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² The Contemporary Islamic Revival: A Critical Survey and Bibliography (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991)Google Scholar; The Islamic Revival since 1988: A Critical Survey and Bibliography (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1997)Google Scholar, both by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, offer extensive bibliographies of reform movements among Muslims. For the evolution of the standards and definition of modernity, among many other sources, see Stearns, Peter N., “Modernization and Social History: Some Suggestions, and a Muted Cheer,” Journal of Social History 14, 2 (1980): 189–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fukuyama, Francis, “The End of History,” The National Interest 16 (Summer 1989): 3–18Google Scholar; the collection of articles on “Multiple Modernities” in Daedalus 129, 1 (2000)Google Scholar; Kotkin, Stephen, “Modern Times: The Soviet Union and the Interwar Conjuncture,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 2, 1 (2001): 111–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lorenz, Chris, “‘Won't You Tell Me, Where Have All the Good Times Gone?’ On the Advantages and Disadvantages of Modernization Theory for History,” Rethinking History 10, 2 (2006): 171–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Bruce Lawrence provides a good analysis of how modernity has been conceptualized in the field of Islamic studies in “Modernity,” in Elias, Jamal J., ed., Key Themes for the Study of Islam (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2010), 245–62Google Scholar.

³ For a few examples, see Federspiel, Howard M., Persatuan Islam: Islamic Reform in Twentieth-Century Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Voll, , “Renewal and Reform”; Levtzion, Nehemia and Voll, John O., eds., Eighteenth-Century Revival and Reform in Islam (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Commins, David Dean, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Ottoman Syria (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Haddad, The Contemporary Islamic Revival; Rahman, Fazlur, “Revival and Reform in Islam,” in Holt, P. M., Lambton, Ann K. S., and Lewis, Bernard, eds., The Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 2B (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 632–56Google Scholar; and Kanlıdere, Ahmet, Reform within Islam: The Tajdid and Jadid Movement among the Kazan Tatars, 1809–1917: Conciliation or Conflict? (İstanbul: Eren, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁴ For a brief review of how scholars of Islam, primarily anthropologists, have approached this “textual blueprint,” see Starrett, Gregory, “The Anthropology of Islam,” in Glazier, Stephen D., ed., Anthropology of Religion: A Handbook (Westport: Praeger, 1997)Google Scholar, 282, 288–90.

⁵ Asad, Talal, The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, Occasional Papers Series, 1986)Google Scholar.

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⁷ Mustafa Özgür Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims: Inroads of Modernity,” PhD diss., Princeton University, 2009, 58–61.

⁸ Rızaeddin Fahreddin, Âsar: Üz Memleketimizde Ulgan İslâm ‘Âlimleriniñ Tercüme ve Tabaqaları (Kazan: Tipo-litografiia imparatorskogo universiteta, 1900–1908), vol. 1: 95–130, 290, 300–16, 331, 469–70, 476–78; and vol. 2: 15–16, 72, 75, 105, 146–51, 218, 234, 267–79, 320, 341, 393–95, 407–8, 432, 461, 471; Kemper, Michael, “Entre Boukhara et la Moyenne-Volga: ‘Abd an-Naṣīr al-Qursāwī (1776–1812) en conflit avec les oulémas traditionalistes,” Cahiers du Monde Russe 37, 1–2 (1996): 41–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kemper, Michael, Sufis und Gelehrte in Tatarien und Baschkirien,1789–1889: Der İslamische Diskurs unter Russischer Herrschaft (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1998), esp. 172–212, 225–13Google Scholar; Kemper, Michael, “Šihābadīn al-Marğānī über Abū n-Naṣr Qūrsāwīs Koflikt mit den Gelehrten Bucharas,” in Kügelgen, Anke von, Muminov, Aširbek, and Kemper, Michael, eds., Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia: Vol. 3: Arabic Persian and Turkic Manuscripts (15th–19th Centuries) (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2000), 353–71Google Scholar; Maraş, İbrahim, Türk Dünyasında Dinî Yenileşme (1850–1917) (İstanbul: Ötüken, 2002), esp. 47–53Google Scholar.

⁹ On the globalization of the world economy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see O'Rourke, Kevin H. and Williamson, Jeffrey G., Globalization and History: The Evolution of a Nineteenth-Century Atlantic Economy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” 106–20.

