¹ Unless otherwise indicated, Honorata's story is drawn from Juizo do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça, Revista Civel, defendant, Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, Rio de Janeiro, 1872, Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Seção do Poder Judiciário, Caixa 10.965 [new cataloguing], especially fls. 3, 3v–4, 5v, 6, 14, 14v, 17, 18–18v, 63, 63v–65v, 66–66v, 67–68, 69v–70, 71v, 73v, 75, 76v, 77–92v, 106– 106v, 110, 133, 135 [hereafter cited as ANSPJ; court cases on second and subsequent citation are cited by name of defendant and date].

² The free women who counted among the prostitutes of the city are outside my concern here; on the total number, slave and free, see note 7, below.

³ The procedure had its origins as early as the sixteenth century, see Almeida, Cândido Mendes de, comp., Código Philippino; on Ordenaçōes e leis do reino de Portugal, recopilados por mandado d'el-rey D. Philippe I. 14 ed. segundo a primeira de 1603 e a nona de Coimbra de 1824. Addicionada com diversas notas … (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. do Instituto Philomathico, 1870),Google Scholar Liv. 3, Titulo XX.

⁴ The phrase is Corbin's, Alain, “Commercial Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century France: A System of Images and Regulations,” Representations, 14 (Spring 1986), 209–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ In 1872 Rio de Janeiro was larger than New Orleans or Havana and had the largest remaining slave population of any city in the Americas: More than 37,000 slave women and men (in nearly equal numbers) accounted for 16 percent of the city's total urban population of 228,743. Another 54,000 free mulattos and blacks brought the colored population to more than 91,000 or about 40 percent of the total. Of all blacks and mulatta women (45,012), slaves accounted for nearly 42 percent. See Brazil, , Directoria Geral de Estatistica, Recenseamento da populacdo do Imperio do Brazil a que se procedeu no dia 1” de agosto de 1872 (Rio de Janeiro: Leuzinger, 1873–1876),Google Scholar Municipio Neutro, pp. 1–33. Historians have only begun to identify the complex and often ambiguous life situations of slaves in urban Brazil, see Karasch, Mary, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987);Google ScholarReis, Joāo José, Rebeliāo escrava no Brasil (Sāo Paulo: Brasiliense, 1986);Google Scholar and Graham, Sandra Lauderdale, House and Street: The Domestic World of Servants and Masters in Nineteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

⁶ Gonçalves dos Santos, Luiz (Padre Perereca), Memórias para servir à história do reino do Brasil, 2 vols., annotated by Francisco Agenor de Noronha Santos (Sāo Paulo: Editora Itatiaia, 1981), I: 99,Google Scholar 101, 103, 120–1, 126, 136–7.

⁷ Lassance Cunha, Herculano Augusto, Dissertçādo sobre a prostituiçäo, em particular na cidade do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Impartial de Francisco Paulo Brito, 1845), 19,Google Scholar cited in Carlos Soares, Luiz, Rameiras, ilhoas, cocotes, polacas e bagaxas: A prostituiçāo no Rio de Janeiro do século XIX (Sāo Paulo: Ática,Google Scholar forthcoming [pp. 26, 47 of typescript], and kindly lent to me while the book was in press; the total number was 1,171, in Macedo, Francisco Ferrez, Da prostituiçāo em geral, e em particular em relaçāo à cidade do Rio de Janeiro: prophylaxia da syphilis (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Acadêmica, 1873), 136–45;Google Scholar on the spatial distribution of prostitution in Paris, see Geremek, Bronislaw, The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris, Birrell, Jean, trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 87–94,Google Scholar 211–41.

⁸ Juizo do Comercio da I^a Vara Civel, defendant, Duarte, Fonseca & Cia., Rio de Janeiro, 1881, ANSPJ, Maço 3149, N. 4530.

⁹ Juizo de Direito da 2^a Vara Civel, Acçā de Liberdade, defendant, Cleria Leopoldina de Oliveira, Rio de Janeiro, 1871, ANSPJ, Maço 855, N. 3837, fls. 2, 1 lv; Juizo de Direito da 2^a Vara Civel, Acçāo Summaria de Liberdade pela parda Felicianna por seu curador, defendant, Leonarda Maria da Conceiçāo, Rio de Janeiro, 1871, ANSPJ, Caixa 1611, N. 2577, fls. 37, 14; Juizo de Direito da 2^a Vara Civel, Libello de Liberdade pela escrava Corina por seu curador, defendant, Anna Valentina da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, 1869, ANSPJ, Caixa 1624, N. 2781, fl. 69v.

