reich (Stuttgart, 2015)Google Scholar.

⁷² Digest 50.7.5.5.

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⁷⁴ In the mid-second century, for example, the city of Rhodiapolis was dominated by a single, immensely wealthy benefactor. See Çevik, N. et al. , “Rhodiapolis, a Unique Example of Lycian Urbanism,” Adalya 13 (2010): 29–64Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Scherrer, Peter, “Die Stadt als Festplatz: Das Beispiel der ephesischen Bauprogramme rund um die Kaiserneokorien Domitians und Hadrians,” in Rüpke, Jörg, Festrituale in der römischen Kaiserzeit (Tübingen, 2008), 47–54Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ The dedicatory inscription of the Arch of Hadrian, originally dedicated to Trajan, is extremely fragmentary (IvE #329). It is conceivable that Aristion himself had some hand in its construction.

⁷⁷ For a useful overview, see Jennifer Chi, Studies in the Programmatic Statuary of Roman Asia Minor (PhD diss., New York University, 2002). On the significance of the sculptural programs of nymphaea, see Dorl-Klingenschmid, Claudia, Prunkbrunnen in kleinasiatischen Städten: Funktion im Kontext (Munich, 2001), 86–102Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Quatember, Ursula, Forschungen in Ephesos XI.2: Das Nymphaeum Traiani (Vienna, 2011), 65–78Google Scholar, 101–3.

⁷⁹ On the decoration of nymphaea, see the discussion in Dorl-Klingenschmid, Prunkbrunnen, 96–97. Compare Fuchs, Michaela, Untersuchungen zur Ausstattung römischer Theater in Italien und den Westprovinzen des Imperium Romanum (Mainz, 1987), 185–88Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Around the time the Nymphaeum was begun, Pliny wrote a letter (Epistle 6.31.3) mentioning Aristion's local preeminence and connections with Rome.

⁸¹ IvE #424: “[Ἀ]ρτέμιδι Ἐϕ[ε]σίᾳ κα[ὶ] Αὐ[τοκράτορι] Νέρουᾳ Τρα[ιανῶι Κα]ίσα[ρι Σεβαστῶ]ι Γερμ̣[ανικ]ῷ Δακικῶι καὶ τῇ πατρίδι….”

⁸² Compare Low, Setha, On the Plaza: the Politics of Public Space and Culture (Austin, 2000), 84–101Google Scholar; and Inomata, Takeshi, “Plazas, Performers, and Spectators: Political Theaters of the Classic Maya,” Current Anthropology 47 (2006): 805–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ I borrow the term “cue” from Amos Rapoport. According to him, environmental cues “communicate identity, status, and the like and through this they establish a context and define a situation. The subjects read the cues, identify the situation and the context, and act accordingly.” The Meaning of the Built Environment: A Nonverbal Communication Approach (London, 1982), 56Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ On the significance of the ruler's body in Early Modern Europe, see the useful survey in Smuts, Malcolm and Gorse, George, “Introduction,” in Fantoni, Marcello, Gorse, George, and Smuts, Malcolm. eds., The Politics of Space: European Courts, ca. 1500–1700 (Rome, 2009), 16–35Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ It has been suggested, for example, that the Strada Nuova of Genoa was designed as a permanent setting for increasingly elaborate ceremonies of welcome; see Gorse, George, “Between Empire and Republic: Triumphal Entries into Genoa during the Sixteenth Century,” in “All the World's a Stage…”: Art and Pageantry in the Renaissance and Baroque (University Park, Penn., 1990), 203Google Scholar. Compare the route of the papal possesso in Rome, gradually monumentalized to complement the ceremony; Nuti, Lucia, “Re-Moulding the City: The Roman Possessi in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century,” in Mulryne, J. R., ed., Ceremonial Entries in Early Modern Europe: The Iconography of Power (Burlington, 2015), 113–34Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Barbaro, I Dieci Libri dell' Architettura, 129: “é necessario, bello & commodo nella città che oltra le strade & le vie ci siano delle piazza … egli si ha questo commodo, che iui si runano le genti a passeggiare … & si dà luogo a molti spettacoli.” On Barbaro's association of orderly architecture with an orderly society, see Tafuri, Manfredo, “La norma e il programma,” in Morresi, Manuela, ed., I dieci libri dell'architettura tradotti e commentati da Daniele Barbaro (Milan, 1987)Google Scholar, XVIIf.

