This essay is part of a larger study on ‘The Politics of Social Solidarity and the Class Basis of the European Welfare State, 1875–1975” that will also cover France, Germany, and Britain. I am grateful to Lawrence Stone, Peter Mandler, and other members of the Davis Seminar at Princeton for a thorough working over, and to the American-Scandinavian Foundation for resources to conduct the research. I also owe Daniel Levine a helpful reading of the manuscript.

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² Kaufmann, Franz-Xaver, Sicherheit als soziologisches und sozialpolitisches Problem: Untersuchungen zu einer Wertidee hochdijferenzierter Gesellschaften (Stuttgart, 1970), 18.Google Scholar

³ This is why general histories only of Britain and Sweden seek to define the essence of their current incarnations as welfare states: Lloyd, T. O., Empire to Welfare State: English History, 1906–1967 (Oxford, 1970)Google Scholar; Gregg, Pauline, The Welfare State: An Economic and Social History of Great Britain from 1945 to the Present Day (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Samuelson, Kurt, From Great Power to Welfare State: Three Hundred Years of Swedish Social Development (London, 1968).Google Scholar

⁴ Asa Briggs refuses to anoint Bismarck's reforms with the title “welfare state” because of their Bonapartist intent (“The Welfare State in Historical Perspective,” Archives européennes de sociologie, 2:2 (1961), 247–49).Google Scholar

⁵ An exception is discussed in Daniel Levine, “The Danish Connection: A Note on the Making of British Old-Age Pensions,” Albion, 17:2 (Summer 1985), 181–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷ On Sweden's career as an ideal type, Arne Ruth, “The Second New Nation: The Mythology of Modern Sweden,” in Norden: The Passion for Equality, Graubard, Stephen R., ed. (Oslo, 1986), 240–82.Google Scholar

⁸ On the Nordic, institutional model of the welfare state, Richard Titmuss, Social Policy (London, 1974), 30–31Google ScholarPubMed; Seip, Anne-Lise, Om velferdsstatens fremvekst (Oslo, 1981), 11–18Google Scholar; Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Welfare State (Bloomington, 1977Google ScholarPubMed), 1420; Andersen, Bent Rold, “Rationality and Irrationality of the Nordic Welfare State,” in Norden: The Passion for Equality, Graubard, Stephen R., ed., 117–21Google Scholar; Shalev, Michael, “The SocialDemocratic Model and Beyond: Two `Generations' of Comparative Research on the Welfare State,” Comparative Social Research, 6 (1983), 315–51.Google Scholar

⁹ “The congruence of Scandinavian social-democratic welfare policy,” one recent account would have its readers believe, “is explained by two critical factors. One was that the parties chose to abandon the ghetto model in favor of parliamentary majoritarianism. They had to cultivate, and fabricate, unity among workers, peasants, and the rising white collar strata. This naturally led to an insistence on universalism” (Gøtsta Esping-Andersen, Politics against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton, 1985), 154, 145, 148).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Examples of an anachronistic misattibution of the apparent solidarity of early Scandinavian welfare reforms to the socialists: Ȧke Elmér, Frȧn Fattigsverige till välfärdsstaten: Sociala förhȧllanden och socialpolitik i Sverige under nittonhundratalet, 7th ed. (Stockholm, 1975), 127Google Scholar; Kuhnle, Stein, “The Beginnings of the Nordic Welfare States: Similarities and Differences,” Acta Sociologica, 21, supplement (1978), 26Google Scholar; Perrin, Guy, “L'assurance sociale-ses particulaités-son role dans le passé, le present et l'avenir,” in Beiträge zu Geschichte und aktueller Situation der Sozialversicherung, Köhler, Peter A. and Zacher, Hans F., eds. (Berlin, 1983), 4041Google Scholar; Wilson, Thomas, ed., Pensions, Inflation, and Growth: A Comparative Study of the Elderly in the Welfare State (Lóndon, 1974), 159Google Scholar; Esping-Andersen, Gøsta and Korpi, Walter, “From Poor Relief to Institutional Welfare States: The Development of Scandinavian Social Policy,” in The Scandinavian Mode[, Erikson, Johnet al., eds. (Armonk, 1987), 45–46.Google Scholar

