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Social Security, Incentives, and Controls in the U.S. and U.S.S.R.*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 June 2009
Extract
One of the most important developments in the relationship between the state and the individual citizen during the present century has been the growth in the rights of the citizen to claim economic services and cash benefits from the state. Social security programs, which have appeared in nearly every country of the world, are a central feature of this development. Their main purpose has been the prevention of poverty through protection of the individual and his family against loss of income and against certain financial burdens. The growth of these rights, while greatly enriching the status of citizenship, has always been confronted with certain fundamental economic and social questions. What is likely to be the long-run effect on the work habits and productivity of the mass of the people once a nation has eliminated the fear of destitution? Will a growing sense of security increase productivity? Or is it likely that the more surely individuals can count on essential services and minimal incomes, the greater will be the danger of drifting into indifferent work habits? Such a drift would probably take the form of a subtle change in values rather than a dramatic shift in attitude. Whatever the effect may be, it must certainly depend on the nature of the rights granted, social values and attitudes, and a country's economic and socio-political order.
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- Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1961
References
1 A note on terminology. “Social security” in this paper is used as a generic term for governmental measures designed to protect individual or family income and to provide certain services. It includes social insurance, public assistance, and social service. “Social insurance” is used to refer specifically to programs with work-related benefits which are financed at least in part by specific taxes. “Public assistance” is used for programs financed out of general revenue with benefits given on the basis of need. Most of the discussion will have reference to social insurance programs.
2 Those opposing social security programs have always stressed presumed harmful effects. Those who favor them are more interested in finding out at what point and under what conditions public income guarantees may have adverse economic effects. T. H. Marshall throws interesting light on this question in tracing the growth of citizenship rights from the acquisition of civil rights in the 18th century, to political rights in the 19th, to social rights in the 20th century. See Citizenship and Social Class (Cambridge, 1950).
3 In the U.S. public income-maintenance program expenditures rose from $9,149 billions in 1949–50 to $26,146 billions (projected) in 1959–60. The U.S.S.R. state social insurance budget rose from 17.2. billion rubles in 1950 to 70.2 billion rubles (planned) in 1960. Figures for the U.S. are from Ida Merrian, C., “Social Security Status of the American People”, Social Security Bulletin, XXIII, No. 8 (August 1960), p. 8.Google Scholar U.S.S.R. data are from “Tsentral'noe Statisticheskoe Upravlenie pri Sovete Ministrov SSSR”, Narodnoe Khoziaistvo SSSR v. 1958 Godu (Moscow, 1959), p. 906, and from Larin, A., “Leninskie Printsipy Sotsial'nogo Strakhovanii, Vottloshchaiutsia v Zhizni”, Okhrana Truda i Sotsialnoe Strakhovanie, No. 3 (March 1960), p. 9.Google Scholar
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21 It is noteworthy, however, that in 1959 both Great Britain and Sweden introduced graduated benefits on top of a flat base rate, which is a move away from the traditional income equality aim in favor of incentive considerations.
22 “On the Nature of Soviet State Social Insurance”, p. 6. It may be worth pointing out also that while in America a worker may institute a civil suit in a U.S. court to enforce his benefit claim, Soviet courts have no such jurisdiction. This does not mean that a Soviet worker can be arbitrarily deprived of his benefits, but the fact that the trade unions and administrative agencies make final decisions reflects an important difference in the conception of the worker's right. See Aleksandrov, N. G., Sovetskoe Trudovoe Pravo, 2nd ed. (Moscow, 1959), pp. 359–363.Google Scholar
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26 See L. la. Gintsburg, Trudovoi Stazh Rabochikh i Sluzhashchikh (Moscow, 1958), p. 74.
27 The existence of the decree does not mean that in practice self-employed persons actually received benefits. Its significance lies in its attitude toward the right to benefits.
28 The development of the service requirements is traced in Gintsburg, op. cit.
29 Ibid., p. 66.
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35 See Current Digest of the Soviet Press, VIII, No. 13 (May 9, 1956), 30–31.
36 See “New Principles Come into Force for the Award of Sickness Benefits”, Bulletin of the International Social Security Association, XI, No. 4–5 (April-May, 1958), 197–198.Google Scholar For a recent official collection of laws regulating sickness, maternity, and other short-term benefits see Gosudarstvennoe Sotsial'noe Strakhovanie (sbornik ofitsial'nykh materialov) (Moscow, 1959). For compact but highly useful descriptions in English see “Social Security in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics”, Social Security Bulletin, XXII, No. 8 (August 1959), 3–7;Google Scholar and Myers, Robert J. “Economic Security in the Soviet Union”, Transaction of the Society of Actuaries, XI (November 1959) 723–745.Google Scholar
37 Up to date rules on pensions and related matters are contained in Pensionnoe Obespechenie v SSSR, 2nd enlarged ed. (Moscow, 1960).
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