¹⁰ Macedo, Da prostituiçāo, 74, 79; the Diccionario da Lingua Portugueza, 8th ed., rev., 2 vols. Antonio de Moraes Silva, comp. (Rio de Janeiro: Empreza Litteraria Fluminense, 1889–91), defined zungú as a place renting small rooms for a low price to “persons of infamous condition, serving also as a refuge for wrong-doers, vagabonds, etc.”

¹¹ Anna Valentina da Silva, 1869, fls. 3, 70v, 71, 74, 109v.

¹² Almeida, José Ricardo Pires de, Homosexualismo (a libertinagem no Rio de Janeiro): estudo sobre as perversōes e inversōes do instincto genital (Rio de Janeiro: Laemert, 1906), 72,Google Scholar cited in Soares, A prostituiçāo no Rio de Janeiro [p. 51 of typescript].

¹³ Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, 1872, fl. 69v; Juizo de Direito da 2^a Vara Civel, defendant, Rosalina Bandeira, Rio de Janeiro, 1871, ANSPJ, Maço 813, N. 17802, fl. 3v.

¹⁴ Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, 1872, fls. 3, 18–18v, 67, 68, 69; Leonarda Maria da Conceição, 1871, fls. 44, 44v, 13v.

¹⁵ Macedo, Da prostituiçāo, 74; Juizo de Direito da 2^a Vara Civel, Liberdade pelo Traslado, defendant, Julia Catharina Coital, Rio de Janeiro, 1871, ANSPJ, Caixa 5802 [new cataloguing], fls. 20v, 33.

¹⁶ Leonarda Maria da Conceiçāo, 1871, fl. 44v; Cleria Leopoldina de Oliveira, 1871, fls. 10, llv–18v. The distinction mattered, for once freed a person could not legally be reduced to the condition of slave.

¹⁷ For discussion on the culturally required duties toward slaves, see Graham, Lauderdale, House and Street, 3, 91–96.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Anna Valentina da Silva, 1869, fls. 3–3v, 10, 11, 17, 20v, 71, 74, 109v.

¹⁹ Anna Valentina da Silva, 1869, fls. 10, 20v. The roda or wheel was the base of a rotating cylinder on which goods or an infant could be placed from the street, then turned and received by someone inside without either party being visible to the other. Common at the convents of cloistered orders, the wheel became in Brazil a social institution, see Fazenda, José Vieira, “A roda (casa dos expostos),” Revista do Institute Hislórico e Geográfico Brasileiro Tomo LXXI, vol. 118, pt. II (1908), 155;Google ScholarSoares, Ubaldo, O passado heróico da Casa dos Expostos (Rio de Janeiro: Fundaçāo Romāo de Matos Duarte, 1959), 228;Google Scholar Lauderdale Graham, House and Street, 84.

²⁰ Carta de Liberdade (hereafter cited as CL), Rio de Janeiro, 1 March 1871, ANSPJ, Cartório do Primeiro Ofício, Registro Geral, Liv. 77, 1870–71, fls. 108v–109 (hereafter cited as ANSPJ, CPO); Julia Catharina Cortal, 1871, fls. 27–30v, 21, 22v; Francisco de Faria Lemos, Chefe de Policia, “Relatorio do Chefe de Policia da Côrte,” in Brazil, Justiça, Ministerio da, Relatorio (1871), 21–22;Google Scholar a translation of the main portion of the report appears in Conrad, Robert E., Children of God's Fire: A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 130–2Google Scholar [translations from the original report are mine].

²¹ Juizo de Direito da 1^a Vara Civel, defendant, Honorata, crioula, Rio de Janeiro, 1873, Maço 2385, N. 2088, fl. 5v. On abandoned slaves, see Laws, Brazil, statutes, etc., Coleçāo das Leis do Brazil, Decreto 2433, 15 06 1859,Google Scholar Cap. IV, Art. 85, “Sāo bens do evento os escravos, gado, ou bestas, achados, sem se saber o dono a quern pertençāo” (hereafter cited as Leis do Brasil); and commentary by Saes, Décio, A formaçāo do estado burguês no Brasil, 1888–1891 (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1985), 142–3.Google Scholar

²² On the numbers of free blacks and mulattos, see n. 5 above. Leonarda Maria de Conceiçāo, 1871, fl. 14; Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, 1872, fls. 3, 18, 67v; Honorata, 1873, fls. 25, 27–27v.