⁸⁷ Hart and Hicks, Serlio on Architecture, 88–91; see Onians, John, Bearers of Meaning: The Classical Orders in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance (Princeton, 1988), 284–85Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ De conscribenda vita Magni Ducis Hetruriae Cosmi Medices V, F. 79: “Et modo Magnus Dux aedes iudicalis fori sumptu articioque maximo farbrefactas et foro Civium proximas constituens declaravit: Cum publicae potestatis magna ubique authoritas augustiore conspecta loco … illorum qui muneri eiusmodi administrando preaesint plurimum interesse credatur, si oculis omnium, et principis praesertim expositi….”

⁸⁹ Earlier Medici had contemplated broadly similar projects. In the last decades of the fifteenth century, Lorenzo the Magnificent planned, but never executed, a major construction program centered on the creation of two new avenues and the erection of colonnades on the Piazza dell’ Annunziata. The new streets and embellished piazza were probably intended to frame a projected Medici palace, and movement to and from it. See Elam, Caroline, “Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Urban Development of Renaissance Florence,” Art History 1 (1978): 43–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tafuri, Manfredo, Interpreting the Renaissance: Princes, Cities, Architects, Sherer, D., trans. (New Haven, 2006), 60–67Google Scholar. Compare Brunelleschi's earlier plan for a plaza in front of the Medici palazzo (Milanesi, Le Opere, II, 371–72).

⁹⁰ Giorgio Vasari il Giovane, La città ideale: Piante di chiese (palazzi e ville) di Toscana e d'Italia. A cura di Virginia Stefanelli (Rome, 1970), 98–99Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Sansoni, Diario Fiorentino, 301.

⁹² See Lessmann, Studien zu einer Baumonographie, 166–67 on the ritual functions of the Uffizi courtyard.

⁹³ Sansoni, G. C., ed., Diario Fiorentino di Agostino Lapini (Florence, 1900), 231Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Cosimo's funeral: Sansoni, Diario Fiorentino, 185; see also Borsook, Eve, “Art and Politics at the Medici Court I: The Funeral of Cosimo I de' Medici,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 12 (1965): 31–54Google Scholar, 37–38. The evidence for Fransceso's funeral derives from the diary of an anonymous Florentine cited by Lessmann, Studien zu einer Baumonographie, 448 n716.

⁹⁵ On the theatrical qualities of the Uffizi courtyard, see Fleming, Alison, “Presenting the Spectators as the Show: The Piazza degli Uffizi as Theater and Stage,” Sixteenth Century Journal 37 (2006): 701–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the general evolution and significance of stage setting in this period, see Strong, Roy, Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals, 1450–1650 (Berkeley, 1984), 32–35Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ For a useful survey, see the contributions in Fagiolo, Marcello, ed., La città efimera e l'universo artificiale del giardino: la Firenze dei Medici e l'Italia del '500 (Rome, 1980)Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Shearman, John, “The Florentine Entrata of Leo X, 1515,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 38 (1975): 136–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁸ Ettlinger, Leopold, “Hercules Florentinus,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 16 (1972): 119–42Google Scholar, 128f.

⁹⁹ The fullest account is P. Ginori Conti, L'apparato per le nozze di Francesco de' Medici e di Giovanna d'Austria (Florence, 1936). Useful studies include: Scorza, R. A., “Vincenzo Borghini and Invenzione: The Florentine Apparato of 1565,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 44 (1981): 57–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; van Veen, Henk, “Republicanism in the Visual Propaganda of Cosimo I de' Medici,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 55 (1992): 200–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Starn and Partridge, Arts of Power, 151–89. Compare Saslow, James M., The Medici Wedding of 1589: Florentine Festival as Theatrum Mundi (New Haven, 1996)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Several recent studies have examined the interrelations of public movement and setting in the Classical world. See Laurence, Ray and Newsome, David J., eds., Rome, Ostia, Pompeii: Movement and Space (Oxford, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Laurence, Ray, “Streets and Facades,” in Ulrich, Roger B., and Quenemoen, Caroline K., eds., A Companion to Roman Architecture (Malden, Mass., 2014), 399–411Google Scholar; and Östenberg, Ida, Malmberg, Simon, and Bjørnebye, Jonas, eds., The Moving City: Processions, Passages and Promenades in Ancient Rome (London, 2015)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ On the one hand, they were degraded by their association with busybodies, the indigent, and the idle; on the other, they were sanctified by the practice of politics. See Christopher Dickenson, On the Agora: Power and Public Space in Hellenistic and Roman Greece (PhD thesis, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, 2012), 315–62. For a useful list of terms imperial Greeks associated with the agora, see Pollux, Onomastikon 3: 126–27.