¹¹ An explanation of why the universalism of postwar reforms in Scandinavia was not a socialist initiative is given in Peter Baldwin, “How Ssolialist is Solidaristic Social Policy? Swedish Postwar Reform as a Case in Point,” International Review of Social History 2 (1988), 121–147.Google Scholar

¹² Older, but still useful, accounts include Danmarks sociallovgivning (Copenhagen, 1918–1920)Google Scholar; Jørgensen, Harald, Studier over det offentlige Fattigvasens historiske Udvikling i Danmark i det 19. aarhundrede (Copenhagen, 1940)Google Scholar; Philip, Kjeld, Staten og Fattigdommen: Fern Kapitler af dansk Kulturpolitik (Copenhagen, 1947)Google Scholar; Trap, Cordt, Om Statens Stilling til Ubemidledes Alderdomsforsørgelse i flere europœiske Lande(Copenhagen, 1892)Google Scholar; Dich, Jørgen, “Kompendium i socialpolitikkens historie: I. Udviklingen indtil 2. Verdenskrig,” manuscript, 2d ed. (1967).Google Scholar Systematizing and expanding the rather schematic works of Dich and others is Jørn Henrik Petersen's recent and extensive account of pension policy in Den danske alderdomsforsørgelseslovgivnings udvikling: Bind 1. Oprindelsen (Odense, 1985) (citations from Petersen are to the more detailed, unpublished manuscript of the dissertation of the same title (Odense University, 1985).Google Scholar

¹³ Dich, “Kompendium,” 19. Petersen, Den danske alderdomsforsørgelseslovgivrings udvikling, 143–48.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Betœnkning afgiven af den ifølge Kgl. Resolution af 20de September 1875 til Undersøgelse af Arbeiderforholdene i Danmark nedsatte Kommission (Copenhagen, 1878), 71–77, 81–83.Google Scholar Background in Warmdahl, G., “Statens Stilling til Arbejdersporgsmaalet i halvfjerdserne: Arbejderkommissionen af 1875,” in Soule studier i dansk historie efter 1857, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1930), 64–81.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen, PR 404–07–2, Arbejderkommissionen af 1875, Minutes of a meeting 8 December 1875 or 1876. This was the argument put forth by V. Falbe-Hansen. A professor of statistics, he was a conservative deputy at the time, but later joined the upper house in 1909 as a royal appointee and a liberal.

¹⁶ Betœnkning, 87–89.Google Scholar

¹⁷ On the complicated negotiations leading up to 1891, Petersen, Den danske alderdomsforsørgelseslovgivnings udvikling, ch. 12; Dich, “Kompendium,” 23–26; Trap, Statens stilling, 260–77.

¹⁸ Neergaard, N., Erindringer (Copenhagen, 1935), 235–40.Google ScholarFrede Bojsens politiske erindringer, Hvidt, Kristian, ed. (Copenhagen, 1963), 189ff.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Rigsdagstidende, Fr, 14 10 1890, col. 44–46Google Scholar. A general account is Poul Kierkegaard, “Frede Bojsen som Socialpolitiker,” in Mœnd og Meninger i Dansk Socialpolitik, 1866–1901, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1933), 67–107.Google Scholar

²⁰ Rigsdagstidende, FT, 30 October 1890, col. 440–47.Google Scholar

²¹ Rubin, Marcus, “Hvad koster en Alderdomsforsørgelse for de danske Arbejdere?” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrift 26 (1888), 357–58Google Scholar; idem, “Alderdomsforsørgelsesforslaget,” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrift, 29 (1891), 44–48Google Scholar; Trap, , Statens stilling, 256Google Scholar; Rubin, Marcus, Om Alderdomsforsørgelsen (Copenhagen, 1891), 12–16Google Scholar; Letter, Rubin to Edvard Brandes, 9 December 1890, in Marcus Rubins brevveksling, 1870–1922, Rerup, Lorenz, ed. (Copenhagen, 1963), I, 319–20Google Scholar; Rubin, Marcus, Nogle erindringer (Copenhagen, 1914), 143–44.Google Scholar

²² In 1890, the government had proposed legislation to reform poor relief by granting it, shorn of its usual demeaning consequences, to the worthy needy. Rigsdagstidende, 1890/91, 7i11œg A, col. 3393ff.; FT, 11 March 1891, col. 4537–45, 4591–97.