²³ She was not the only one. Alexandrina Roza de Jesus had the judge himself summoned for “an excess of authority” that “deprived [her] of possession … of the mulatta slave Anna … and her daily earnings” (see Juizo de Direito da 1^a Vara Civel, Protesto, defendant, Miguel José Tavares, Rio de Janeiro, 1871, ANSPJ, Maço 581, N. 4399, fls. 2, 6; see also Juizo Municipal, 1^a Vara Civel, Autos de Requerimento, supplicante, Fortunee Levy, Rio de Janeiro, 1871, ANSPJ, Caixa 7.286 [new cataloguing]; Julia Catharina Cortal, 1871, fl. 9).

²⁴ Juizo de Direito da 2^a Vara Civel, Execuçāo de Sentençe, defendant, Honorata, crioula, Rio de Janeiro, 1873, ANSPJ, Maço 2385, N. 2088, fls. 23, 26, 27–28.

²⁵ Although the case dealt only with the slave woman Belmira, initially she is listed as one of six female slaves bringing suit against their owners—two women and four men—for their liberty. Belmira's story is drawn from: Côrte de Apelaçāo, Acçāo de Liberdade pela Belmira por seu curador, defendant, Francisco da Veiga Abreu, Rio de Janeiro, 1872, ANSPJ, Caixa 11.158 [new cataloguing], esp. fls. 2, 4v, 11, 11v, 12, 20, 21, 21v, 22, 32, 33, 33v, 35v–37v, 39v, 40, 41v, 44v, 45, 46v, 47 v, 60v.

²⁶ She was variously described by others as mulatta, cabrinha (literally little goat), or fula. Fula, once used for blacks originating in or descended from Africans of Guinea whose hair was frizzy and reddish-yellow in color, came to mean simply mestizo, someone descended of black and white or black and mulatto parents (see Novo Diciondrio da Lingua Portuguesa, comp. Aurélio Buarque de Holanda Ferreira [Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1975]Google Scholar).

²⁷ The coincidences pile up: On the same day Honorata fled to the police to make her statement, the six slaves identified in Belmira's case were removed from the custody of their owners; the trustee appointed for Honorata also acted for one of the six slaves in Belmira's case; and the defense lawyer for Maria Eleneria de Albuquerque also defended other slaveowners. Francisco da Veiga Abreu, 1872, fls. 11, 43–43v, 46; Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, 1872, fls. I4–14v, 81, 105v–106v.

²⁸ Tavares' position was consistent with the law. Since the 1840s police and judicial functions overlapped, granting police considerable power. Not until September 1871 did a law reforming judicial procedure separate their functions. From November when the law went into effect, a judge could no longer simultaneously act as police commissioner. By October Tavares had been replaced as judge, whether in early compliance with the law or because his tenure of office had ended is not clear. See Lei no. 2033, 20 September 1871, Leis do Brasil, Art. 1, pars. 4, 5, 6; Decreto no. 4824, 22 November 1871, Leis do Brasil, Arts. 7 and 9.

²⁹ For the text of the extraordinary letter sent to the minister of justice and included in his annual report to Parliament, see Miguel José Tavares, Municipal Judge, 2^a Vara, to Francisco de Faria Lemos, Chefe de Policia, Rio de Janeiro, 18 March 1871, in Chefe de Policia, “Relatorio,” in Brazil, Justiça, Ministerio da, Relatorio, 1871, 21;Google Scholar for further correspondence, see Miguel José Tavares to Francisco de Faria Lemos, Rio de Janeiro, 18 February 1871; Ofício do Chefe de Policia da Corte ao Ministro e Secretário dos Negocios da Justiça, Rio de Janeiro, 20 February 1871; and Chefe de Policia, Francisco de Faria Lemos to Juiz Municipal da 2^a Vara, Rio de Janeiro, 18 January 1871, all in Documentaçāo nāo catalogada (5B–511), 17.4 Institutiçōes Policiais/Polōcia da Côrte, ANSPJ.