¹¹ See Sultanmuhammed, Halîl, “Sevdagirlik,” Şûra 15 (1911): 461–62Google Scholar; Dikhtiar, G. A., Vnutrenniaia torgovlia v dorevoliutsionnoi Rossii (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1960)Google Scholar; Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” esp. 152–61.

¹² Yusupov, Munir, Galimdzhan Barudi (Kazan: Tatarskoe Knizhnoe Izdatel'stvo, 2003), 20–28Google Scholar. Also see Battal-Taymas, Abdullah, Kazanlı Türk Meşhurlarından Alimcan Barudî (Istanbul: İstanbul Sıralar Matbaası, 1958)Google Scholar.

¹³ On the Hüseyinof Brothers, see Fahreddin, Rızaeddin, Ahmed Bay (Orenburg: Vaqıt Matbaası, 1911)Google Scholar; and Şeref, Burhan, Ganî Bay (Orenburg: Vakit Matbaası, 1913)Google Scholar. On the Hüseyniye Madrasa, see Räximkulova, Mädinä and Xämidullin, Liron, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992)Google Scholar. For the Ğusmâniye Madrasa, see Sharafuddinov, Z. T. and Khanbikov, Iaakub Iskhak, Istoriia pedagogiki Tatarstana (Kazan: Kazan State Pedagogical University, 1998), 138–39Google Scholar; and Fahreddin, Ahmed Bay, 31. Similarly to the Hüseyinof Brothers, a merchant family from Tyumen, the Saydukof Brothers, financed the madrasa of their city beginning in the 1870s and they invited reformist scholars to it in the 1890s. Väliyev, Foat, “Sibir Mädräsäse,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 185–98Google Scholar.

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¹⁵ See Berkey, Jonathan P., “Madrasas Medieval and Modern: Politics, Education, and the Problem of Muslim Identity,” in Hefner, Robert W. and Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, eds., Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics of Modern Muslim Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 40–60Google Scholar; Lelyveld, David, Aligarh's First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Metcalf, Barbara Daly, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, “Religious Education and the Rhetoric of Reform: The Madrasa in British India and Pakistan,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 41, 2 (1999): 294–323Google Scholar; and El-Mesawi, Mohamed El-Tahir, “Muslim Reformist Action in Nineteenth-Century Tunisia,” American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25, 2 (2008): 49–82Google Scholar.

¹⁶ See Findley, Carter, Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789–1922 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Kodaman, Bayram, Abdülhamid Devri Eğitim Sistemi (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1991)Google Scholar; Linda Ann Herrera, “The Sanctity of the School: New Islamic Education and Modern Egypt,” PhD diss., Columbia University, 2000; Fortna, Benjamin C., Imperial Classroom: Islam, the State, and Education in the Late Ottoman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Somel, Selçuk Akşin, The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839–1908: Islamization, Autocracy, and Discipline (Leiden: Brill, 2001)Google Scholar; Berrak Burçak, “Science, a Remedy for all Ills. Healing ‘the Sick Man of Europe’: A Case for Ottoman Scientism,” PhD diss., Princeton University, 2005, 27–54; and James Heyworth-Dunne, An Introduction to the History of Education in Modern Egypt (repr., London: Frank Cass, 1968 [1939]). European-inspired schools separate from the existing Islamic educational institutions opened also in other Muslim countries like Iran and British India, but it was the Ottoman and to some extent Egyptian schools that influenced the Russian Muslim reformists the most. See Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation; and Ringer, Monica M., Education, Religion, and the Discourse of Cultural Reform in Qajar Iran (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, 2001)Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ About the migration of Muslims from the Russian Empire to the Ottoman Empire, see McCarthy, Justin, Death in Exile (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Saydam, Abdullah, Kırım ve Kafkas Göçleri (1856–1876) (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1997)Google Scholar; and Osmanlı Belgelerinde Kazan (Ankara: Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, 2005), 69–178Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Edward J. Lazzerini, “Ismail Bey Gasprinskii and Muslim Modernism in Russia, 1878–1914,” PhD diss., University of Washington, 1973, 5.

²⁰ Fatih Kerimi, Avrupa Seyahatnamesi (repr. in modern Turkish adaptation, İstanbul: Çağrı Yayınları, 2001 [1901]), 131–33.

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²² Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 115.