²³ The conservatives managed to limit the state's obligation to refund municipal expenses to two million crowns annually. Not until 1902, after the final resolution of the parliamentary battle and liberal victory was this limit removed.

²⁴ An excellent account of the relation between socialists and their political clientele in Denmark's agrarian society, with important implications for the history of socialism in general, is Lahme, Hans-Norbert, Sozialdemokratie und Landarbeiter in Danmark (1871–1900), (Odense, 1982).Google Scholar Also, Grelle, Henning, Socialdemokratiet i det danske landbrugssamfund, 1871-ca.1903 (Copenhagen, 1978)Google Scholar, and Nørregaard, Georg and Jensen, Hans, “Organisationsforsøg blandt Landarbejderne,” in Bidrag til Arbejderklassens og Arbejderspørgsmaalets Historie i Danmark fra 1864 ri1 1900, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1931), 54–202.Google Scholar

²⁵ Thus, for example, socialists rejected the assumption of the Radical Liberals' bill that life was cheaper in rural than urban areas and that differential benefits were necessary. Rigsdagstidende, FT, 20 12 1890, col. 1823.Google Scholar

²⁶ Sørensen, Torben Berg, Arbejderklassens organisering og socialpolitikkens dannelse (Copenhagen, 1978), 104–05, 168–74.Google Scholar

²⁷ This is the argument made, with much supporting evidence on wages and contributions, in Knudsen, P., Sygeforsikring og Alderdomsforsørgelse: Betœnkning afgiven af det paa de københavnske og frederiksbergske Sygekassers Fœllesmøde den 29de og 30ie August 1883 nedsatte Udvalg (Copenhagen, 1888), 245–63 et passim.Google Scholar

²⁸ Rasmussen, Else, “Socialdemokraternes Stilling til de sociale Spørgsmaal paa Rigsdagen, 1884–1890,” in Mœnd og Meninger i Dansk Socialpolitik, 1866–1901, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, Hans, eds. (Copenhagen, 1933), 149.Google Scholar

²⁹ Woolf, Hertha, Die Stellung der Sozialdemokratie zur deutschen Arbeiterversicherungsgesetzgebung von ihrer Entstehung an bis zur Reichsversicherungsordnung (Berlin, 1933), 45–46.Google Scholar

³⁰ The German socialists' interest in contributory financing was tied to the relation between premiums and representation in the social insurance administrative councils, a motive absent in Denmark, where local authorities were to run the system.

³¹ Danes boasted that, whereas among their larger neighbors the cities were progressive and the countryside reactionary, in Denmark the situation was reversed (Brandes, Edvard, Fra 85 til 91: En politisk Oversigt (Copenhagen, 1891), 82).Google Scholar

³² Hansen, Svend Aage, Økonomisk vœkst i Danmark (Copenhagen, 1972), I, chs. 8, 9Google Scholar; Henriksen, Ole Bus and Anders, ølgaard, Danmarks udenrigshandel, 1874–1958 (Copenhagen, 1960).Google ScholarOverviews in English in Michael Tracy, Agriculture in Western Europe (New York, 1964),Google ScholarPubMed and Millward, Roy, Scandinavian Lands (London, 1964), ch. 8.Google Scholar

³³ The comparison between Germany and Denmark in this respect was memorably drawn by Gerschenkron, Alexander in Bread and Democracy in Germany (Berkeley, 1943), 39–40.Google Scholar