³⁰ Standard letters of manumission are abundant; for specific examples, see CL, Rio de Janeiro, 3 February 1871, 23 February 1871, 18 April 1871, ANSPJ, CPO, Registro Geral, Liv. 77, 1870–71, fls. 95v–96, 103–103v, 122; CL, Rio de Janeiro, 9 January 1871, ANSPJ, Cartório do Segundo Oficio, Registro Geral, Liv. 107, 1870–71, fl. 133v (hereafter cited as ANSPJ, CSO); CL, Rio de Janeiro, 5 January 1871, 12 January 1871, and 16 January 1871, ANSPJ, Cartório do Terceiro Ofício, Registro Geral, Liv. 32, 1870–71, fls. 69v, 71, 74–74v (hereafter cited as ANSPJ, CTO).

³¹ For the months of January through April, see Registro Geral, ANSPJ-CPO, Liv. 77, 1870–71, fls. 89–124; CSO, Liv. 107, 1870–71, fls. 131v–178v; CTO, Liv. 32, fls. 68v–98v, and Liv. 33, 1870–71, fls. 10–24; those in February and March of 1871 clearly contrast with ones from the same period in the previous year, when most of the slaves freed were older and many were men (see Registro Geral, ANSPJ-CPO, Liv. 74, 1868–70, fls. 155–185)

³² CL, Rio de Janeiro, 23 February 1871, ANSPJ, CPO, RegistroGeral, Liv. 77, 1870–71, fl. 103v; CL, Rio de Janeiro, 23 February 1871, ANSPJ, CSO, Registro Geral, Liv. 107, 1870–71, fl. 158; CL, Rio de Janeiro, 23 February 1871, ANSPJ, CTO, RegistroGeral, Liv. 32, 1870–71, fl. 90.

³³ CL, Rio de Janeiro, 28 February 1871, ANSPJ, CPO, Registro Geral, Liv. 77, 1870–71, fls. 108–108 v.

³⁴ CL, Rio de Janeiro, 22 April 1871, ANSPJ, CPO, Registro Geral, Liv. 77, 1870–71, fl. 122v; Escriptura de locaçāo de serviços, Rio de Janeiro, 24 April 1871, ANSPJ, CPO, Escripturas, Liv. 315, fls. 34v–35. Conditional freedom was effected by a notarized and legally binding agreement that either could be registered separately, once the woman was freed, or included in her letter of manumission. Such an arrangement left slaves with a highly ambiguous status. Agostinho Marques Perdigāo Malheiro argued that from the date of the contract freedom could not be revoked and the slave could not be mortgaged or sold but had only a future right to full freedom, see A escravidāo no Brasil: ensaio histórico-jurídico-social, 3 parts in 1 vol. (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Nacional, 1866–1867), par. 112–3, pp. 144–5;Google Scholar par. 125, pp. 160–72.

³⁵ Brazil, da Justiça, Ministerio, Relatorio (1870) 61;Google Scholar Francisco de Faria Lemos, Secretaria de Policia da Cô;rte to Ministro da Justiäe, Rio de Janeiro, 25 July 1870, Confidencial, Arquivo Nacional, Seçāo do Poder Executive IJ–6, 518, Secretaria de Policia da Côrte, Ofícios com anexos, 1870–73; José Pereira Rego, “Relatorio do Presidente da Junta de Hygiene Publica,” Anexo H, p. 7, in Brazil, da Justiça, Ministerio, Relatorio (1870).Google Scholar

³⁶ Jornal do Commercio [hereafter cited as JC], 16 February 1871, “Gazetilha,” p. 1, col. 2; 26 February 1871, p. 1, col. 3; 12 March 1871, p. 1, col. 4; 26 March, p. 1, col. 5.

³⁷ JC, 19 February 1871, p. 3, col. 5; 21 February 1871, p. 2, col. 4, 22 and 23 February 1871, p. 1, col. 6; 6 March 1871, p. 1, col. 6; 24 March 1871, p. 3, col. 3; Diário do Rio de Janeiro, 27 February 1871, p. 1.