¹⁰² Buildings for the performance of plays, speeches, and other products of Hellenic elite culture proliferated on agoras in the early imperial era; see Dickenson, Christopher, On the Agora. The Evolution of a Public Space in Hellenistic and Roman Greece (Boston, 2017), 370–77Google Scholar. The agora of Thasos provides a particularly well-documented example of the formalization and monumentalization that transformed so many agoras in the early imperial era. See Marc, Jean-Yves, “L'agora de Thasos du IIe siècle av. J.-C. au Ier siècle ap. J.-C.: état des recherches,” in Marc, J. and Moretti, J., eds., Constructions publiques et programmes édilitaires en Grèce entre le IIe siècle av. J.-C. et le Ier siècle ap. J.-C (Athens, 2001), 495–516Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ De vitioso pudore 16 (Moralia 535B). Compare Dio Chrysostom, Oration 7.133–34; Artemidorus, Oneirocritica 1.76.53; and Apuleius, Metamorphoses 2.2.

¹⁰⁴ Greek declamations of the imperial era habitually describe both streets and agoras as possessions of the people; see Russell, Donald, Greek Declamation (Cambridge, 1983), 21–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Compare Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 212f, and Libanius, Oration 11.213–17.

¹⁰⁵ Östenberg, Malmberg, and Bjørnebye, Moving City; Hartnett, Jeremy, The Roman Street: Urban Life and Society in Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Rome (Cambridge, 2017), 84–111CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ On walking, see Hoyland, Robert, “The Leiden Polemon,” in Swain, Simon, ed., Seeing the Face, Seeing the Soul (Oxford, 2007), 439–43Google Scholar; and O'Sullivan, Timothy, Walking in Roman Culture (Cambridge, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Compare Revell, Roman Imperialism, 150–90. See more generally de Certeau, Michel, The Practice of Everyday Life, Rendall, Steven, trans. (Berkeley, 1984), 91–110Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Wealthy men in the mid-imperial east often commissioned sarcophagi decorated with stylized arcades, on which they and their families appeared as statues, or suspended walkers, on a colonnaded street. See Thomas, Edmund, “Houses of the Dead? Columnar Sarcophagi as Micro-Architecture,” in Elsner, Jas and Huskinson, Janet, eds., Life, Death and Representation: Some New Work on Roman Sarcophagi (Berlin, 2011), 387–435Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ A useful summary of civic ritual in imperial Greek cities is provided by Fritz Graf, Roman Festivals in the Greek East (Cambridge, 2015), 11–60. The influence of ritual in encouraging the development of formalized built environments is discussed in a late antique context by Dey, Hendrik, The Afterlife of the Roman City: Architecture and Ceremony in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2015)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ It has been suggested, for example, that a statue of a satyr erected in a prominent place near the Nymphaeum of Trajan was referenced, or played some role in, Dionysiac processions along the Embolos. Helmut Englemann, “Statue und Standort (IvE 507),” in Ekkehard Weber and Gerhard Dobesch, eds., Römische Geschichte, Altertumskunde und Epigraphik: Festschrift für Artur Betz zur Vollendung seines 80. Lebensjahres (Vienna, 1985), 249–55.

¹¹⁰ Cavalier, Laurence and Courtils, Jacques Des, “Degrés et Gradins en Bordure de Rue: Aménagements pour les Pompai?” in Ballet, Pascale, Saliou, Catherine, and Dieudonné-Glad, Nadine, eds., La rue dans l'Antiquité: définition, aménagement et devenir de l'Orient méditerranéen à la Gaule (Rennes, 2008), 83–92Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Bérenger, Agnes, “L’ Adventus des Gouverneurs de Province,” in Bérenger, A. and Perrin-Saminadayar, E., eds., Les entrées royales et impériales: histoire, représentation et diffusion d'une cérémonie publique, de l'Orient ancien à Byzance (Paris, 2009), 123–38Google Scholar.

¹¹² See especially Hamon, Patrice, “Le Conseil et la participation des citoyens: mutations de la basse époque hellénistique,” in Fröhlich, Pierre and Müller, Christel, eds., Citoyenneté et participation à la basse époque hellénistique (Droz, 2005), 121–44Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Rogers, Guy, The Sacred Identity of Ephesos: Foundation Myths of a Roman City (New York, 1991), 80–126Google Scholar.