³⁴ The tax reforms of 1903 confirmed the political shift of 1901, when liberals finally replaced conservatives in government. Urban property was drawn into the distribution of burdens, and a general tax on income and wealth was introduced. Burdens were markedly shifted from rural to urban areas. Accounts are in Henningsen, H. C., “Beskatningsproblemet i Nutiden,” in Den danske Stat, 2d ed. Marstrand, Evenet al., eds, (Copenhagen, 1933), 320–64Google Scholar; Røgind, Sven, Danmarks Stats- og Kommuneskatter (Copenhagen, 1915), 7–12Google Scholar; Koefoed, Michael, “Skattesystemerne af 1802 og 1903,” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrifi, 41 (1903), 337–63Google Scholar; WiethKnudsen, K. A., Dansk Skattepolitik og Finansvœsen (Copenhagen, 1928), 47–52.Google Scholar

³⁵ Nielsen, Helge and Thalbitzer, Victor, Skatter og Skatteforvaltning i œldre Tider (Copenhagen, 1948), 127Google Scholar; K., , “Hvorledes fordele Skatterne i Danmark sig paa de forskellige Samfundsklasser?” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrift, 32 (1894), 203–05.Google Scholar

³⁶ Clausager, A., “Godsernes beskatningsforhold,” in Herregaardene og Samfundet, Mathiassen, Therkel (Copenhagen, 1943), 283–84.Google Scholar

³⁷ In general, large businesses throughout Europe, especially if protected by tariffs, feared the increased productive costs of contributory social insurance least, small businesses most. Free-trading small businessmen, like Danish farmers, were therefore the strongest supporters of tax-financed social policy. Where they won, so did it. On business interests elsewhere, see Hans-Peter Ullmann, “Industrielle Interessen und die Entstehung der deutschen Sozialversicherung 1880–1889,” Historische Zeitschrift, 229: 3 (12 1979), 574–610Google Scholar; Hatzfeld, Henri, Du pauperisme á la Sécurité sociale (Paris, 1971), 137–41.Google Scholar

³⁸ The German contributory system worked because it was aimed at the well-paid industrial labor aristocracy. Since Danish legislation focussed first and foremost on agricultural laborers with their lower wages, this would not do.

³⁹ Møller, Poul, Gennembrudsȧr: Dansk politik i 50' erne (Copenhagen, 1974), 2.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ A later account found that rural localities had profited most from the pension legislation. Rigsdagstidende, 1896/97, Tillœg B, col. 3101–10.

⁴¹ Bojsen, Frede, Lovgivningsvœrket 1890–95 og dets Følger (Copenhagen, 1898), 4–5Google Scholar; Birck, L. V., Told og Accise (Copenhagen, 1920), 217Google Scholar; Koefoed, Michael, “Skatterne i Danmark 1870–1900,” Nationaløkonomisk Tidsskrift, 40 (1902), 374.Google Scholar

⁴² Aage Sørensen, “Om Alderdomsunderstøttelse i Danmark, Australian med Ny Zeland og England,” Tidsskrift for Arbejderforsikring, 5 (1909/1910), 3–7.Google Scholar

⁴³ The most sustained analysis linking the agricultural crisis, tax policy, and social reform is undertaken in Petersen, Den danske alderdomsforsørgelseslovgivnings udvikling, ch. 10, which fleshes out the hypotheses mentioned, but never developed, in Philip, Staten og Fattigdommen, 68–70, and Dich, Jørgen, Den herskende klasse: En kritisk analyse af social udbytning og midlerne imod den, 4th ed. (Copenhagen, 1973), 25–28.Google Scholar Also, Jensen, Hans, “LandarbejderspørgsmȦlets Udvikling i Danmark fra ca. 1870 til ca. 1900,” in Bidrag til Arbejderklassens og Arbejderspørgsmaalets Historie i Danmark fra 1864 til 1900, Engelstoft, Povl and Jensen, H., eds. (Copenhagen, 1931), 48–54.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ It was no coincidence, Frede Bojsen, leader of the moderate liberals, explained in retrospect, that social reform was concerned with the groups most in need, with the working rural population that had not yet fallen to socialist agitation. The legislation passed was, in the main, aimed to fit rural conditions, without, however, giving other groups reason to complain (Bojsen, Lovgivningsvœrket, 4).