²³ Ğabdürreşîd İbrâhîmof, Tercüme-yi Hâlim yaki Başıma Kilenler (St. Petersburg: Elektro-pechati A. O. Ibragimova), 76–113. Also see Amirkhanov, Ravil, “Mulla i revoliutsioner—v odnom litse,” Gasırlar Avazı/Ekho Vekov 3/4 (2001), at: http://www.archive.gov.tatarstan.ru/magazine/go/anonymous/main/?path=mg:/numbers/2001_3_4/04/04_4/&searched=1 (accessed 19 Oct. 2008)Google Scholar. On the function of Medina as a center of intellectual activity, see Reichmuth, Stefan, “The Interplay of Local Developments and Transnational Relations in the Islamic World: Perceptions and Perspectives,” in Kügelgen, Anke von, Kemper, Michael, and Frank, Allen J., eds., Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries, vol. 2 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1998): 21–26Google Scholar.

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²⁶ See Lazzerini, “Ismail Bey”; Khalid, Adeeb, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 162–64Google Scholar, passim; and Temizyürek, Fahri, “Osmanlı Mekteplerinde Cedidçilik Hareketi ve Gaspıralı’nın İlham Kaynakları,” in Kırımlı, Hakan, ed., İsmail Bey Gaspıralı İçin (Ankara: Kırım Türkleri Kültür ve Yardımlaşma Derneği Yayınları, 2004)Google Scholar.

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²⁹ See Sarıkaya, Yaşar, Medreseler ve Modernleşme (İstanbul: İz Yayıncılık, 1997), esp. 71–200Google Scholar; Gesink, Indira Falk, “Islamic Reformation: A History of Madrasa Reform and Legal Change in Egypt,” Comparative Education Review 50, 3 (2006): 325–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Herrera, “The Sanctity of the School.”

³¹ Arabacı, Caner, Osmanlı Dönemi Konya Medreseleri (1900–1924) (Konya: Konya Ticaret Odası, 1998), 452–53Google Scholar; Heyworth-Dunne, Education in Modern Egypt; Fahmy, Khaled, All the Pasha's Men: Mehmed Ali, His Army, and the Making of Modern Egypt (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

³² See Kemper, Sufis und Gelehrte, 215–17; Türkoğlu, Rusya Türkleri Arasında, 40–41; Frank, Allen J., Muslim Religious Institutions in Imperial Russia: The Islamic World of Novouzensk District & the Kazakh Inner Horde, 1780–1910 (Boston: Brill, 2001)Google Scholar.

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³⁴ For an attempt to open a Muslim Girls' Gymnasium, that is, a lay institution of education for Muslim girls, and the bureaucratic complications this caused in 1913, see Maxmutova, Alta, “Kazandagı Kızlar Öçin Mäktäp-Mädräsälär,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 142–48Google Scholar; and National Archive of the Republic of Tatarstan (henceforth, NART), f. 1, op. 4, d. 5526, pp. 3–6. Despite these bureaucratic complications, opening a lay institution of education for Muslim girls was still within the limits of possibility by 1913, but definitely not before the revolution of 1905. For other reformist initiatives about female education, see note 53.

³⁵ On the Orenburg Spiritual Assembly, see Azamatov, Daniel Damirovich, Orenburgskoe Magometanskoe Dukhovnoe Sobranie v kontse XVIII–XIX vv. (Ufa: Gilem, 1999)Google Scholar; Crews, Robert, “Empire and the Confessional State: Islam and Religious Politics in Nineteenth-Century Russia,” American Historical Review 108, 1 (2008): 1–51Google Scholar.

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³⁷ This seems to be a broadly shared attitude among Muslim communities across time and space. See Berkey, Jonathan, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social History of Islamic Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 3–5Google Scholar.

³⁸ NART, f. 92, op. 1, d. 11513, pp. 16–20; Rybushkin, Mikhail, Kratkaia istoriia goroda Kazani, pt. 2 (Kazan: Tip. L. Shevietis, 1849), 92–95Google Scholar; Seydahmet, Gaspıralı İsmail Bey, 104; Amirkhanov, R. U., “Nekotorye osobennosti razvitiia narodnogo obrazovaniia u Tatar v dooktiabrskii period,” in Amirkhanov, R. M. and Giliazov, I. A., eds., Narodnoe prosveshcheniie u Tatar v dooktiabr'skii period (Kazan: Rossiiskaia Akademiia Nauk, 1992), 28Google Scholar; and Maraş, İbrahim, “İsmail Gaspıralı'nın Bilinmeyen Bir Risalesi: ‘Mektep ve Usûl-i Cedid Nedir,” Emel 219 (1997): 13Google Scholar.