³⁸ de Azevedo, Luiz Corrêa, “Da prostituiçāo no Rio de Janeiro,” Anais Brasilienses de Medicina, 21:6 (11 1869), 210–2,Google Scholar 215–6, 222, 223–4. Catharina Cortal (1871), fls. 2 7 –30v, 21, 22v.

³⁹ Azevedo, “Da prostituiçāo,” 212, 225–6. For recent discussions on the discourse of control and zones in which promiscuous, explicit sexual behavior could be allowed because it was contained and sanitized, see Luis Carlos Soares, “Da necessidade do bordel higienizado: tentativas de controle da prostituicao carioca no seculo XIX,” and Engel, Magali G., “O mçdico, a prostituta e os significados do corpo doente,” in História e sexualidade no Brasil, Vainfas, Ronaldo, ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Graal, 1986), 143–68,Google Scholar and 169–90; Engel, Magali G., “A cidade, as prostitutas e os medicos,” Revista do Rio de Janeiro, 1:3 (Agosto 1986), 31–39.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ [Proposal], Rio de Janeiro, [1879], Arquivo Geral da Cididade do Rio de Janeiro, Prostituiäāo, Projectos … da Junta Sanitaria Policial baseados nas deliberaäōes da Assembléa Legislativa, 1878, 1879, 1884, Cod. 48–4–59, fls. 3, 4, 11, 16; Brazil, da Justiäa, Ministerio, Relatorio (1875), 184;Google Scholar as late as 1883, Joaquim Nabuco wrote that masters could still employ their female slaves as prostitutes without danger of losing their property (O Abolicionismo [1883; rpt. Recife: Fundaäāo Joaquim Nabuco, 1988], 130).

⁴¹ Most useful for comparison of the details of state regulation are, Harsin, Jill, Policing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985);Google ScholarGibson, Mary, Prostitution and the State in Italy, 1860–1910 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1986),Google Scholar especially 13–23; and Walkowitz, Judith, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980);CrossRefGoogle ScholarCorbin, Alain, Women for Hire: Prostitution and Sexuality in France after 1850, Seridan, Alan, trans. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990).Google Scholar According to Evans, Richard (“Prostitution, State and Society in Imperial Germany,” Past and Present, 70 [02 1976], 106–29),CrossRefGoogle Scholar concern was over the corrupting influence of an industrializing, urban environment. On the United States, see Connelly, Mark T., The Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980).Google Scholar For examples of two societies in which legalized prostitution was at issue, see Perry, Mary Elizabeth, “Deviant Insiders: Legalized Prostitutes and a Consciousness of Women in Early Modern Seville,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 27:1 (01 1985), 138–58;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Guy, Donna J., “White Slavery, Public Health, and the Socialist Position on Legalized Prostitution in Argentina,” Latin American Research Review, 23:3 (1988), 60–80.Google ScholarPubMed The Brazilian police chief's fear that ordinary women would be casually arrested did in fact occur in England and France, causing reformers to mobilize against the regulations, see Harsin, Policing Prostitution, and Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society.

⁴² Chefe de Policia da Côrte, “Relatorio do Chefe de Policia,” in Brazil, Justiç, Ministerio da, Relatorio (1871), 21.Google Scholar

⁴³ Juizo Municipal da 2^a Vara da Côrte to Chefe de Policia, Rio de Janeiro, 17 October 1871, and Chefe de Policia to Ministro da Justiça, Rio de Janeiro, 19 October 1871, Confidencial, both in ANSPE, IJ–6, 518, Secretaria de Policia da Côrte, Ofícios com anexos, 1870–73.

⁴⁴ Bergstresser, Rebecca Baird, “The Movement for the Abolition of Slavery in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1880–1889” (Ph.D. Disser., Department of History, Stanford University, 1973), 101,Google Scholar 104–5; Cleria Leopoldina de Oliveira, 1871, fls. 2, 3.

⁴⁵ Almeida Mello, Americo Brasiliense de, ed., Os programas dos partidos e o 2º império. Primeira parte: exposiçāo de principios (Sāo Paulo: Seckler, 1878), 59–88;Google Scholar Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, “O Manifesto de 1870,” in História geral da civilizaçāo brasileira, tomo II: O Brasil monárquico, vol. V: Do império à república (Sāo Paulo: Difusāo Européia do Livro, 1972), 256–70;Google Scholardos Santos, José Maria, Os republicanos paulistas e a aboliçāo (Sāo Paulo: Livraria Martins, 1942), 45–71,Google Scholar 98–105.