⁴⁵ Accounts of military and tax reform are in Per Hultgvist, Försvar och skatter: Studier i svensk riksdagspolitik frȧan representationsreformen till kimpromissen 1873 (Göteborg, 1955); idem, Försvarsorganisationen, värnplikten och skatterna i svensk riksdagspolitik 1867–1878 (Göteborg, 1959); and Torgny Nevéus, Ett betryggande försvar: Värnplikten och arméorganisationen i svensk politik 1880–1885 (Stockholm, 1965).

⁴⁶ Svensson, Jöm, Jordbruk och depression 1870–1900: En kritik av statistikens utvecklingsbild (Malmö, 1965).Google Scholar An overview in English is Montgomery, G. A., The Rise of Modern Industry in Sweden (London, 1939), 145ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Carlsson, Sten, Lantmannapolitiken och industrialismen: Partigruppering och opinionsförskjutningar i svensk politik 1890–1902 (Stockholm, 1953), 65–81; Arthur Montgomery, Svensk tullpolitik 1816–1911 (Stockholm, 1921),Google Scholar ch. 7; Kuuse, Jan, “Mechanisation, Conunercialisation, and the Protectionist Movement in Swedish Agriculture, 1860–1910,” Scaidiravian Economic History Review, 19: 1 (1971), 23–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁸ Rustow, Dankwart A., The Politics of Compromise: A Study of Parties and Cabinet Government in Sweden (Princeton, 1955), 40–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thermœnius, Edvard, Rigsdagspartierna, Vol. XVII of Sveriges Riksdag (Stikholm, 1935), ch. 6, esp. pp. 128–30Google Scholar; Sundberg, Per, Ministärerna Bildt och Akerhielm: En studie i den svenska parlamentarismens firgȦrdar (Stockholm, 1961).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ The standard work on pensions is Elmér, Ȧke, Folkpensioneringen i Sverige: Med särskild hänsyn till ȧlderspensioneringen(Lund, 1960).Google ScholarDetailed accounts of the early phase of Swedish social insurance are Karl Englund, Arbetarförsäkringsfrȧgan i svensk politik, 1884–1901 (Uppsala, 1976)Google Scholar, and Mensing, Hans Peter, Erscheinungsformen schwedischer Sozialpolitik im ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert: Adolf Hedin, das Arbeiterversicherungskomitee und die Gewerbeaufsicht nach 1890 (Kiel, 1979).Google Scholar An account in English is in Hugh Héclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden: From Relief to Income Maintenance (New Haven, 1974), 178–95.Google ScholarThe beginnings of the social-insurance debate are surveyed in Arthur Montgomery, Svensk socialpolitik under 1800-talet, 2d ed. (Stockholm 1951).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Arbetareförsäkringskomiténs betänkande (Stockholm, 1889), I, 3, 43–73.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Nya arbetareförsäkringskomiténs betänkande (Stockholm, 1893), I, 25–107.Google Scholar

⁵² The working class was defined to include those employed by others and having an income lower than 1,800 crowns annually, but to exclude casual laborers on the fringes between wage earners and the self-employed. These laborers had been included in Germany but with unfortunate results that the Swedes saw no reason to duplicate. To start with, 15 percent of the total population (35 percent of the working population) were to be included.

⁵³ Nya arbetareförsäkringskomiténs betänkande, I, 141–48.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Prop. 1895:22, pp. 37–39, 43–58.

⁵⁵ 2SäU 1895:2, pp. 42–44, 49–50.

⁵⁶ FK 1895:26, 27 April 1895, pp. 11–12, 45; FK 1895: 27, 27 April 1895, pp. 10–11.

⁵⁷ Prop. 1898:55, pp. 12–21.