³⁹ Frank, Muslim Religious Institutions, 227–36.

⁴⁰ See NART, f. 92, op. 1, d. 13158, pp. 4–6ob (also repr. in Gorokhova, L. V., Kazanskaia tatarskaia uchitel'skaia shkola 1876–1917 gg. [Kazan: Izdatel'stvo Gasır, 2005], 20–22Google Scholar); NART, f. 92, op. 1, d. 18999, pp. 1–16ob; A. Khabutdinov, “Tatarskoe obshchestvennoe dvizhenie v rossiiskom soobshchestve (konets XVIII–nachalo XX veka),” PhD diss., Kazan State University, 2002: http://www.tatar.info/file.php?name=habutdinov-diser#1 (accessed 19 Apr. 2007), n.p.; and Naganawa, Norihiro, “Maktab or School? Introduction of Universal Primary Education among the Volga-Ural Muslims,” in Uyama, Tomohiko, ed., Empire, Islam, and Politics in Central Eurasia (Hokkaido: Slavic Research Center, 2007)Google Scholar, 78.

⁴¹ For the advantages that existing social networks provide to the formation of new social movements, see Snow, David A., Zurcher, Louis A. Jr., and Ekland-Olson, Sheldon, “Social Networks and Social Movements: A Microstructural Approach to Differential Recruitment,” American Sociological Review 45, 5 (1980): 787–801CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jenkins, J. Craig, “Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements,” Annual Review of Sociology 9 (1980): 527–53, esp. 538CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴³ Battal-Taymas, Kazanlı Türk Meşhurlarından, 15–20; Ämirxan, “Muxammädiyä Mädräsäse,” 32–33.

⁴⁴ Algar, “Shaykh Zaynullah Rasulev,” 121–23; Maraş, “İdil-Ural Bölgesinin,” 81–82; Iamaeva, “Gabdrakhman Rasulev.”

⁴⁵ See R-v, O., K voprosu o magometanskikh i russko-tatarskikh uchilishchakh (Kazan: Tsentral'naia tamografiia, 1916), 15–20, 23–26Google Scholar; Väliyev, “Sibir Mädräsäse,” 188; Ämirxan, “Muxammädiyä Mädräsäse,” 19; Räximkulova and Xämidullin, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” 93; Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 117; Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 66–68, 91, 173; Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 31–33, 37–41.

⁴⁶ Urmançı, Baki, “Çıksa Magriptän Koyaş,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 36Google Scholar. For similar examples of improvements in physical conditions, see Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 116–21; Räximkulova and Xämidullin, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” 75–76.

⁴⁷ See Ascher, Abraham, The Revolution of 1905: Russia in Disarray (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988)Google Scholar; Iamaeva, L. A., Musul'manskii liberalizm v nachala XX veka kak obshchestvenno-politicheskoe dvizhenie (Ufa: Gilem, 2002)Google Scholar; Khabutdinov, A. Iu. and Mukhetdinova, D. V., Vserossiiskie Musul'manskie S'ezdy 1905–1906 gg. (Nizhny Novgorod: Makhinur, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Atay, Hüseyin, Osmanlılarda Yüksek Din Eğitimi (Istanbul: Dergah Yayınları, 1983), 201–5Google Scholar. “Class hours” refers to the total hours that several teachers could teach simultaneously in different classrooms during the time the school was in session in a week.

⁴⁹ Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 36–37; and Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 70–71.

⁵¹ Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar; and Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 35.

⁵² In fact, one of the reformist scholars, Musâ Cârullah Bigiyef (1870–1949), bitterly complained about the neglect of Islamic sciences in the reformed madrasas. In, El-Lüzumiyyat Tercümesi (Kazan: n.p., 1907), 3, quoted in Kanlıdere, Ahmet, Kadimle Cedit Arasında Musa Cârullah(İstanbul: Dergâh Yayınları, 2005)Google Scholar, 189.