⁴⁶ Paula Beiguelman, Formaçāo politico do Brasil, vol. I: Teoria e açāo no pensamento abolicionista (Sāo Paulo: Pioneira, 1967), I, 120.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Termo de declaraçāo feito por Romualda Maria da Gloria perante o Chefe de Policia, Francisco de Faria Lemos, Rio de Janeiro, 10 October 1871, and Segunda Delegacia de Policia, Miguel José Tavares to Chefe de Policia, Francisco de Faria Lemos, Rio de Janeiro, 11 October 1871, ANSPJ, IJ, 518, Secretaria de Policia da Côrte, Ofí'cios com anexos, 1870–73; Brazil, da Justiça, Ministerio, Relatorio (1871), 22.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Corbin, “Commercial Sexuality,” 210–2. Engelstein, Laura (“Morality and the Wooden Spoon: Russian Doctors View Syphilis, Social Class, and Sexual Behavior, 1890–1905,” in The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century, Gallagher, Catherine and Laquer, Thomas, eds. [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987], 169–208)Google Scholar argues for an ambivalent view, for although syphilis was thought to originate in cities with prostitutes, rural people believed the disease was spread by the sharing of drinking cups. In 1845 Cunha, Dissertaçāo sobre a prostituiçāo, 24–33, cited in Soares, Prostituiçāo no Rio de Janeiro [p. 17 of typescript], characterized wet-nurses as seductive, generating moral corruption and hence a cause of prostitution, a view that apparently did not persist into later decades (see Lauderdale Graham, House and Street, esp. 117–36).

⁴⁹ For an informative discussion of Alexandre-Jean-Baptiste Parent-Duchatelet's works on sewers and prostitutes, both published in 1836, see Harsin, Policing Prostitution, xv–xvi, 96–130.

⁵⁰ Chefe de Policia, “Relatorio,” in Brazil, da Justiçe, Ministerio, Relatorio (1871), 21.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kidder, Daniel P. and Fletcher, James C., Brazil and the Brazilians Portrayed in Historical and Descriptive Sketches (Philadelphia: Childs and Peterson, 1857), 29–30,Google Scholar 135; Ewbank, Thomas, Life in Brazil: or a Journal of a Visit to the Land of the Cocoa and the Palm (1856; rpt. Detroit: Blaine Ethridge Books, 1971), 117–9;Google Scholar Francisco Peixoto de Lacerda Werneck (Barāo do Paty do Alferes) to Bernardo Ribeiro de Carvalho, Fazenda Monte Alegre, 31 March 1856, Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Seçāo de Arquivos Particulares, A Família Werneck, Cód. 112, vol. 3, Copiador 1, fl. 352.

⁵² Speech of Francisco de Paula de Negreiros Sayāo Lobato, 9 September 1871, in Brazil, Congresso, , Discussāo da reforma do estado servil na Camera dos Deputados e no Senado, 1871, vols. (Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Nacional, 1871), II, 346–7.Google Scholar

⁵³ Arquivo de Tavares Bastos, Escravidāo, vol. IV, 1870, fl. 97, and the newspaper clipping on fl. 98, Biblioteca Nacional, Seçāo de Manuscritos, 11, 1, 17. In the United States, the stigma of foreignness was associated with the prostitutes, not their managers (see Feldman, Egal, “Prostitution, Alien Women and the Progressive Imagination, 1910–1915,” American Quarterly, 19 [Summer 1967], 192–206;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Hirata, Lucie Chaeng, “Free, Indentured, Enslaved: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth-Century America,” Signs, 5:1 [Fall 1979], 3–29).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ JC, 26 February 1871, p. 3, cols. 2 –3.