⁵⁸ Ȧlderdomsförsäkringskommittén, I, Betänkande och förslag angȦende allmän pensionsförsäkring (Stockholm, 1912), 19–21, 40–44.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ An important cause of the Swedes' concern with costs related to their demographic peculiarities. Blessed by unusual longevity and cursed by high emigration, the population's age profile was markedly skewed toward the older end. In 1900, Sweden had almost twice as many inhabitants over age seventy as Britain and Germany, and 15 and 20 percent more than even France and Denmark, respectively. Ȧlderdomsförsäkingskommittén, Kostnadsberäkningar, (Stockholm) II, 120Google Scholar; Ȧlderdomsfirsäkingskonm itten, Allmän pensionförsäkring, 61–63Google Scholar; Riksarkivet, Stockholm, 20/1, Alderdomsfirsäkingskommitten, Letter, Commission to StatsrȦdet, 9 March 1910; And. Lindstedt, Förslaget till lag om allmän pensionsförsäkring (Stockholm, 1913), 8–10.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Prop. 1913:126, pp. 28, 34, 48, 50, 126–27, 186–87.

⁶¹ Overviews in Lennart Jörberg, “The Industial Revolution in the Nordic Countries,” The Fontana Economic History of Europe, IV, 2Google Scholar; idem, Growth and Fluctuation of Swedish Industry, 1869–1912 (Lund, 1961)Google Scholar; idem, The Industrial Revolution in Scandinavia, 1850–1914 (London, 1970).Google Scholar

⁶² This program, formulated by August Palm, was largely a translation of the Danish Gimle program from 1876, in turn a rendition of the German socialists' Gotha program with, as its particular twist, a separate point on the agricultural question: Lindgren, John, Det socialdemokratiska arbetarpartiets uppkomst i Sverige 1881–1889 (Stockholm, 1927), 291–94.Google Scholar

⁶³ In Denmark, agricultural workers were significantly represented in the party; this was not the case in Sweden in the 1890s. Axel Danielsson was the main Kautskien, Hjalmar Branting the reformist in the party (Nordström, G. Hilding, Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetarparti under gennombrottsȧren 1889–1894 (Stockholm, 1938), 184–85, 256, 261, 388–98, 613–23). On Branting's attitude, his “Industiarbetarparti eller folkparti?” (1895) in Tal och skrifter, 8, (Stickholm 19291. 48–50.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Tingsten, Herbert, The Swedish Social Democrats: Their Ideological Development (Totowa, N.J., 1973), 115–95.Google Scholar More specifically on agrarian issues, Björlin, Lars, “JordfrȦgan i svensk arbetarrörelse 1890–1920,” Arbetarrörelsens ȧrsbok, (Stockholm, 1974).Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Hentilä, Seppo, Den svenska arbetarklassen och reformismens genombrott mom SAP före 1914 (Helsinki, 1979), 228–29Google Scholar; Edenman, Ragnar, Socialdemokratiska riksdagsgruppen 1903–1920 (Uppsala, 1946), 165–99, 278–80.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Arbetarrörelsens Arkiv, Stockholm, SAP, Riksdagsgruppen, minutes, 19 February 1913, 28 March 1913, 31 March 1913, 10 April 1913.

⁶⁷ Arbetarrdrelsens Arkiv, Partistyrelsen, minutes, 14 April 1913. The unions wanted public subsidies raised substantially and the question of employer contributions re-examined because, they argued, some way had to be found to allow higher benefits than those foreseen in the 1913 law. LO, Berättelse, 1913, p. 10.

⁶⁸ FK 1913:34, 21 May 1913, pp. 31–36.

⁶⁹ AK 1913:48, 21 May 1913, pp. 44–64; AK 1913:49, 21 May 1913, pp. 31–36.

⁷⁰ This is, of course, where the analysis here differs most markedly from that in Heclo, Hugh, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden (New Haven, 1974)Google Scholar, and in other attempts to “bring the state back in,” for example, Ann Shola Orloff and Theda Skocpol, “Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Spending in Britain, 1900–1911, and the United States, 1880s-1920,” American Sociological Review, 49: 6 (December 1984), 726–50; and, more generally, Evans, Peter B.et al., eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, 1985).CrossRefGoogle Scholar