⁵³ For the programs of other reformed madrasas in the early twentieth century, see Sharafuddinov and Khanbikov, Istoriia pedagogiki, 159–60; Räximkulova and Xämidullin, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” 99–105; Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse”; Väliyev, “Sibir Mädräsäse”; Maraş, “İdil-Ural Bölgesinin,” 81; Yusupov, Galimdzhan Barudi, 169–70. For other programs that offered European-inspired courses in the early twentieth century, see Hanım, Kâmile and Hanım, Ğazîme, Mu‘allimlerge Numune: İbtidaî ve Rüşdî Mektebleri İçün Ders Programması (Ufa: Şarq, 1912)Google Scholar; Yavşiyeva, Ğayniye, Biş Yıllıq Qız Mektebi Programması (Ufa: Şarq, 1912)Google Scholar; Nurmuhammed, Yahîn, Qız Talebelere Mahsûs Programma (Ufa: Şarq Matba‘ası, 1912)Google Scholar; Medrese-yi Muhammediyye Programması (no author or publication information is given); Seyfî, Fâtih, Mu‘allimlerge Ürnek yaki Ğumûmî Program (Kazan: Tipo-litografiia Ümid, 1914)Google Scholar; and Orenburg'da Bağbustan Hanım Tarafından Te'sîs İtülüb Ânıñ İdâresinde Devâm İtmekde Bulgan Medrese-yi Bağbustaniyyeniñ Müfredât Programması (Orenburg: Tipografiia M. V. Hüseyinova, 1915)Google Scholar. Some of these items involved both maktab and madrasa programs, and some were prepared for girls’ schools that were called “madrasas,” although there had been no madrasas for girls in the tradition of Russia's Muslims until this time.

⁵⁴ For the subjects covered in some madrasas, see Tuqayef, Muhammed Şakir Mahdum, Tarih-i İsterlibaş: Ufa Guberniyası İsterli Tamak Uyezi Kalkaşı Volosu İsterlibaş Avılında Turhanoğlu Muhammed Şakir Tuqayef (Kazan: B. L. Dombrovskogo Tipografiyası, 1899), 10–11Google Scholar; Fahreddin, Âsar, vol. 1, 272–75; and vol. 2, 241–42, 313, 400–2; İbrâhîmof, Tercüme-yi Hâlim, 11–15. For one example of how a madrasa student circulated among several madrasas, see Fahreddin, Âsar, vol. 2, 488–89. Also see Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” 56–58.

⁵⁵ For the Ufa/Orenburg Tatar Teachers' School, see NART, f. 92, op. 1, d. 18999, pp. 1–16ob; and Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” 190–91.

⁵⁶ Räximkulova and Xämidullin, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” 76, 91–93, 99–105; Fahreddin, Ahmed Bay, 41–43; NART, f. 142, op. 1, d. 307, p. 34, printed in Gorokhova, Kazanskaia, 194. Also see Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 125–26.

⁵⁷ Fahreddin, Âsar, vol. 2, 200–1; İbrâhîmof, Tercüme-yi Hâlim, 12–15; Togan, Zeki Velidi, Hatıralar: Türkistan ve Diğer Müslüman Doğu Türklerinin Milli Varlık ve Kültür Mücadeleleri (Ankara: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, 1999), 19Google Scholar. Also see Baig, Khalid, Slippery Stone: An Inquiry into Islam's Stance on Music (Garden Grove, Calif.: Open Mind Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Maksudova, Zäynäp, “Bubida Birinçi Spektakl’,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 71–73Google Scholar; Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 43–44, 165; Mahmutova, Lish tebe, 173–76.

⁵⁹ Urmançı, “Çıksa,” 37; Zäynäp Maksudova, “Bubidä Birinçi Spektakl,'” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 71–73Google Scholar; Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 43–44, 165; Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 173–76.

⁶⁰ Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 121–22.

⁶¹ See Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü, “Transformation of the Ottoman Intelligentsia and the Idea of Science,” Academia de Stiiente Sociale Politice a Republicii Socialiste Romania 24, 2 (1987): 1–6Google Scholar; Burçak, “Science.”

⁶² Some of the reformed madrasa students were involved in the publication of el-Islâh and Tañ Yuldızı, two periodicals with a socialist revolutionary leaning. For an example of debates about various nationalisms, see İbrahimof, Ğâlimcan, “Biz Tatarmiz,” Şûra, 15 Apr. 1911: 236–38Google Scholar; Türkoğlu, “Biz Türkmiz,” Şûra, 15 Apr. 1911: 238–41; 1 Jan. 1912: 19–21; 15 Jan. 1912: 55–56; 1 Feb. 1912: 79–80.