⁵⁵ The lawyer for Honorata, José Antonio de Azevedo Castro, drew on the argument of jurist Perdigāo Malheiro, based on Roman law, that in some cases slaves ought to be freed even against the will of their senhores, Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, 1871, fl. 14v. See Perdigāo Malheiro, A escravidao no Brasil, I, Seçāo 3^a, “Terminaçāo do Cativeiro,” Art. Ill, par. 95, no. 8, nota 507. Citations in Leonarda Maria da Conceiçāo, 1871, fls. 47, 48 include: Lei, 18 agosto 1769, which “replaced Roman Law”; Constituiçāo [of Brazil, 1824]; Cod[igo Criminal ?], Liv. tit. 7, pa. 4; Ord[enaçōes Philippinas], Liv. 4, tit. 11, pa. 4; the latter is most usefully consulted in the 1870 edition because the extensive notes relate applicability of the law to contemporary Brazil: Almeida, comp., Código Philippino, 1870, Liv. 4, tit. 11, pa. 4, n. 1.

⁵⁶ The estimate appears in the speech of Agostinho Marques Perdigāo Malheiro, 12 July 1871, Brazil, Congresso, Camara dos Deputados, Anais, 1871, III, 121–2.

⁵⁷ Decreto no. 1695, 15 September 1869, Leis do Brasil, especially Arts. 1 and 2; although focused on the role of José Thomaz Nabuco, the most comprehensive history is Nabuco, Joaquim, Um estadista do império (1897–99; rpt. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Aguilar, 1975),Google Scholar especially 606–746; Beiguelman, Formaçāo politico, 110–7; in English a useful consideration of these measures is Conrad, Robert, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850–88 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 73–76.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Paula Beiguelman, “O Encaminhamento político do problema da escravidāo no império,” in História geral da civilizaçāo brasileira, Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, ed., tomo II: O Brasil monárquico, vol. Ill: Reaçōes e transaçōes (Sāo Paulo: Difusāo Européia do Livro, 1969), 205;Google ScholarBeiguelman, , Formaçāo político, I, 110–1;Google Scholar 113–7; Paranhos, José Maria da Silva, Branco, barāo do Rio 2º, O visconde do Rio Branco (Rio de Janeiro: “A Noite” Editora, n.d.), 175–80;Google ScholarSantos, José Maria dos, A politico geral do Brasil (Sāo Paulo: J. Magalhaes, 1930), 101.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Paranhos, O visconde do Rio Branco, 194–7; Beiguelman, Formaçāo político, pp. 117–21; Torres, Joāo Camillo de Oliveira, O Conselho de Estado (Rio de Janeiro: Ediçōes GRD, 1965), 44.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Pedro II, Dom, “Fala do trono na abertura da Assembléia Geral, 3 maio 1871,” in [Brazil, Congresso], Falas do trono desde o ané de 1823 ate o ano de 1889 (Sāo Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1977), 397;Google ScholarAnti-Slavery Reporter, 1 July 1871, p. 149; Beiguelman, Formçāo políltico, I, 121.

⁶¹ Speech of Joāo de Almeida Pereira, 2 August 1871, Brazil, Congresso, Camara dos Deputados, Amis, 1871, IV, 25, 31–32.

⁶² Speech of Agostinho Marques Perdigāo Malheiro, 10 July 1871 and 12 July 1871, Brazil, Congresso, Camara dos Deputados, Anais, 1871, HI, 52, 122.

⁶³ Speeches of José Antonio Pimenta Bueno and Francisco de Paula de Negreiros Sayāo Lobato, 9 September 1871, in Brazil, Congresso, , Discussāo da reforma do estado servil, II, 330–1Google Scholar and 345.

⁶⁴ Cândido Mendes de Almeida, in Brazil, Congresso, , Discussāo da reforma do estado servil, II, 522.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Quoted in the speech of Francisco de Paula de Negreiros Sayāo Lobato, 31 May 1871, in Brazil, Congresso, , Discussāo da reforma do estado servil, I, 44.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Dean, Warren, Rio Claro: A Brazilian Plantation System, 1820–1920 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), especially 124–30;Google Scholar on regionalism, see Conrad, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, especially 90–105.

⁶⁷ Lei no. 2040, 28 September 1871, Leis do Brasil, especially Art. 1, Art. 4, pars. 1, 2, 3. An English translation of the complete text taken from the British and Foreign State Papers, LXII (1871–1872), 616–20,Google Scholar appears in Conrad, , The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, Appendix II, 305–9.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Buarque de Holanda, História geral, tomo II: O Brasil monárquico, vol. V: Do império à república, 144.

⁶⁹ Maria Elenteria Borges de Albuquerque, 1872, fls. 14–14v.