⁶³ See NART, f. 142, op. 1, d. 154, p. 24; “Mullalıkdan Küñil Suvunuvı ve İşbu Haqda Sualler,” Şûra 20 (1913): 622–23Google Scholar; Battal-Taymas, Kazanlı Türk Meşhurlarından, 23–26; Ämirxan, “Muxammädiyä Mädräsäse,” 22–24; Urmançı, “Çıksa,” 37; Sharafuddinov and Khanbikov, Istoriia pedagogiki, 7–9; Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 137–38; Yusupov, Galimdzhan Barudi, 39; Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” 268–72.

⁶⁴ Ämirxan, “Muxammädiyä Mädräsäse,” 22–24.

⁶⁵ Battal-Taymas, Kazanlı Türk Meşhurlarından, 20–25; Yusupov, Galimdzhan Barudi, 53–63.

⁶⁶ Battal-Taymas, Kazanlı Türk Meşhurlarından, 23–26; Yusupov, Galimdzhan Barudi, 39; Urmançı, Baqi, “Çıksa Mağripten Koyaş” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 37Google Scholar. İrfan Gündüz relates Barudî's Sufi credentials to Ahmed Ziyaüddin Gümüşhânevî through Zeynullah Rasûlî. Gündüz, Gümüşhânevî, 157–58.

⁶⁷ Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 46, 177–79; Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 180, 186–89.

⁶⁸ Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 50–51, 137–38; Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 93, 185.

⁶⁹ See the discussions in “Bize Qaysı Ğilmler Lâzımdır” (all 1908): Şûra 7: 197–99; 11: 338–43Google Scholar; 12: 370–72; 13: 317–20; 14: 434–36; and 15: 470–73. Also see Krymskii, Agafangel', Shkola, obrazovannost' i literature u rossiiskikh musul'man (Moscow: n.p., 1905)Google Scholar, 17.

⁷⁰ Among many other places in the corpus of Nursî's works, see Nursî, Said, Kaynaklı-İndeksli-Lügatli Risale-i Nur Külliyatı (İstanbul: Nesil Basım-Yayın, 1996): 49–50, 803–4, 954–56, 1965–66, 1985–2001Google Scholar.

⁷¹ On the educational institutions of the Gülen movement, see Bekim Agai, “The Gülen Movement's Islamic Ethic of Education,” 48–68; and Thomas Michel, “Fethullah Gülen as Educator,” 69–84; both in Yavuz, M. Hakan and Esposito, John L., eds., Turkish Islam and the Secular State: The Gülen Movement (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2003)Google Scholar. Various issues of the popular scientific magazines Sızıntı and Fountain, which have been published by the followers of Fethullah Gülen since 1979 and 1993, respectively, also reveal a sustained effort to Islamicize scientific findings. For other religious movements that have adopted a similar approach in Turkey and elsewhere, see Şentürk, Recep, “Islamic Reformist Discourses and Intellectuals in Turkey: Permanent Religion with Dynamic Law,” in Hunter, Shireen T., ed., Reformist Voices of Islam: Mediating Islam and Modernity (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2009), esp. 242–43Google Scholar; and other contributions in the same volume. Arguably, the Aligarh Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College students also remained within an Islamic paradigm while transforming to a large extent the Islamic tradition that they received from their parents. See Lelyveld, Aligarh's First Generation; and Minault, Gail, “Shaikh Abdullah, Begam Abdullah, and Sharif Education for Girls at Aligarh,” in Ahmad, Imtiaz, ed., Modernization and Social Change among Muslims in India (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1983), 207–36Google Scholar.

⁷² The eminent Tatar historian Mirkasım Usmanov describes the idealization of enlightenment and progress in this period as a “cult.” See Usmanov, M[irkasım]. A., “O triumfe i tragedii idei Gasprinskogo,” his introduction to the reprint of Ismail Gasprinskii, Rossiia i Vostok (Kazan: Tatarskoe Knizhnoe Izdatel'stvo, 1993 [1881]), 4Google Scholar.

⁷³ Togan, Hâtıralar, 42–87.

⁷⁴ Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992)Google Scholar. This volume provides a good but not comprehensive list of the most important reformed madrasas, and includes the Muhammadiya, Bubi, Hüseyniye, Ğâliye, and İsterlibaş madrasas. For estimates of student populations in some of the reformed madrasas, see Tuqayef, Tarih-i İsterlibaş; Väliyev, “Sibir Mädräsäse,” 187; Ämirxan, “Muxammädiyä Mädräsäse,” 21; Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse”; and Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” 218–20.

⁷⁵ Although he is writing about a different historical context, Adeeb Khalid also draws our attention to the change of attitudes about reform between generations, in Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform, 80–113.

⁷⁶ This was generally not the case for the graduates of reformed madrasas in India, the Ottoman Empire, or Egypt. See Zaman, “Religious Education,” 308–9.

⁷⁷ Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse.”

⁷⁸ “İslâmlar Arasında,” Şûra 19 (1911): 588Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ “Mullalıkdan Küñil Suvunuvı ve İşbu Haqda Sualler,” Şûra 5 (1914): 135–40Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ A good example of this depiction is: Kerimî, Fatih, Bir Şakird ile Bir Student (Kazan: Tipografiia B. L. Dombrovskogo, 1903)Google Scholar. The Baku-based, illustrated satirical journal Molla Nasreddin epitomized such ridicule with cartoons. Although published in Baku, it also had a following among the Muslim reformists of the Volga-Ural region. See el-Hamdi, Şerif, “Matbu‘at Vıstafqası,” Şûra 6 (1911): 91Google Scholar.

⁸¹ For examples of such conflicts, see D. Crews, Robert, For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and the Empire in Russia and Central Asia (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 92–142, passimGoogle Scholar.

⁸² See Kerimî, Bir Şakird; [İsmâ‘îl Gaspıralı], “Mîzan,” Tercüman, 5 May 1909; and various issues of the satirical journal Molla Nasreddin.

⁸³ See Seydahmet, Gaspıralı İsmail Bey; Kurat, Akdes Nimet, “Kazan Türklerinde ‘Medeni Uyanış’ Devri,” Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi 24, 3–4 (1966): 95–194Google Scholar; Battal-Taymas, , Kazanlı Türk MeşhurlarındanGoogle Scholar; Lazzerini, , “Ismail Bey”; Nadir Devlet, Rusya Türkleri'nin Millî Mücadele Tarihi (Ankara: Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü Yayınları, 1985)Google Scholar; Kırımlı, Hakan, National Movements and National Identity among the Crimean Tatars, 1905–1916 (Leiden: E. K. Brill, 1996)Google Scholar; Türkoğlu, Rusya Türkleri Arasında; Makhmutova, Lish tebe.

⁸⁴ See Azade-Rorlich, Ayşe, The Volga Tatars: A Profile in National Resilience (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Kanlıdere, Reform within Islam. Two other works, among many, that follow this line of thought are: Ämirxan, Ravil, İmanga Tugrılık (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1997)Google Scholar; and Maraş, Türk Dünyasında Dinî Yenileşme.

⁸⁵ Some of the works that pay close attention to the conservative Russian Muslim ulama are Kemper, Sufis und Gelehrte; Frank, Allen J., Islamic Historiography and ‘Bulghar’ Identity among the Tatars and Bashkirs of Russia (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998)Google Scholar; Frank, Muslim Religious Institutions; Dudoignon, Stephen A., “Qadîmiya as a Historiographical Category: The Question of Social and Ideological Cleavages between ‘Reformists’ and ‘Traditionalists’ among the Muslims of Russia and Central Asia, in the Early 20th Century,” in Kocaoğlu, Timur, ed., Türkistan'da Yenilik Hareketleri ve Devrimler, 1900–1924 (Haarlem: SOTA, 2001): 159–78Google Scholar; and Muhammetshin, Rafik M., Tatarskii traditsionalizm: osobennosti i formy proiavleniia (Kazan: Meddok, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Khalid, Adeeb, “Review of DeWeese, Frank, and Dudoignon, et al.,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 3, 4 (2002): 728–38, esp. 737CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁷ For two good examples that follow this line of analysis, see Maraş, Türk Dünyasında Dinî Yenileşme; and Kanlıdere, Ahmet, Kadimle Cedit Arasında Musa Cârullah (İstanbul: Dergâh Yayınları, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Khalid, Jadidism, 31–32; and Frank, Muslim Religious Institutions, esp. 143–46.

⁸⁹ See Ascher, Abraham, The Revolution of 1905: Authority Restored (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ NART, f. 92, op. 2, d. 19435, pp. 12–14; and Mahmutova, Alta, “Kazandagı Kızlar Öçin Mäktäp-Mädräsälär,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992)Google Scholar, 137.

⁹¹ See NART, f. 41, op. 11, d. 8; Geraci, Robert, Window on the East: National and Imperial Indentities in Late Imperial Russia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), 186, 282–83Google Scholar; Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” 317–50.

⁹² Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 119–20; and Maxmutova, “Kazandagı Kızlar Öçin,” 137.

⁹³ NART, f. 92, op. 2, d. 14852, pp. 22–24ob; Mähdiev, Muhammet, “Bubi Mädräsäse,” in Mähdiev, Röstäm, ed., Mädräsälärdä Kitap Kiştäse (Kazan: Tatarstan Kitap Näşriyatı, 1992), 43–66Google Scholar; Makhmutova, Lish tebe, 231–362; Märdanov, Minnullin, and Räximov, Bertugan Bubıylar, 61–89, 113–28, 180–207.

⁹⁴ Ämirxan, “Muxammädiyä Mädräsäse,” 33; Räximkulova and Xämidullin, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” 89, 106–9; Räximov, “Galiyä Mädräsäse,” 126–27; Gimazova, Prosvetitel'skaia deiatel'nost', 193–218.

⁹⁵ Räximkulova and Xämidullin, “Xüsäyniyä Mädräsäse,” 113–14.

⁹⁶ For the merger of modernity and the West in Islamic studies in general, see Lawrence, “Modernity,” 248.

⁹⁷ Adeeb Khalid makes an excellent case for the wisdom of paying attention to local historical developments in the study of Muslim communities as opposed to essentializing approaches, in Khalid, Adeeb, Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 1–18Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ See Arabacı, Osmanlı Dönemi, 463.

⁹⁹ Compare the programs of Egypt's Dār al-Ulūm, the Ottoman ‘idâdî (higher) schools shortly before 1908, and the program of İstanbul Mekteb-i Sultânîsi (Galatasaray Lycée) with the reformed madrasa programs in Russia. See Eccel, A. Chris, Egypt, Islam, and Social Change: Al-Azhar in Conflict and Accomodation (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1984), 166–67Google Scholar; Ergin, Türkiye Maarif Tarihi, vol. 3–4, 930–31; İstanbul Mekteb-i Sultânîsi Ders Müfredât Programı (İstanbul: Matba‘a-yı ‘Âmire, 1329/1913).

¹⁰⁰ One noteworthy exception that complicates this qualification is Fortna's work on the efforts to introduce Islamic morality in the Ottoman schools during Abdulhamid II's reign. Yet, it is implicit even in Fortna's work that these were Westernized or “secular” educational institutions into which Abdulhamid II's bureaucrats tried to introduce Islamic elements. See Fortna, Benjamin C., “Islamic Morality in Late Ottoman ‘Secular’ Schools,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, 3 (2000): 363–93Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Rahman, Islam and Modernity, 63–70, 99–101.

¹⁰² Metcalf, Islamic Revival; Zaman, , “Religious Education”; Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Zaman, “Tradition and Authority.” For other madrasas in India, see Desai, Ziyaud-Din A., Centres of Islamic Learning in India (New Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1978), 19–68Google Scholar; Kaur, Kuldip, Madrasa Education in India: A Study of Its Past and Present (Chandigarh, India: Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development, 1990), 188–95Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Dâru'l-Hilâfeti'l-‘Âliyye Medresesi (İstanbul: Matba‘a-yı Ahmed Kemal, 1330/1914); Sarıkaya, Medreseler ve Modernleşme, esp. 132–34, 149–50; Arabacı, Osmanlı Dönemi, 459–512; Koçkuzu, A. Osman, Paşadairesi: Fahrettin Kulu ve Hacıveyiszâde Mustafa Kurucu Hoca Efendilerin Hayatı (Konya: Damla Ofset, 2004), esp. 84–85Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ “İslâmlar Arasında Ğilm Niçün Lâzım Derecede Taralmıy?” Şûra 19 (1911): 588Google Scholar; Togan, Hatıralar, 42–87; Tuna, “Imperial Russia's Muslims,” esp. 272–93.